¹ Vogel, Virgil J., American Indian Medicine (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 1970), pp. 3–12.Google Scholar

² “Seeing and Curing,” Dennis, and Tedlock, Barbara, eds., Teachings from the American Earth: Indian ReJigion and Philosophy (New York: Liveright, 1975), pp. 3–118;Google ScholarHultkrantz, Ake, The Religions of the American Indians, trans. Setterwall, Monica (Berkeley: University of California, 1979), pp. 84–102;Google ScholarGrim, John, The Shaman: Patterns of Siberian and Ojibway Healing (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983), pp. 120–37.Google Scholar

³ Vogel, illustrations following p. 76; Hultkrantz, Ake, Prairie and Plains Indians (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1973), plate 37;Google ScholarSpeck, Frank G., “Penobscot Shamanism,” Memoirs of the American Anthropological Association 6 (Lancaster, PA: American Anthropological Association, 1919), p. 275.Google Scholar

⁴ For review essays about shamanism see Grim, pp. 14-32; Nowak, Margaret and Durrant, Stephen, “Introduction,” The Tale of the Nisan Shamaness: A Manchu Folk Epic, Publications on Asia of the Institute for Comparative and Foreign Area Studies (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977), pp. 3–30;Google Scholar and Hultkrantz, Ake, “Introduction: Ecological and Phenomenological Aspects of Shamanism” in Backman, Louise, Studies in Lapp Shamanism (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1978), pp. 3–35.Google Scholar

In the last-mentioned essay, Hultkrantz offers the following definition of shamanism: “The central idea of shamanism is to establish means of contact with the supernatural world by the ecstatic experience of a professional and inspired intermediary, the shaman.” Hultkrantz points to the four necessary constituents in his definition: “the ideological premise, or the supernatural world and the contacts with it; the shaman as the actor on behalf of a human group; the inspiration granted him by his helping spirits; and the extraordinary, ecstatic experiences of the shaman” (p. 11).

⁵ Underhill, Ruth, “Religion among American Indians” in Owen, Roger C. and Deetz, James J. F., eds., The North American Indians: A Sourcebook (New York: Macmillan, 1967), p. 104.Google Scholar

⁶ See, e.g., Hultkrantz, , “Ecological and Phenomenological Aspects of Shamanism,” pp. 27–28.Google Scholar

⁷ Eliade, Mircea, Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, trans. Trask, Willard R. (New York: Bollinger Foundation, 1964 [1951]), p. 315.Google Scholar

⁸ Jonaitis, Aldona, “The Devilfish in Tlingit Sacred Art,” American Indian Art Magazine 5/3 (1980), 42–47.Google Scholar

⁹ Levi-Strauss, Claude, “The Effectiveness of Symbols,” in his Structural Anthropology, trans. Jacobson, Claire and Schoepf, Brooke Grundfest (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956 [1963]), p. 187.Google Scholar

In this paper, the shaman is sometimes referred to by the masculine pronoun. Although there are numerous documented instances of female shamans in North American Indian cultures, it is far more common to find references to male shamans. The predominance of male shamans is partly explained by the deep connections between shamanism and hunting. The “aggressive individualism” characteristic of (predominantly) male hunters is also characteristic of shamans, who are typically the religious specialists in hunting culture. (See Grim, pp. 93-101, for discussion of aggressive individualism.)

¹⁰ Ragueneau, Paul, “Relation of … 1647-48,” The Indians of North America, selected and edited from The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791, ed. Thwaites, Reuben Gold (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1927 [1896]), 1:506.Google Scholar

¹¹ Grim, p. 109.

¹² Hultkrantz, Ake, The North American Indian Orpheus Tradition, Statens Etnografiska Museum Monograph Series 2 (Stockholm: 1957).Google Scholar

¹³ Gill, Sam D., Native American Religions: An Introduction (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1982), pp. 62–66;Google ScholarWitherspoon, Gary, “Beautifying the World Through Art,” Language and Art in the Navajo Universe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1977), pp. 151–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ Gill, p. 39.

¹⁵ Fink, Augusta, I-Mary: A Biography of Mary Austin (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1983), pp. 135–36, 144.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Austin, Mary, The Path on the Rainbow: An Anthology of Songs and Chants from the Indians of North America, ed. Cronyn, George W., orig. 1918Google Scholar, excerpted in Literature of the American Indians: Views and Interpretations: A Gathering of Indian Memories, Symbolic Contexts, and Literary Criticism, ed. Chapman, Abraham (New York: New American Library, 1975), p. 270.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Jonaitis, Aldona, “Land Otters and Shamans: Some Interpretations of Tlingit Charms,” American Indian Art Magazine 4/1 (1978), 62–66;Google ScholarJonaitis, , “Devilfish,” pp. 42–47.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Wallace, Anthony F. C., The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York: Random House, 1972 [1970]), pp. 78–93;Google ScholarTooker, Elisabeth, The Iroquois Ceremonial of Midwinter (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1970), pp. 16–17, 27–28, 64–66, 80–82.Google Scholar In these works the Ha-do-i's are referred to as the False Face Society. I have followed Wallace in his identification of Shagodyoweh with the Evil Twin. Other Iroquois creation stories distinguish the two. See Wallace, pp. 345-46, note 6.

¹⁹ Vennum, Thomas Jr., , “Ojibwa Origin-Migration Songs of the Mitewiwin,” Journal of American Folklore 91(1978), 753–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ Studies of the mind-cure movement include Parker, Gail Thain, Mind Cure in New England: From the Civil War to World War I (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1973)Google Scholar and Meyer, Donald, The Positive Thinkers (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1965).Google ScholarDakin's, Edwin FrandenMrs. Eddy: The Biography of a Virginal Mind (New York: Scribner's, 1929)Google Scholar is an influential but controversial study of the founder of Christian Science. Significant studies of Eddy, Mary Baker and Science, Christian include Peel, Robert, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Discovery (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966);Google ScholarPeel, Robert, Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Trial (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971);Google Scholar and Gottschalk, Stephen, The Emergence of Christian Science in American Religious Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973).Google Scholar For argument that Quimby offered the original and profoundest version of Christian Science, see Dresser, Horatio W., ed., The Quimby Manuscripts (Secaucus, NJ: Citadel, 1961 [1921]).Google Scholar

²¹ Eddy, Mary Baker, Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures (rev. ed.; Boston: First Church of Christ, Scientist, 1971 [1875]), pp. 42–43, 100–06, 148–49.Google Scholar

²² Gail Parker writes that “several basic Protestant assumptions were taken over unchanged by the curists—a preexisting moral order, a somewhat desperate individual trying to know truth and abide by it, good works impossible without faith” (pp. 6-7).

²³ In 1861 Quimby wrote: “The only medicine I ever give is my explanation and that is the cure” (Quimby Manuscripts, p. 139). In 1888 Quimby's son George wrote of his father that “he always insisted that he possessed no ‘powers’ nor healing properties different from any one else” (ibid., p. 63). George Quimby wrote that while touring Maine and New Brunswick, “Mr. Quimby was vilified and frequently threatened with mob violence, as the exhibitions (of healing) smacked too strongly of witchcraft” (ibid., p. 31). For a statement from Quimby of his disbelief in witchcraft, “spiritualism” and “superstition,” see ibid., p. 256.

²⁴ Seale, Ervin, “Introduction,” Quimby Manuscripts, pp. vii–ix;Google Scholar Parker, pp. 3-4.

²⁵ Quimby Manuscripts, p. 61.

²⁶ Ibid.

²⁷ Seale, pp. xii-xiv.

²⁸ Momaday, N. Scott, “The Man Made of Words,” Literature of the American Indians, pp. 97–99.Google Scholar

²⁹ Quimby Manuscripts, pp. 63, 138.

³⁰ See Grim's comparative study of the shaman as a religious type, pp. 180-208.