^{page 470 note 1} İlter, Aziz Samih, Şimali Afrikada Türkler (Istanbul, 1937), vol. 2, p. 128.Google Scholar İlter seems to have used the Turkish instructions to the Beylerbeyi of Tunis for his book, but not the two letters in Arabic. I would like to express my appreciation to Bay Mahmut Dikerdem, the Turkish Ambassador in Ghana, for obtaining photographs of these documents for me, and to DrMénage, V., MrMeredith-Owens, G. M., and DrBaşöz, M.Ilhan, for helping me with the Turkish.Google Scholar

^{page 472 note 1} See Urvoy, Y., op. cit. p. 76,Google Scholar ‘(Idrîs) fit venir des instructeurs Turcs’, and Trimingham, J. S., A History of Islam in West Africa (Oxford, 1962), p. 122.Google Scholar The Palmer book was published at Lagos'in 1926. His books on the Sudan have been well described as ‘curious works… containing a mass of information, but uncritical and full of inasccuracies’.

^{page 472 note 2} See Barth, H., Travels in Central Africa (2 vols., London, 1857), vol. 2, p.646.Google Scholar Another useful source for diplomatic and other contacts between Bornu and Tripoli in the period 1512–1677 is the so-called Narrative of the French Prisoner (Rélation du médecin-esclave). Written about 1677 or 1678 by a certain Girard, it is conserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale (ancien fonds de Fontanieu, or fonds français mss. 12, 219 and, 12, 220). This source was used by Féraud, L.-C. in his Annales tripolitaines (Paris, 1927), see esp. pp. xv–xvi.Google Scholar A summary of Girard's account, entitled Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly, may be found in Fresnel, M., ‘Mémoire sur… le Waday’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), 3ème série, 11, 01–02 1849, pp. 5–259Google Scholar (see the appendix on the chronology of the kings of Bornu, pp. 252–9).Google Scholar In his account, Girard mentions contacts between Maî Mûsa of Bornu and the Spaniards in 1512, largely to promote trade in European goods. Another mission from Bornu was despatched to a Turk (?) in 1534, certain ‘Haggi-Ariaden’ (Hâjj ‘Ala’ al-Dîn?) at Tajûra near Tripoli (pp. 252–3). In 1555, Girard claims, an alliance was forged between Maî Muhammad of Bornu and Turgut Re'îs, Pâshâ of Tripoli (see pp. 486–7 below). It was Maî Muhamad, according to Girard, who was able to put 100,000 men into the field against the ruler of ‘Cabi’ (Kebbi), probably Kotal Kanta, between 1550 and 1560. Girard notes the exchange of 1576–8 recorded in these documents, which he thinks 'was between Maî ‘Abdallâh and Ja'far Pāshā, rather than Malik Idrîs and Murâd III in Istanbul, as the Turkish archival materials make clear. However, Girard (p.254) states that Ja'far Pâshâ sent one of his officers as ambassador to Bornu, with gifts of firearms and horses. He suggests that the latter in Arabic seen in Tripoli by the Italian slave Giovanni di Vesti (see below) was brought to the Pâshâ by this embassy. It seem more likely that what di Vesti saw was an earlier contact, before 1573. However, the alliance was renewed Girard says, between Maî Idrîs and Ussaim (Husayn) Pâshâ of Tripoli, in 1598. Later contacts between ‘Maî Idris’ and Tripoli are listed by Girard as taking place in 1615 and 1627, for Maî ‘Umar b. Idrîs in 1636 and 1638, for Maî Hâjj ‘Alî in the 1640s and 50s. On pages 256–7 Girard introduces a French translation of a letter in Arabic from Maî Hâjj ‘Alî to ‘Uthmăn Păshă of Tripoli, dated 1653. Girard mentions on p. 258 another letter of 1672, from Tripoli to Bornu, and states that by 1677, Maî Hâjj ‘Alî had already reigned 31 years. On page 254 of his narrative, Girard mentions the Cosmografia of the Neapolitan nobleman, d'Anania, Giovanni Lorenzo (L'universale fabrica del mondo, overo cosmografia; first edition, Naples, 1573; second and third editions, Venice, 1576, 1582).Google Scholar The third part (Trattato Terzo) of this interesting work is a discussion of Africa. It contains many useful facts, such as the following passage from pages 349–50 of the Venice edition of 1582: ‘…After that, one comes to Bornò on the bank of the River Negro (where there is a great lake caused by the aforesaid river), a very large city having much commerce. It has its own king… who uses the: Arabic language in writing to foreign princes, as I am assured by Signor Giovanni di Vesti, a most honourable person. Among the Turks, where he was the slave of a great count, he himself saw a letter which he [ruler of Bornu] had written with much eloquence and very great art to the Bassa (Pâshâ) of Tripoli. This prince is so powerful that he has several times put into the field several thousand men against the King of Cabi (Kebbi),. whom the Negroes deem to'be an emperor because of his might. ‘They (Kanuris) also have a great number of horses, which the Arabs take from their lands; and from which they make great profit; selling them for atleast 700 scudis or a thousand each. These do not enjoy life for long; when the sun enters the Sign of-the Lion, many died each year fron the extreme heat… These days many Turks go there in order to seek their fortunes, and also many Moors of Barbary, who are their learned men (dottori), and where, being very few, they are paid most handsomely, as is done amongst all these Negroes who are Muslims. From there [Bornu] every year go many. merchants bearing so much of the best Cordovans (Corduani) that it is accounted a great thing in the Fezzan. From there they return with countless numbers of horses, accompanying the caravans of Negro merchants...'

^{page 474 note 1} A blank space has been left in the text for the insertion of the name of the emissary. It is tempting to equate a well-known passage from Imâm Ahmad ibn Fartuwa's Kanem Wars of Maî Idrîs Alooma (in Palmer, H. R., Sudanese Memoirs (Lagos 1928), vol. 1, p. 69)Google Scholar with the missing name of the emissary here. ‘When we had proceeded a short distance towards the west, we met messengers of the king, the Lord of Stambul, the Sultan of Turkey, who had been sent to our Sultan together with the learned Hâjj Yûsuf, known as “Gate of the Chosen”…O my wise friends and companions! Have you ever seen a king equal to our Sultan, or like him at the time when the Lord of Stambul, the Sultan of Turkey, sent messengers to him from his country, indicating his desire to gain his affection and his eagerness for his society and friendship?’ There is another reference to this incident in Palmer's, Bornu Sahara and Sudan (London, 1936), p. 243. But on page 76 of Sudanese Memoirs, vol. 1, Palmer admits that his text is corrupt. When these texts have been rediscovered in manuscript form, retranslated, and properly published, some weight may perhaps be given to them.Google Scholar

^{page 476 note 1} A blank space has been left in the text for the insertion of the name of the emissary See note I, p. 474 above.Google Scholar

^{page 481 note 1} Mayer, L. A., ‘New material for Mamlûk heraldry’, Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, vol. 17 (1937), pp. 52–62.Google Scholar

^{page 482 note 1} al-Qalqashandî, Abū'l-'Abbâs Ahmad, Subh al-a‘shâ fî sinâ'at al-inshâ’ (Cairo, 1334/1915–1916), vol. 8, pp. 7–8 (outgoing) and pp. 116–18 (incoming).Google Scholar

^{page 482 note 2} Heyd, op. cit. pp. 3–31.Google Scholar

^{page 483 note 1} For a useful summary of the early Islamic history of the Fazzân, see Rossi, Ettore, ‘Storia del medio evo e dell'età moderna’, in Zoli, Corrado et al. , Il Sahara Italiano, I, Fezzàn e oasidi Gat, Società Italiana di arte grafiche, Rome, vol. 15 (1937), pp. 333–51.Google Scholar For late nineteenth-century contacts between Bornu, and Istanbul, , Tripoli, via, see my ‘Five Arabic Letters from the Tripoli Archives’, Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (Ibadan), 2, 3 (1963), pp. 350–70.Google Scholar

^{page 483 note 2} Barth, H., Travels in Central Africa (London, 1858), vol. 5, pp. 437–9.Google Scholar

^{page 483 note 3} For the Banû Khattâb, see al-Zâwî, Tâhir Ahmad, Ta'rîikh al-fath al-‘arabîi fî Lîbyâ (Cairo, 1963), pp. 35 and 239.Google Scholar Zâwî states that the Banû Khattâb remained at Zawîla from 386 to 568 H. These Ibâdîs at this important junction almost certainly spread their sect from this point south and west into the Sudan.

^{page 484 note 1} See Zâwî, op. cit. pp. 239–41,Google Scholar and al-Tijânî, Abû Muhammad 'Abdallâh, Rihlat al-Tijânî (Tunis, Matba'at al-Rasmîya, 1378/1958), p. III.Google Scholar

^{page 484 note 2} 'Alî, Ismâ'îl b., Abû'l-Fida, 'Imâd al-Dîn, in Reinaud, M., Géographie d'Aboulféda, vol. 2, 2 (Paris, 1848), Arabic text, pp. 146–7.Google Scholar See also Mauny, Raymond, Tableau géographique de l'Ouest Africain, IFAN (Dakar, 1961), p. 435, for more information about this route.Google Scholar

^{page 484 note 3} Nachtigal, G., Sahara und Sudan (Berlin, 1879), vol. 1, p. 165.Google ScholarHornemann, Friedrich, in his Tagebuch seiner Reise von Cairo nach Murzuck, der Hauptstadt des Königreichs Fessan in Afrika in den Jahren 1797 u. 1798, ed. König, C. (Weimar, 1802), p. 81,Google Scholar noticed even at the time of his visit that the Sultân Muhammad b. Mansûr had two chief officials, the ‘Kaledyma’ (Galadima) and the ‘Keijumma’ (Kaigama). These are well-known Kanuri titles. For Trâghan , which is situated about half-way between Zawîla and Murzuq, see the Topographic map of the United Kingdom of Libya, U.S. Dept. of the Interior/Libyan Ministries of Economy, Petroleum Affairs and Industry, 1962, I: 2,000,000 (map I–350–B).Google Scholar

^{page 485 note 1} SeeRossi, loc. cit. p. 337; Nachtigal, op. cit. p. 166; Urvoy, op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar The statement in the article ‘Fazzân’ in Sâmî, Shams al-Dîn (Frascheri's, Sâmî Bey) Qâmûs al-A'lâm (Istanbul, 1306–1315/1889–1998), vol. 5, pp. 3408–10,Google Scholar that the founder of this dynasty was one Sayyid al-Mustansir Muhammad al-Fazzân I is certainly incorrect. Mahmûd, Hasan Sulaymân, Lîbyâ bayn al-mâdî wa'l-hâdir, (Cairo, 1962), p. 172,Google Scholar names the founder as a certain Muhammad, Murtasir b., a ‘sharîf of Marrâkish’, but dates the establishment of the Awlâd Muhammad during the period of the Spanish occupation of Tripoli (1510–1551).Google Scholar

^{page 486 note 1} Ghalbûn, Ibn, op. cit. ed. al-Zâwi, Tâhir Ahmad (Cairo, 1349/1930–1931), pp. 99–100.Google Scholar

^{page 486 note 2} Le Fezzan, ses jardins, ses palmiers: notes d'ethnographie et d'histoire (Tunis, 1948), pp. 18–19.Google Scholar

^{page 486 note 3} Other rulers of the Awlâd Muhammad, in conflict with the Turks, did flee to Bornu and to Katsina. In 1032/1622–23, Nâsir's son Tâhir fled to Bornu to escape Ottoman pressure but fell into the hands of Maî 'Umar al-Muqaddasî (or Maqdisî) ibn Idrîs, who killed him and his followers for some personal grudge.Google Scholar

^{page 487 note 1} Giraed, Histoire chronologique du royaume de Tripoly,Google Scholar quoted by Fresnael, M., ‘Mémoire sur le… Waday’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, vol. 11 (Paris, 1849), p. 253.Google Scholar

^{page 487 note 2} For the career of Kotal Kanta of Kebbi, see Ifemesia, C. C., ‘States of the Central Sudan: (II) Hausa states’, in A Thousand Years of West African History, ed. Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Espie, Ian (Ibadan, 1965), pp. 101–2.Google Scholar

^{page 487 note 3} Leo Africanus, trans. John Pory (1600), Hakluyt Society, vol. XCIV, part III (London, 1896), p. 797.Google Scholar Leo was certainly right on this point. In addition to the castle at Trâghan mentioned by Nachtigal, many other ruins canbe noted on the Murzuq sheet of the GSGS 1:1,000,000 series (map NG. 33). The ruins of the ‘Red Castle’ of Sabha are marked: there was also a fortress at Murzuq. There are at least two ruined fortifications just west of Trâghan on the route to Murzuq. Just north of Murzuq, the Wâdî Shâtî' and the Wâdi Irawân show many ruins. There are ruins at al-Qartrûn, and at al-Bakkî. There is a castle at Tajarhî south of Murzuq, and Lethielleux notes that ‘tout au sud, vers le Tibesti, les ruines sont encore abondantes… dans la partie nord, le Qasr Mariané au sud est de Bakki…’ (pp. 48–9). Just south of Tajarhî, on a route to the south, is a ruin marked ‘Gasr Agama Curua’. Another useful reference for these matters is Gigliarelli, U., Il Fezzan (Tripoli, 1932), which contains among other things a description of seven domed towers at Zawîla, known locally as the ‘tombs of the Banû Khattâb’ (pp. 542–2).Google Scholar Archaeological investigations of these citadels, fortresses, and other ruins would surely reveal much of the past of the Fazzân.

^{page 487 note 4} According to Palmer, J. R., The Bornu Sahara and Sudan (London, 1936), p. 146,Google Scholar Maî Arku or Arki of Kanem had placed slave colonies of the Ahl Gara (Garamantes? Qurân?), who had been driven out of the Fazzân by the Hilâl and the Sulaym at Dirku, in the Kawar Oasis, at Siggidim near Yat, and at Zayla (Zawîla?). In a period when Bornu was expanding, as it did under Maî Idrîs, it is entirely possible that such points were regarrisoned. and rebuilt.

^{page 488 note 1} İlter, Aziz Samih, op. cit. vol. II, p. 128. Kuka, or Kukawa, was of course the capital, of-Bornu at a, later period.Google Scholar

^{page 488 note 2} Maqrîzî, writing about the origin of African ethnic groups which are known to him, traces some of them back to Kan'ân the son of Ham, including the Qurân. This passage taken from the Iklîl of al-Hamdânî, reads: ‘And Kan'ân ibn. Hâm married Artît the daughter of Tabâwîl b. Tars ibn Yâfith and she bore him Hut and the Blacks (asôwid), the Nuba, the Qurân, the Zanj, the Zaghâwa and the peoples of the Sudan.’ The context of this passage is a discussion of the Beja, whom Maqrîzî classifies among the ‘Berbers’, and can be found in Kitâb al-mawdâ'iz wa'l-i'tibâr (Cairo, 1324/1906–1907), vol. I, p. 319. In the Wiet edition of this work, vol. III (Cairo, 1922), p. 280, note 6, the editor reads the name as Fazzân, but lists Q.r.n. and Q.rân as variants.Google ScholarLöfgren, Oscar, editor of Hamdânîs', Iklîl, vol. 1, (Uppsala, 1954), p. 30,Google Scholar line 9, reads Fazzân also, for a garble doubtless Qurân in the original. See also Munabbih, Wahb ibn, apud Y. Kamâl, Monumenta, vol.I, p. 483.Google Scholar For more material on the Qurân, see Africanus, Leo, op. cit. vol. I, p. 173,Google Scholar and Nachtigal, G., op. cit. vol. 2 (Berlin 1881), pp. 186–7,Google Scholar as well as Carbou, H., La Région du Tchad et du Ouadai (Paris, 1912), vol. 1, p. 114,Google Scholar who declares that: ‘les Arabes de la région du Tchad emploient généralement le mot Gour'an pour designer les Toubou du sud’. More up-to-date treatments of the Teda-Daza may be found in d'Arbaumont, J., ‘Le Tibesti et le domaine Teda-Daza’, in Bulletin de l'IFAN, 16 (1954), pp. 255–306,Google Scholar and the excellent book of Chappelle, Jean, Nomades noirs du Sahara (Paris, 1957).Google Scholar

^{page 489 note 1} Chapelle, J., op. cit. pp. 29–31. See the map at the end of this book, and also °on pages 34–5. There is also a good map of the Teda-Daza area facing page 306 of the article by d'Arbaumont.Google Scholar

^{page 490 note 1} For example, see the as yet unpublished Ph.D. thesis of Hess, Andrew (Harvard, 1966), on the relations between the Turks of Algeria and the Sharifian empire of Morocco, based largely on materials from the Turkish archives.Google Scholar