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Models and Documents: Artifacts of International Legal Knowledge
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 January 2008
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It is a common observation that the theory and practice of international law are far apart. Richard Falk, for example, begins his 1970 book by chastising international legal theorists for failing to “provide adequate guidelines for evaluating particular decisions”.2 Likewise, Louis Henkin asserts that, “Lawyer and diplomat are engaged in a dialogue de sourds. Indeed, they are not even attempting to talk to each other, turning away in silent disregard.”3
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References
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19. The academic international lawyer's modelling has parallels in other genres of modernist academic inquiry. Anthropology, for example, has devoted itself to making models out of other people's practices. No wonder, then, that anthropology is evoked by international lawyers only to demonstrate that “International law is analogous to the decentralised systems studied by anthropologists, given the paucity of an international integration and the ability of some actors to withstand such modest coercion as can usually be deployed.” Brietzke, Paul H., “Insurgents in the ‘New’ International Law”, (1994) 13 Wisc.Int'l L.J. 1, 22.Google Scholar
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33. I do not mean to imply that an impermeable divide exists between academics and practitioners of international law. For a useful discussion of the relationship between practitioners and academics, and the way in which many figures in both camps work as “double agents”, see Yves, Dezalay and Bryant, Garth, Dealing in Virtue (1996) pp.70–73.Google Scholar
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36. “An examination of State practice at international conferences reveals however that the rules of procedure and their interpretation follow remarkably consistent patterns.” Robbie, Sabel, Procedure at International Conferences: A Study of the Rules of Procedure of Conferences and Assemblies of International Inter-govemmental Organisations 1 (1997).Google Scholar
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38. . Officially, the PrepCom was also the annual meeting of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), an organisation of member states elected on a rotating basis from the membership of the UN's Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), the major UN organ of which the CSW is a part. See United Nations, “Commission on the Status of Women”, http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/csw/. All UN member states and official observers were invited to send delegates to the PrepCom and the FWCW.
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61. Put another way, a central feature of the document's aesthetic is that it conjures forth no interpretative context. Although context is not their word, if asked, those involved in its drafting might just as easily claim that the document is context to the conference at which it was created as vice versa, for they approach this conference as the culmination of many documents, drafts and drafting projects oriented toward the Platform's production. In any case, to read the document as reflecting the context in which it is drafted is tricky business; the document does not aim to point to anything other than itself. If the call to interpret law in context refers to taking into account the social relations that create the text, we have here an artefact that wants nothing of benevolent attempts to make it multi-dimensional or real in this sense.
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64. This understanding of international law as the institutionalisation of a liberal political philosophy is most often traced to Immanuel Kant's work on International Law. See Immanuel, Kant, Perpetual Peace and Other Essays on Politics, History, and Morals, (1983)Google Scholar; and The Philosophy of Law; An Exposition of the Fundamental Principles of Jurisprudence as the Science of Right (1974).Google Scholar
65. In his 1953 speech on international service. Brock Chisolm, the first Director-General of WHO, summed up the qualities necessary for what we might call the practitioner of international law. First on his list was a knowledge of history. Second was a “knowledge and appreciation of semantics, that is, the meanings of language, the use of words, the misunderstandings that may come not only through mistranslation from one language to another but because of the great variety of overtones, the different meanings that attach to the same words even in the same culture and especially in cross-cultural relationships”. Third was a knowledge of world religions. Fourth was a knowledge of “the techniques of the sociologist”. Fifth was social psychology. Sixth was “minor psychopathology”, a knowledge of the peculiarities people show, why they become annoyed, what tends to irritate them, what prevents their being friendly with certain kinds of people under certain circumstances, how the need for recognition, for prestige, for power, for importance works and why these things are so tremendously important to individuals and even to large groups of people. Only after this, in seventh place, was a knowledge of international law. See Brock, Chisholm, “How to Think and Act Internationally”, reprinted in Multilateral Diplomacy 107, 108 (Boisard, M. A. & Chossudovsky, E. M., eds. 1998).Google Scholar
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