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⁵ The national leader has been described as the individual who “always sets the tone and articulates the main thematic qualities of what might be called the official ideology.” Bill, James A. and Leiden, Carl. The Middle East: Politics and Power (Boston, 1974), P. 228. Qadhdhafi largely occupied this role from the early days of the revolution and totally dominated it by the mid-1970s.Google Scholar

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⁸ Qadhdhafi's early practice of repeating Nāsir's speeches almost verbatim, regardless of the changes in time and circumstances, became a standing joke in the Arab world. First, Ruth, Libya: The Elusive Revolution (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1974). p. 218.Google Scholar Sensitive to such criticism, Qadhdhafi described the Libyan revolution as a “continuation” of Nāsir's revolution but not a mirror image. He explained, “the Egyptian charter is not a Koran and is liable to change.” Ansell and al-Arif. Libyan. p. 280.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ The government structure outlined in the temporary constitution has become largely irrelevant to the system of people's committees and revolutionary committees which developed after 1973. I have discussed the evolution of the current system of government elsewhere; and while the popular revolution in government is a part of Qadhdhafi's ideology, there is no need to repeat that discussion here. Alexander, Nathan [Ronald Bruce St John, “Libya: The Continuous Revolution,” Middle Eastern Studies, 17, 2 (04 1981). pp. 210–227.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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²⁰ By late 1973. Qadhdhafi was able to boast that his policy had succeeded in isolating Israel from Africa. Mu'Ammar el Qathafi, Discourses, (Valetta, Malta, 1975), pp. 32 and 118–119.Google Scholar

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²³ Qathafi, Muammar Al, The Green Book, Part III, The Social Basis of the Third Universal Theory (Tripoli, 1979).Google ScholarQadhdhafi has persistently denied an economic basis for his theory. “Gathafi's Press Conference in Paris,” Progressive Libya, November–December 1973, p. 4.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ajami, Fouad, The Arab Predicament: Arab Political Thought and Practice Since 1967 (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 199–200.Google ScholarFor an introduction to the Third Universal Theory, see the speech given by Qadhdhafi to the opening session of the International Conference of Youth in Tripoli on 14 May 1973. FBIS-MEA, 16 May 1973, pp. T1–T9 and 12 August 1980, p. 11.Google ScholarThe Libyan Arab Republic, Ministry of Information and Culture (hereafter LAR), The Fundamentals of the Third International Theory (Tripoli, 1974), pp. 3 and 14–16.Google Scholar

²⁵ “Al-Qadhdhafi Ties His Policies to Koran,” Al-Fajr al-Jadid, Tripoli, 19 February 1978.Google ScholarU.S. Department of Commerce, Office of Technical Services, Joint Publications Research Service(Washington) 70813, No. 1772, 21 February 1978, p. 130. Hereafter JPRS.Google Scholar

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²⁸ FBIS-ME4, 21 August 1980, pp. 12–16.Google Scholar In contrast, Michel 'Aflaq of the Syrian Ba'th Party argued that Arab nationalism comprehends Islam but is superior to it. Binder, Leonard, The Ideological Revolution in the Middle East (New York, 1964), p. 168.Google Scholar

²⁹ Qadhdhafi has stated that the first chapter of The Green Book is his interpretation of a phrase from the Koran, “They shall run their affairs by consultation.” JPRS 70813, No. 1772, pp. 130–131.Google ScholarFBIS-MEA, 1 September 1981, pp. Q10–Q13;Google ScholarAl-Fajr al-Jadid, July 4, 1978, p. 4.Google Scholar Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani also found inspiration in the Koran for a democratic consultative assembly. Khadduri, Majid, Political Trends in the Arab World: The Role of Ideas and Ideals in Politics (Baltimore, 1979), pp. 29–30.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Ansell and al-Arif, Libyan, pp. 115–117. An Association for the Propagation of Islam was also founded in 1970 to train Muslim missionaries. By 1977, the Association had reportedly fielded 350 missionaries, only two of which were Libyans. Daniel Pipes, “No One Likes the Colonel,” The American Spectator, 14, 3 (March 1981), pp. 18–22.Google Scholar

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⁵² The Libyan Arab Republic. Ministry of Information and Culture, Aspects of First of September Revolution (Tripoli. 1973). pp. 9–11;Google ScholarQathafi. Discourses. pp. 69–90;Google ScholarFBIS-MEA 5 March 1980, p. 17 and 9 June 1980, p. 12.Google Scholar

⁵³ For more details on these merger attempts see Alexander, Nathan [Ronald Bruce St John, “The Foreign Policy of Libya: Inflexibility Amid Change.” Orhis, 24, 4 (Winter 1981), pp. 832–838.Google Scholar Ba'th ideology envisioned a union of Arab countries whose progress was obstructed by their lack of capital and natural resources with their better-endowed neighbors. Torrey, Gordon H.. “The Ba'th-ldeology and Practice,” Middle East Journal, 23, 4 (Autumn 1969), p. 451.Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ For a penetrating analysis of Qadhdhafi's economic policies see Allan, Libya, pp. 179–316. FBISMEA, 12 February 1979. pp. 12–13 and 17 April 1979, pp. 12–13;Google Scholar Omar I. el Fathaly, Palmer, Monte, and Chackerian, Richard, Political Development and Bureaucracy in Libya (Lexington, Mass., 1977), pp. 19–21 and 36–38;Google ScholarWright, Libya, p. 263.Google Scholar

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⁶⁶ FBIS-MEA, 18 October 1978, p. 15; 12 February 1979, pp. 12–13; 18 June 1980, p. 12 and 9 March 1981, p. Q1. Ba'th socialism also limited ownership of buildings to what could be personally used. Exploitation by means of renting was expressly prohibited. Torrey, “The Ba'th Ideology and Practice,” p. 251. For the effects of these measures on the Libyan economy see St John, “Libya's Foreign and Domestic Policies,” p. 429.Google Scholar

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