Published online by Cambridge University Press: 15 October 2010
Through a reading of 19th-century Persian travel narratives, this article locates the history of Iran and Central Eurasia within recent literature on global frontier processes and the encounter between empire and nature. It argues that Persianate travel books about Central Eurasia were part of the imperial project to order and reclaim the natural world and were forged through the material encounter with the steppes. Far from a passive act of collecting information and more than merely an extension of the observer's preconceptions, description was essential to the expansion and preservation of empire. Although there exists a vast literature on Western geographical and ethnographic representations of the Middle East, only recently have scholars begun to mine contacts that took place outside of a Western colonial framework and within an Asian setting. Based on an analysis of Riza Quli Khan Hidayat's Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, the record of an expedition sent from the Qajar Dynasty to the Oxus River in 1851, the article explores the 19th-century Muslim “discovery” of the Eurasian steppe world. The expedition set out to define imperial boundaries and to reclaim the desert, but along the way it found a permeable “middle ground” between empires, marked by transfrontier and cross-cultural exchanges.
Author's note: Earlier versions of this article were presented at Yale University, the University of California, Los Angeles, Ohio State University, and Pomona College. I am grateful to Abbas Amanat, Nikki Keddie, Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Stephen Dale, Michael Bonine, and Dana Young for their helpful comments along the way. In particular, Beth Baron, Sara Pursley, and the four anonymous reviewers from IJMES thoroughly changed the nature of this article with their thoughtful comments, opening the manuscript in ways that I had not seen. Any mistakes in the article are mine to keep.
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30 This article uses the terms “Persianate” and “Persianate world” to refer to the geographical area where Persian languages and cultures have historically thrived, including parts of West Asia, Central Asia, India, and the Indian Ocean region. It includes not only the Persians but also Iranian peoples speaking Persian languages—Afghan, Baluch, Tajik, Hazara—many of whom today live outside the boundaries of modern Iran. In this article, “Iran” refers to the imperial domain known in the West until 1935 as “Persia.”
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32 Crossing the Oxus was a difficult task and was not taken lightly. The 13th-century Muslim geographer Yaqut recounted in his voluminous geographical dictionary, Muʿjam al-Buldan, how on a journey from Marv he and his companions nearly died from the cold, snow, and ice they had endured on the river. See Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 444–45.
33 See, for instance, the 16th-century illustrated manuscript page of Mirkhvand's Rawzat al-Safa showing Mirza Abul-Qasim crossing the Oxus with a sense of fear and caution. British Library, India Office, 15724, Or. 5736, folio 368.
34 The map collection at the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tehran includes a number of 19th-century maps of the Eurasian frontier, from the Caspian to the Oxus.
35 In the 1860s, these maps were commissioned by Sipahsalar-i Aʿzam and were made by Sartip Muhandis Muhammad Mirza and Monsieur Bohler, both of whom were affiliated with the Dar al-Funun. See Mirza Abu al-Hasan Khan Saniʿ al-Mulk Ghaffari, Ruznama-yi Dawlat-i ʿAlliya-yi Iran, 569, 8–9. In a similar cartographic project in the 1880s, Mirza Muhammad ʿAli Khan Sarhang Muhandis mapped the eastern borderlands of Qajar Persia from Sarakhs to the Tejend oasis. See Muhammad ʿAli Munshi, Safarnama-yi Rukn al-Mulk bih Sarakhs, 84.
36 Riza Quli Khan, Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 31.
37 Ibid., 33–34.
38 Ibid., 43.
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46 Davis, Resurrecting the Granary of Rome, xi–xii.
47 Such a view of the discovery of facts about nature has been presented in Cook, Matters of Exchange, 5–7, 82–132.
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51 See Safarnama-yi Bukhara, 29, where the travelers meet a Tekke tribesman named Qalich with the skin of a tiger he had killed strung over the back of his camel near the border town of Sarakhs.
52 Riza Quli Khan, Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 117–18.
53 Ibid., 117.
54 Martyros Davud Khanov's “Safarnama-yi Turkistan” (1861) is a Persian translation of the Russian travelogue by Peter Ivanovich Pashino, produced at the Qajar imperial school, Dar al-Funun. National Library, Tehran, Mss. 1368.
55 Riza Quli Khan, Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 39–40.
56 Ibid., 39–40.
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59 In Histoire de l'Asie Centrale, Mir ʿAbd al-Karim Bukhari depicts these transecological ties on the overland caravan routes of Central Eurasia: “In the environs of Bukhara there are many nomadic tribes [aḥshām-nishīnān]: Arabs, Turkmen, Uzbak, Qaraqalpaq. . . . The number of nomads is equal to the number of townsfolk and from Bukhara to Samarqand one passes a succession of villages, towns, and nomadic encampments” (77).
60 Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 39–40.
61 Ibid., 86.
62 Ibid., 72.
63 Ibid., 39–40.
64 Qaragazlu, Majmuʿa-yi Asar, 128–29.
65 Ibid., 129.
66 Ibid., 133–34.
67 For an account of the bazaar of Marv in the late 19th century, see Qaragazlu, “Kitabchih-yi Marv,” Majmuʿa-yi Asar, 103–140; O'Donovan, Edmund, The Merv Oasis (London: Smith, Elder, and Company, 1882), 2:321–37Google Scholar.
68 In the 19th century, the Turkmen horse trade extended from Central Eurasia to the interior of Iran, spreading the Tekke Turkmen breed. See Iʿtimad al-Saltana, Mirʾat al-Buldan, 1:352.
69 For some 19th-century sources on Turkmen slave raids, see Ashtiyani, ʿIbratnama; Mirpanja, Khatirat-i Asarat: Ruznama-yi Safar-i Khvarazm va Khiva; Shirazi, Tarikh-i Zu-l-Qarnayn; Sipihr, Nasikh al-Tavarikh; de Couliboeuf de Blocqueville, Henri, “Quatorze mois de captivite, chez les Turcomans aux frontieres du Turkestan et de la Perse, 1860–1861 (Frontières du Turkestan et de la Perse),” in Le Tour du Monde, ed. Charton, Edouard (Paris: Librairie Hachette et Cie, 1866), 225–72Google Scholar.
70 Ferrier, Caravan Journeys and Wanderings in Persia, Afghanistan, Turkistan, and Beloochistan (London: John Murray, 1857), 1:87.
71 Conolly, Arthur, Journey to the North of India, Overland from England, Through Russia, Persia, and Affghaunistaun (London: Richard Bentley, n.d.), 1:181–82Google Scholar.
72 Moser, A Travers L'Asie Centrale, 248.
73 See Wolff, Joseph, Narrative of a Mission to Bokhara, in the Years 1843–1845 (London: John W. Parker, 1946), 176Google Scholar. For an estimate of the number of slaves in 19th-century Khiva, see Marvin, Merv, 181.
74 For some studies of the Naqshbandis in Central Asia, see Fletcher, Joseph, “The Naqshbandiyya in Northwest China,” Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia (Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate Variorum, 1995), 6Google Scholar. Paul, Jurgen, The Khwajagan/Naqshbandiya in the First Generation after Baha'uddin (Berlin: Halle, 1998)Google Scholar; Algar, Hamid, “A Brief History of the Naqshbandi Order,” in Naqshbandis: Cheminements et situation actuelle d'un ordre mytique Musulman, ed. Gaborieau, Marc, Popovic, Alexandre, Zarcone, Thierry (Istanbul and Paris: Editions Isis, 1990), 3–44Google Scholar; idem, “From Kashghar to Eyup: The Lineages and Legacy of Sheikh Abdullah Nidai,” in Naqshbandis in Western and Central Asia: Change and Continuity, ed. Elisabeth Ozdalga (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 1999), 1–16; DeWeese, Devin, “Khojagani Origins and the Critique of Sufism: The Critique of Communal Uniqueness in the Manaqib of Khoja ʿAli ʿAzizan Ramitani,” Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and Polemics, ed. Jong, Frederick de and Radtke, Bernard (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1999), 492–519Google Scholar; Jo-Ann Gross, “The Waqf of Khoja ʿUbayd Allah Ahrar in Nineteenth-Century Central Asia: A Preliminary Study of a Tsarist Record,” in Naqshbandis in Western and Central Asia, 47–60; Papas, Alexandre, Soufisme et politique entre Chine, Tibet et Turkestan: Étude sur les Khwajas Naqshbandis du Turkestan orientale (Paris: Librarie d'Amérique et d'Orient, 2005)Google Scholar.
75 Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 96–101. Khvaja Baha al-Din Naqshband, a Tajik, preached the principles that a Sufi could live on earth “externally” (ẓāhir) while reserving an “inner” (bāṭin) closeness to God. An important element in Naqshbandi beliefs was the silent remembrance of the divine (zikr-i khafī), a practice that could take place under any temporal circumstances.
76 For discussion of the Naqshbandi Sufi order in Riza Quli Khan's travelogue, see Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 98–99, 101, 133.
77 Although he did not belong to a tariqa, Riza Quli Khan had an interest in Sufism and was the author of a biographical dictionary of saints. See Tazkira-yi Riyaz al-ʿArifin (Tehran: Kitabkhana-yi Mahdiyyih, 1316/1937).
78 Soucek, Svat, A History of Inner Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 150CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This view has been challenged by Robert McChesney, who has questioned the notion of Safavid Iran as “a barrier of heterodoxy,” suggesting instead the perseverance of social and cultural contacts between Safavid Iran and Central Eurasia. See McChesney, “‘Barrier of Heterodoxy’? Rethinking the Ties between Iran and Central Asia in the Seventeenth Century,” in Safavid Persia: The History and Politics of an Islamic Society, ed. Charles Melville (London: I. B. Tauris, 1996), 231–67.
79 Sifaratnama-yi Khvarazm, 98–99.
80 Ibid., 101.
81 Ibid., 101.
82 Ibid., 41.
83 Ibid., 132.
84 Ibid., 78.
85 Ibid., 135; Schefer, Relation de l'Ambassade au Kharezm, 206.
86 Ibid., 115, 71–74.
87 For a narrative of the disastrous Persian campaign on Marv in 1861, see de Blocqueville, “Quatorze mois de captivite, chez les Turcomans aux frontieres du Turkestan et de la Perse,” 225–72.
88 Amanat, Pivot of the Universe, 225–32.
89 White, The Middle Ground, ix–93.