Author's Note: I wish to thank Dr. Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid-Marsot and Yahya Sadowski for their many helpful suggestions and criticisms during the successive drafts of this paper.

¹ Sea Gabriel, Baer, “The Development of Private Ownership of the Land,” in his Studies in the Social History of Modern Egypt (Chicago, 1969);Google Scholar and idem, A History of Landownership in Modern Egypt 1800–1950 (Oxford, 1962).Google Scholar

² For a more extensive discussion of modernization theory and its inadequacies, see Samuel, P. Huntington, “The Change to Change: Modernization, Development, and Politics,” Comparative Politics, 3, 3 (04 1971), 283–322.Google Scholar A statement of the theory and its application in an Egyptian context is foundin Robert, Tignor, Modernization and British Colonial Rule in Egypt 1880–1914 (Princeton, 1966).Google Scholar Writers of this school have differed over whether a change in values is primary, or whether technological change first produces the necessary change from traditional to modem values. See, e.g., Manfred, Halpern, The Politics of Social Change in the Middle East and North Africa (Princeton, 1963);Google ScholarDaniel, J. Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (Glencoe, Ill., 1958);Google ScholarJames, A. Bill and Carl, Leiden, The Middle East: Politics and Power (Boston, 1974); and, on the subject of “technicalization,”Google ScholarMarshall, G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (3 vols.; Chicago, 1974), I, 52–53.Google Scholar

³ A recent challenge to the periodicity of the modernization thesis is Peter, Gran'sThe Islamic Roots of Capitalism (Texas, 1979).Google Scholar

⁴ This is not to pose the question of whether “internal forces” had more effect than ‘external” influences in this period. The internal-external dichotomy is as false as the traditional-modern, since in reality processes in both realms were intertwined and cannot be separated.

⁵ See, for example, Jerome, Blum, The End of the Old Order in Rural Europe (Princeton, 1978);Google Scholar and James, C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (Yale, 1976).Google Scholar

⁶ This discussion follows the land system's detailed description in Stanford Shaw, “Landholding and Land-Tax Revenues in Ottoman Egypt,” in Holt, P. M., ed.,Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt (Oxford, 1968), pp. 91–103;Google Scholaridem, The Financial and Administrative Organization and Development of Ottoman Egypt, 1517–1518 (Princeton, 1962), pp. 1–50;Google Scholar and Abd, al-RahimAbd, al-RahmanAbd, al-Rahim, Al-Rīf al-Misrifial-Qarn al-Thāmin al-Thamin 'Ashar (Cairo, 1974), pp. 65–124.Google Scholar

⁷ Scott, Moral Economy, Introduction.

⁸ Abd, al-Rahim, Al-Rīf al-Misrī, pp. 65–124.Google Scholar

⁹ The evolution of the role of Egypt's intermediaries is best described in Shaw, “Landholding and Land-Tax Revenues in Ottoman Egypt.”

¹⁰ Abd, al-Rahim, Al-Rif al-Misrī, p. 78.Google Scholar

¹¹ ibid., pp. 83–86.

¹² In particular, Baer, “The Development of Private Ownership of the Land.”

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¹⁴ See Maxime, Rodinson, Islam and Capitalism (Pantheon, 1973).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Blum, , The End of the Older Order. pp. 19–20.Google Scholar

¹⁷ On sixteenth-century population and prices: Fernand, Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World of Philip II (2 vols.; Harper Torchbooks, 1975), 1. 402–410, 517–519.Google Scholar On eighteenth-century population in Europe, : Blum, , The End of the Old Order, p. 241. Given the evidence for a shared demographic experience in the sixteenth century, Middle Eastern population may have begun to increase along with Europe's in the eighteenth. This possibility is also raised in Braudel“weight of numbers” in Capitalism and Material Life 1400–1800 (2 vols.; Harper and Row, 1973), pp. 1–20.Google Scholar Egypt's population in 1800 has been underestimated by as much as one-third; see Justin, A. McCarthy, “Nineteenth-Century Egyptian Population,” Middle East Studies, 12, 3 (10. 1976), 1–139Google Scholar

¹⁸ “Between the 17305 and the first decade of the nineteenth century, cereal prices went up by 283 percent in Denmark, 259 percent in Austria, 210 percent in Germany, and 163 percent in France” (Blum, , The End of the Old Order, p. 242; on land prices and speculation: pp. 17–20; 170 241–242). In Cairo, the average prices of wheat, rice, and beans in 1791–1798 were approximately two and a half times what they were during 1680–1690 (see n. 23 below).Google Scholar

¹⁹ For Europe: ibid., pp. 17–20.

²⁰ Braudel, , The Mediterranean, 1, 584, 591–594;Google ScholarRobert, Paris, Histoire du commerce de Marseille de 1660 à 1789, vol., Levant Le, ed. Gaston, Rambert (Paris, 1957), pp. 537–539.Google Scholar

²¹ The growth of French commerce in the eastern Mediterranean during the eighteenth century can be followed in Paris (ibid.); Paul, Masson, Histoire du commerce francais dans le Levant au XVIIIe siécle [Paris, 1896]).Google Scholar Textile production in parts of the eastern Mediterranean was expanding during this period, only partly in response to Europe's expansion. See Yahya Sadowski, “Eighteenth-Century Syrian Social Revolution: 1720–1840,” paper read at the 1978 Middle East Studies Association conference, Ann Arbor, Mich. The Egyptian Delta silk-finishing industry was organized by Syrians who penetrated the Egyptian economy early in the century(Girard, M. P. S., “Memoire sur l'agriculture, l'industrie, et le commerce de l'Egypte,” DE. 17, 208–209, 219–223;)Google ScholarAlbert, Hourani, “The Syrians in Egypt in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Colloque Internationale sur l'Histoire du Caire (1969), pp. 222–224.Google Scholar

²² The economic history of the eastern Mediterranean in this period has yet to be approached with a region-wide perspective. The study of the Balkans is most advanced; see Peter, F. Sugar, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354–1804 (Seattle and London, 1977),Google Scholar part 4. On the Lebanon: Iliya Hank, F., Politics and Change in a Traditional Society: Lebanon 1711–1845 (Princeton, 1968);Google ScholarWilliam, R. Polk, The Opening of South Lebanon. 1788–1845 (Harvard, 1963).Google Scholar On Palestine: Amnon, Cohen, Palestine in the 18th Century (Jerusalem, 1973).Google Scholar For Egypt the best discussions of countrywide production and distribution are still to be found in various articles of the Description de l'Egypte, especially Girard, “Memoire sur l'agnculture, l'industrie, et le commerce de l'Egypte.” Production and trade in Cairo is discussed in Andre Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIe siécle (2 vols.; Damascus, 1973).Google Scholar

²³ Raymond, , Artisans et commerçants, 1, 53–65.Google Scholar Raymond stresses local conditions and events as determining fluctuations in the prices of basic commodities. Yet the century-long rise in commodity prices is roughly in accord with that of contemporary Europe. See n. 18, above, and Fernand, Braudel and Ernest, Labrousse, eds., Histoire economique et sociale de Ia France (2 vols.; Paris, 1970), I, 383–391.Google Scholar

²⁴ Paris, Histoire du commerce de Marseille, p. 523.

²⁵ Bistra, Cvetkova, “Quelques problémes du féodalisme ottoman a l'époque du XVIe siécle au XVIIIe siécle,” Actes du premier congrés international des études balcaniques et sud-est européenes, Sofia, 1966 (5 vols.; Sofia, 1966–1970), III, 709–720.Google Scholar

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²⁷ Deena, R. Sadat, “Rumeli Ayanlari: The Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Modern History 44 (09. 1972), 346–363.Google Scholar The literature discussing this has been summarized in Sugar, Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, pp. 211–221.Google Scholar

²⁸ Domique, Chevallier, “Aspects sociaux de la question d'Orient,” Annales, 14 (1959) 35–64;Google ScholarHank, , Politics and Change, on waqf, pp. 83–85, 93–95.Google Scholar

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³³ Abd, al-Rahim, Al-Rīf al-Misrī, pp. 83–84.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Terence, Walz, The Trade between Egypt and Bilād al-Sudān 1700–1820 (Cairo, 1978), pp. 110–112, 115.Google Scholar

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⁴³ ibid., p. 80. Cf., Blum, The End of the Old Order, pp. 206–207.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Sadat, , “Rumeli Ayanlari,” p. 348.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ On the village shaykh in general, see Gabriel, Baer, “The Village Shaykh 1800–1950,” in Studies, pp. 30–61;Google Scholar on the shaykh, khūlī and other village officials: Abd, al-Rahim, Al-Rīf al-Misrī, pp. 18–36.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ Egyptian peasants at various times had recourse to violence in defense of their interests. What makes these cases remarkable is their degree of success. See Gabriel, Baer, “Submissiveness and Revolt of the Fallah,” in Studies, pp. 93–108.Google Scholar

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⁷¹ Edouard, Driault, Mohamed Aly el Napoléon (1807–1814). Correspondence des consuls de France en Egypte (Cairo, 1925), pp. 59, 73, 97, 132–133, 227;Google ScholarJabarti, , Merveilles, 8, 297;Google ScholarMengin, , Histoire, 2, 397–398.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ ibid., pp. 129–130, 132, 148–149, 176–178. Whether a significant number were relocated to Buhayra is unknown.

⁷⁵ ibid., pp. 206–215, 277–279.

⁷⁶ ibid., pp. 244–245, 320–323, 347–348.

⁷⁷ ibid., IX, 92.

⁷⁸ Yacoub, Artin, La propriété foncière en Egypte (Cairo, 1883), pp. 311–312, 89;Google ScholarJabarti, , Merveilles, 9, 91.Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ Levon Marashlian, “The Armenian Boghos Bey Yusufian in the Viceregency of Muhammad Au Pasha,” forthcoming in Armenian Review.

⁸⁶ For example, Raymond describes how Cairo's beys engaged in commercial activities: Artisans et commerçants, II, 717–719. Cavalla itself was an entrepot to the rich region of cotton, rice, tobacco, and silk farming dominated by the commercial center of Salonica. During Muhammad Ali's thirty years there the area saw the rapid development of çiftilk cotton farming (Stoianovich, “Land Tenure and Related Sectors of the Balkan Economy,” pp. 402–404).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Descriptions of this fleet and its activities before the 1820s show its function to be primarily commercial-diplomatic: Georges, Durand-Viel, Les campagnes navales de Mohammad-Aly et d'Ibrahim (2 vols.; Paris, 1935), I, 100–102, 152, 155–157, 210;Google ScholarDriault, , Mohammad-Aly et Napoleon, pp. 132–133, 136, 188;Google Scholaridem, La formation de l'empire de Mohamed Aly de l'Arabie au Soudan (1814–1823) (Cairo, 1927), pp. 104–105.Google Scholar

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⁹⁹ ibid., pp. 263–264; idem, “Essai sur les causes de renchérissement de la vie materielle au Caire dans le courant de XIX siècle,” Memoires presentées a l'Institut Egyptien, V. 2, (Cairo, 1907), 71–72;Google ScholarRa'uf, Abbas Hamid, Al-Nizām al-Ijtimā'īfī Misr fī Zill al-Milkiyyāt al-Zirā'iyya al-Kabīra 1837–1914 (Cairo, 1973), p.68.Google Scholar

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¹⁰³ Jabarti, , Merveilles, 9, 316.Google Scholar Others have implied that masmūh was granted in Lower Egypt during the first cadaster, but there is no evidence for this. The Royal Council's register, Sijill al-Dīiwān al-Khidīwī, written at some time after the grants in question were made and quoted by Barakat, contains a contradictory account. First, it mentions 440,127 faddans in Lower Egypt not taxed in 1815–1816, and 1,775,611 faddans in Upper Egypt not taxed in 1820–1821, “because it was būr “meaning either fallow or waste land” at that time.” Then, in summing up, it states, “The total of the land of Upper and Lower Egypt upon which no tax was assessed, then, was 2,215,738 faddans, including ib'ādiyyas, the multazims' ūsya, masmūh al-mashaikh, … masmüh al-mastaba, … and bür … (Barakat, , Tatawwur al-Milkiyya, pp. 27–28).Google Scholar

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¹¹⁶ Natural disasters were not decisive, however, as they occurred both earlier and later without producing crises of these proportions.

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¹²⁴ ibid., pp. 106–107.

¹²⁵ ibid., pp. 85–94. The evidence for court factionalism has been uncovered by Dr. Afaf Marsot in the course of current research.

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