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Public Tears: Populism and the Politics of Emotion in AKP's Turkey

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 November 2020

Senem Aslan Open the ORCID record for Senem Aslan [Opens in a new window]
Senem Aslan*
Affiliation:
Department of Politics, Bates College, 4 Andrews Road, 172 Pettengill, Lewiston, Maine04240, USA
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: [email protected]
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Abstract

This article analyzes the increased visibility and frequency of public weeping by the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Building on the literature that conceptualizes populism as a particular political style, I argue that crying in public can be understood as a populist performative act of legitimation, serving to dramatize the basic components of the populist discourse. I also contend that the increased frequency of public weeping by Erdoğan relate to two major dilemmas that populists in power encounter. Both dilemmas stem from the growing discrepancy between populist rhetoric and practice, diminishing the credibility of the populist leader. Signaling emotional authenticity, Erdoğan’s tearfulness serves to communicate a message of closeness to the people and sustain the anti-elite rhetoric at a time when his political power and economic wealth increasingly set him apart from the politically and economically marginalized. It also attempts to justify authoritarian practices while sustaining the claim to rule in the name of popular power and mobilize constituents against the opposition.

Keywords

AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi)emotionErdoğanRecep TayyippopulismTurkeytears
Type
Article
Information
International Journal of Middle East Studies , Volume 53 , Issue 1 , February 2021 , pp. 1 - 17
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Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press

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References

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43 Hegghammer, “Non-Military Practices,” 185–86.

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45 For more see Esra Özyürek, “Feeling Tells Better than Language: Emotional Expression and Gender Hierarchy in the Sermons of Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi,” New Perspectives on Turkey 16 (1997): 41–51.

46 One also can consider crying in public in the context of popular culture, particularly that of arabesk. Films and songs of the arabesk genre express the urban poor masses’ feelings of frustration, suffering, helplessness, humiliation, and defiance in a highly emotional style. Given Erdoğan's strong appeal among the urban poor, crying in public may have a similar cultural resonance to arabesk films and songs in which tearful men, like Ferdi Tayfur and İbrahim Tatlıses, are not a rare sight. Analyzing this relationship between public tearfulness and arabesk is beyond the confines of this study. For more on arabesk and its emotional repertoire, see Martin Stokes, The Arabesk Debate: Music and Musicians in Modern Turkey (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1992); and Meral Özbek, “Arabesk Culture: A Case of Modernization and Popular Identity,” in Rethinking Modernity and National Identity in Turkey, ed. Sibel Bozdoğan and Reşat Kasaba (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997). Toygar Sinan Baykan briefly discusses Erdoğan's popularity among arabesk singers, connecting it to the low-populist appeal of the AKP (Justice and Development Party, 81–82).

47 “Emine Erdoğan Arakan'da Gözyaşlarını Tutamadı,” TRT Haber, 10 August 2012, https://www.trthaber.com/haber/gundem/emine-erdogan-arakanda-gozyaslarini-tutumadi-51547.html (accessed 12 July 2020).

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54 Lutz, Crying, 43–48.

55 Vingerhoets, Why Only Humans Weep, 132. In contrast, women's crying perpetuates stereotypes of women as weak, emotional, and manipulative. Because of this gender bias, the media is generally more unforgiving of the emotional displays of female politicians than those of males. For more, see Shepard, Ryan, “Confronting Gender Bias, Finding A Voice: Hillary Clinton and the New Hampshire Crying Incident,” Argumentation and Advocacy 46, no. 1 (2009): 67–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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57 For a similar argument about how displaying knowledge of jihadi culture, including weeping in devotional settings, may indicate trustworthiness and authenticity, see Hegghammer, Thomas, ed., Jihadi Culture: The Art and Social Practices of Militant Islamists (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 14–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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64 For more see Carlotta Gall, “Sermons and Shouted Insults: How Erdogan Keeps Turkey Spellbound,” New York Times, 2 April 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/02/world/middleeast/erdogan-turkey.html (accessed 14 May 2018).

65 Uzay Bulut, “Turkey's Violence-Tinged Foreign Policy,” Washington Times, 20 February 2018, https://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2018/feb/20/how-recep-tayyip-erdogan-threatens-the-us-with-an- (accessed 14 May 2018).

66 Ishaan Tharoor, “Muslims Discovered America Before Columbus, Claims Turkey's Erdogan,” Washington Post, 15 November 2014, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2014/11/15/muslims-discovered-america-before-columbus-claims-turkeys-erdogan/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.e2b997f70da8 (accessed 14 May 2018).

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75 Lancaster, Caroline, “The Iron Law of Erdogan: The Decay from Intra-Party Democracy to Personalistic Rule,” Third World Quarterly 35, no. 9 (2014): 1672–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Esen, Berk and Gümüşçü, Şebnem, “The Perils of Turkish Presidentialism,” Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 1 (2018): 43–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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77 Esen and Gümüşçü, “Building a Competitive Authoritarian Regime.”

78 Lancaster, “Iron Law,” 1684.

79 See, for instance, “Erdoğan da Binali Yıldırım da Ağladı,” ABC Gazetesi, 29 July 2016, https://www.abcgazetesi.com/arsiv/erdogan-da-binali-yildirim-da-agladi/haber-23433 (accessed 13 July 2020); “Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan’ı Ağlatan Görüntüler,” YouTube video, 6:28, TRT Avaz, 5 August 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOYxl5mkcS4 (accessed 13 July 2020); and “Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan Ağladı,” Mynet, 15 July 2017, https://www.mynet.com/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-agladi-110103148170 (accessed 13 July 2020).

80 Sara Ahmed, The Cultural Politics of Emotion (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2004), 10.

81 Lutz, Crying, 19.

82 Gračanin, Bylsma, and Vingerhoets, “Why Only Humans Shed Emotional Tears,” 119, 127.

83 The video can be found at: http://www.sonirade.com/guncel/erdogan-ezan-okudu-onlar-studyoda-agladi-tikla-izle-h14678.html (accessed 4 May 2018).

84 See, for instance, “Erdoğan Reveals Last Will, Moves Everyone to Tears,” Hürriyet Daily News, 1 June 2015, https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/erdogan-reveals-last-will-moves-everyone-to-tears-83280 (accessed 13 July 2020); and “Erdoğan Diriliş 2017,” YouTube video, 10:19, Dava Adamı, 16 January 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-dXaskbIpaA (accessed 13 July 2020).

85 Mabel Berezin, “Emotions and Political Identity: Mobilizing Affection for the Polity,” in Passionate Politics: Emotions and Social Movements, ed. Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 86.

86 “Melih Gökçek Canlı Yayında Ağladı: Bu Gözyaşları Hırsımdan,” T24, 25 June 2013, http://t24.com.tr/haber/melih-gokcek-canli-yayindan-hirsindan-agladi,232695 (accessed 13 July 2020).

87 “Ankara Mayor Melih Gökçek Cries During TV Appearance,” Hürriyet Daily News, 28 March 2014, http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/video-ankara-mayor-melih-gokcek-cries-during-tv-appearance-64227 (accessed 13 July 2020).

88 Fethi Açıkel makes a similar comment about the ambivalent political discourse of victimhood and suffering. As it expresses a need for compassion and affection, it also communicates a desire for more power and revenge. See Savaş, “Muslim ‘Crying Boy,’” 117–18. Gerodimos, who studies the ideology of far-left populism in Greece, also suggests that the discourse of victimhood was utilized by radical, left-wing groups as a way to legitimize calls for revenge and violence (“Ideology of Far Left Populism,” 618).

89 Ercan Gürses and Alastair Macdonald, “Turkey's Erdogan Needs Thicker Skin, EU's Tusk Says,” Reuters, 24 April 2016, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-europe-migrants-turkey-eu/turkeys-erdogan-needs-thicker-skin-eus-tusk-says-idUSKCN0XL0L6 (accessed 13 July 2020).

90 “Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan Ağladı,” Mynet, 15 July 2017, http://www.mynet.com/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-agladi-110103148170 (accessed 13 July 2020). For his speech see, “Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan 15 Temmuz Şehitler Köprüsü’nde Konuştu: FETÖ’cülerin Şu An Daha İyi Günleri,” Hürriyet, 15 July 2017, https://www.hurriyet.com.tr/gundem/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-15-temmuz-sehitler-koprusunde-konustu-fetoculerin-suan-daha-iyi-gunleri-40521363 (accessed 13 July 2020).

91 Jasper, Emotions of Protest, 46.

92 Rico, Guinjoan, and Anduiza, “Emotional Underpinnings,” 445–47. The authors compare anger with fear and explain that fear is caused by the perception of an uncertain threat and uncontrollable circumstances. The sense of uncertainty leads to “increased vigilance, information search, and more attentive, systematic processing in judgment making.” Fearful individuals are more likely to avoid risk, which encourages political resignation. See also Pearlman, “Emotions.”

93 For instance see, “15 Temmuz Kadınları Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan’ı Ağlattı,” Posta, 2 November 2016, https://www.posta.com.tr/15-temmuz-kadinlari-cumhurbaskani-erdogan-i-aglatti-1239297 (accessed 13 July 2020); and “Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan’ı Ağlatan Video,” Haberler.com, 20 June 2017, https://www.haberler.com/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-i-aglatan-video-9748534-haberi (accessed 13 July 2020).

94 Pierre Ostiguy and Kenneth Roberts, “Putting Trump in Comparative Perspective: Populism and the Politicization of the Sociocultural Low,” Brown Journal of World Affairs 23, no. 1 (2016): 47.

95 Shaun Walker, “Tears of a Russian President: Putin Cries at Soft-Rock Police Tribute,” Guardian, 14 November 2013, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/14/tears-russian-president-putin-cries-police-concert (accessed 13 July 2020); “Vladimir Putin Crying,” YouTube video, 1:10, Mongol TV, 5 September 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fQe86fEjutQ (accessed 13 July 2020).

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97 In 2017, 46 percent of AKP voters stated that they voted for the party due to their support for Erdoğan. This ratio was double the countrywide average of 23 percent. KONDA, AK Parti Seçmenleri (Istanbul: Konda Araştırma ve Danışmanlık, 2018), 26, http://konda.com.tr/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/KONDA_SecmenKumeleri_AkParti_Secmenleri_Mayis2018.pdf (accessed 20 June 2019).

98 Çelik, Ayşe Betül and Balta, Evren, “Explaining the Micro Dynamics of the Populist Cleavage in the ‘New Turkey,’” Mediterranean Politics 25, no. 2 (2020): 160–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

99 KONDA, Türkiye'nin Siyasal Evrenini Duygu ve Duygulanımlar Üzerinden Anlamak: Olağanüstü Hal, Toplum ve Siyaset (Istanbul: Konda Araştırma ve Danışmanlık, 2017), 65–75, 111–12, http://konda.com.tr/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/KONDA_T%C3%BCrkiyenin_Siyasal_Evrenini_Anlamak_Mayis2017.pdf (accessed 20 June 2019).

100 Sixty-five percent of AKP voters stated that the fluctuation of exchange rates was a result of conspiracies of external powers against Turkey. Ninety-two percent believed that the Gezi protests resulted from the provocations of a big conspiracy against Turkey. Three-quarters of AKP voters supported media censorship for the security of the state, 70 percent were satisfied with the functioning of the judiciary and the rule of law, and 62 percent stated that basic rights and freedoms could be restricted when necessary for the struggle against terror and crime. For more, see KONDA, AK Parti Seçmenleri, 41, 60, 69.

101 KONDA, CHP Seçmenleri (Istanbul: Konda Araştırma ve Danışmanlık, 2018), 26–29, https://konda.com.tr/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/KONDA_SecmenKumeleri_CHP_Secmenleri_Mayis2018.pdf (accessed 13 July 2020); KONDA, HDP Seçmenleri (Istanbul: Konda Araştırma ve Danışmanlık, 2018), 36, http://konda.com.tr/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/KONDA_SecmenKumeleri_HDP_Secmenleri_Mayis2018.pdf (accessed 13 July 2020).

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