1 Anderson, James D. The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Berman, Edward The Influence of the Carnegie, Ford, and Rockefeller Foundations on American Foreign Policy: The Ideology of Philanthropy (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983); Peeps, Stephen J. “Northern Philanthropy and the Emergence of Black Higher Education—Do-gooders, Compromisers, or Co-conspirators?” Journal of Negro Education 50:3 (Summer 1981): 251-269; Stanfield, John Philanthropy and Jim Crow in American Social Science (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985); Odendahl, Teresa J. Charity Begins at Home: Generosity and Self-interest Among the Philanthropic Elite (New York: Basic Books, 1990).Google Scholar

2 Gladden, Washington “Tainted Money,“ Outlook 52 (1895): 886–87; Rudy, William H. The Foundations. Their Use and Abuse (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1970).Google Scholar

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6 Washington was not opposed to a liberal arts education and in fact, he sent his children to liberal arts colleges. However, for the majority of the freedmen, he advocated industrial education.Google Scholar

7 Washington, Booker T. Up From Slavery (New York: A.L. Burt 1901); Booker T. Washington, “Atlanta Compromise,” Cotton States and International Exposition, September 1895, Atlanta, Georgia; Harlan, Louis R. Booker T. Washington, I, The Making of a Black Leader, 1856-1901 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972); Harlan, Louis R. Booker T. Washington, II, The Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983).Google Scholar

8 Bois, W.E.B. Du “The Hampton Idea,“ The Education of Black People, Ten Critiques, 1906-1960 ed. Aptheker, Herbert (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973): 5–15, 5.Google Scholar

9 Of course, Washington was not wholly a pawn. He, in many cases, manipulated white philanthropists and used their money to support progressive causes such as voting rights. See Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard, 144.Google Scholar

10 Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard.Google Scholar

11 Stuckey, Sterling Slave Culture. Nationalist Theory and the Foundations of Black America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). As Du Bois's influence grew stronger, Washington grew paranoid and spied on him. In some cases, Washington's meddling curtailed Du Bois’ potential successes. For example, in 1903, after the “Boston Riot,” Washington became angry with Du Bois and his colleagues for disturbing his public speech. From this point on, Du Bois was on Washington's black list. See Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard, 47-49 for more information. Of course, Du Bois was also constantly trying to stay one step ahead of Washington. In many cases, Du Bois blamed him for difficulties with publishers and funders.Google Scholar

12 Anderson, The Education of Blacks. For more information, please see Aldridge, Derrick P. “Conceptualizing a Du Boisian Philosophy of Education: Toward a Model for African American Education,“ Educational Theory 49:3 (Summer 1999): 359–379.Google Scholar

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14 In 1906, Du Bois discovered that money from the Slater Fund supported an “applied science” Department at Fisk. He was outraged that Fisk, a traditionally liberal arts institution, would succumb to such a request from a northern philanthropist. For more information see, Richardson, Joe M. The History of Fisk University (Alabama: The University of Alabama, 1980). In actuality, the Slater Fund grant was only used for the secondary and normal school students who attended Fisk. The college students did not participate in the department of applied sciences.Google Scholar

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17 Interviews conducted by Patrick J. Gilpin are located in the Fisk University Special Collections (in vault) and were conducted in the 1970s.Google Scholar

18 Woodward, C. Vann The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1966).Google Scholar

19 Bois, Du A Soliloquy, 108.Google Scholar

20 The Slater Fund was created with monies from John Fox Slater's textile manufacturing business in Norwich, Connecticut. The Fund supported industrial education at black colleges during the nineteenth century.Google Scholar

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22 Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow.Google Scholar

23 Bois, Du The Souls of Black Folk.Google Scholar

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25 Bois, W.E.B. Du Dusk of Dawn. An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Concept (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1940): 94.Google Scholar

26 The Niagara Movement was a short-lived attempt to secure full civil rights and political participation for African Americans. The NAACP is an interracial organization, which called for integration and an end to lynching. It also supported much of the artistic talent present during the Harlem Renaissance.Google Scholar

27 Bois, Du A Soliloquy, 257–258.Google Scholar

28 Ibid. Despite their squabbles, Du Bois gave Villard credit for changing his believe in the capitalist system to a more leftist perspective which supported a more democratic control of industry. (See also Bois, Du Dusk of Dawn, 290).Google Scholar

29 Bois, Du A Soliloquy. Du Bois may have also resented Villard for pushing for cooperation between he and Booker, T. Washington. Despite leaning toward Du Bois's side philosophically, Villard thought that Washington and Du Bois could work together—this would accomplish more. According to Louis Harlan, “Oswald Garrison Villard “dreamed of joining the forces of Washington, whose work at Tuskegee he admired and supported, and Bois, W.E.B. Du the champion of human rights … he was virtually alone in his belief that the two leaders could be reconciled.” Harlan, Booker T. Washington: The Wizard, 360.Google Scholar

30 Marable, Manning W.E.B. DuBois. Black Radical Democrat (Massachusetts: G.K. Hall & Co., 1986).Google Scholar

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32 Anderson, Education of Blacks in the South.Google Scholar

33 Jones, 'Thomas Jesse ed. Negro Education: A Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States [1917] (New York: Arno Press and the New York Times, 1969).Google Scholar

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36 This controversy began while Du Bois was at the Crisis but came to a head during his tenure at Atlanta University.Google Scholar

37 Lewis, interview with author, 3 August 2001.Google Scholar

38 Ibid. According to David Levering Lewis, Thomas Jesse Jones, the education director for Phelps-Stokes, said that the foundation's idea was sparked by Monroe Work's Negro Year Book. Work's book was published by Tuskegee the same year. For a detailed explanation of the situation, see Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois. The Fight for Equality, 426-433.Google Scholar

39 Thomas Jesse Jones quoted in David Levering Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois. The Fight for Equality, 427.Google Scholar

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43 It was Charles S. Johnson who persuaded then president of Fisk University, Thomas Elsa Jones to make an offer to W.E.B. Du Bois. Charles S. Johnson to W.E.B. Du Bois, 26 May 1944, located in Charles S. Johnson Papers [hereafter Johnson Papers], Special Collections, Fisk University, Nashville, Tennessee.Google Scholar

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47 Ibid.Google Scholar

48 Although often referred to as “Dr. Johnson,” Johnson did not have a Ph.D. He was awarded a Ph. B (Bachelor of Philosophy) from the University of Chicago in 1919. (See University of Chicago Registrar).Google Scholar

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54 Perhaps it is indicative of their contrasting personalities that Johnson's journal was entitled Opportunity while Du Bois’ was entitled Crisis. Google Scholar

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58 Johnson, Charles S. Shadow of a Plantation (Chicago: The University of Chicago, 1934); idem., Patterns of Negro Segregation (New York: Harper & Row, 1943); and idem., The Negro College Graduate (New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969). Robbins, Richard Sidelines Activist: Charles S. Johnson and the Struggle for Civil Rights (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1996), 179.Google Scholar

59 Johnson, Charles S. “Famous Sociologist Asks, Answers Some Key Questions for Negroes,“ The Chicago Defender (September 26, 1942): 32.Google Scholar

60 For more information see, Meier, August A White Scholar in the Black Community (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1993); Platt, Anthony E. Franklin Frazier Reconsidered (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1991).Google Scholar

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65 For more information on these programs, see Johnson, Charles S. Papers, 1955-56 clipping file, located in the Fisk Archives. Specifically, Johnson, Charles S. to Johnson, Marie July 25, 1956, box 144, folder 8, Johnson Papers. In this letter, Johnson notes the growth of the university. See also, Gilpin, “Charles S. Johnson. An Intellectual Biography.“Google Scholar

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68 Bois, Du “The Future and Function of the Private Black College (1946),“ The Education of Black People, 144. This speech was given at the commencement of Knoxville College, in Tennessee on June 10, 1946. Charles S. Johnson became president of Fisk University in July the same year—much to Du Bois’ dismay. Du Bois’ opposition to Johnson's selection is evident in the continual theme in the speech of presidents not being a financier or someone who solicits monetary gifts.Google Scholar

69 Bois, Du “The Future and Function of the Private Black College, 157.Google Scholar

70 Ibid., 140.Google Scholar

71 One of the reasons Du Bois, at one point, called for the elimination or consolidation of the weaker black college is their lack of stable financial support. State funding would, in Du Bois's mind, lead to security for black colleges.Google Scholar

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78 Harlan. Booker T. Washington. The Wizard.Google Scholar

79 Ibid., 291.Google Scholar

80 Ironically, Johnson, Charles S. wrote an article entitled “The Social Philosophy of of Booker T. Washington” in the April 1928 issue of Opportunity. His ability to see the best of Washington's ideas may have contributed to Du Bois’ mistrust of Johnson.Google Scholar

81 Bois, W.E.B. Du Darkwater. Voices from Within the Veil (New York: AMS Press, 1920, reprinted 1969): 136.Google Scholar

82 Lewis, interview with author, 3 August 2001.Google Scholar

83 Stuckey, Slave Culture, 272.Google Scholar

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85 Bois, W.E.B. Du to Padmore, George 17 March 1950 in ed., Herbert Aptheker W.E.B. Du Bois, The Correspondence of W.E.B. Du Bois, Volume III, Selections, 1944-1963 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1978), 281.Google Scholar

86 Gasman, “A Renaissance in Nashville.“Google Scholar

87 Lewis, interview with author, 3 August 2001. Lewis was a student at Fisk University during Johnson's presidency. Other students have corroborated his statements including: Thornell, Richard interview with author, 23 August, 2001, Peggy Alsup interview with author, 31 March 1999, Prince Rivers, interview with author, 25 March 1999, Norton, Vivian interview with author, 11 May 1999, Earl Daily, interview with author, 22 April 1999, Forde, Jane interview with author, 27 April 1999, Thornell, Richard interview with author, August 24, 2001.Google Scholar

88 Johnson, Charles S. “The Present Status of Race Relations in the South,“ Social Forces. 23, 1, October 1944: 27-32, 27. For similar rhetoric, see idem., “The Negro in Post-War Reconstruction: his Hopes, Fears and Possibilities,” Journal of Negro Education 11:4 (October 1942): 343–348; idem., “Social Changes and Their Effects on Race Relations in the South,” Social Forces 23:5 (March 1945): 343-348; and idem., “The Decade in Race Relations,” Journal of Negro Education, 13:3 (Summer 1944): 441-446.Google Scholar

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93 Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois. The Fight for Equality.Google Scholar

94 Ibid., 431.Google Scholar

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99 Gasman, Gilpin and “Charles S. Johnson.“ in 1945, Johnson was selected to be the first black president of the Southern Sociological Society. The following year he presided over the society's annual meeting in Atlanta, Georgia. The conference announcement included information about housing at the Biltmore Hotel. However, when Phifer, Juliette V. a black member of the society, sent in her hotel reservation she was told, by Johnson, that accommodations were not available for black participants. Alternative housing was made available for black participants at Atlanta University. Rather than risk his position in the society, Johnson acquiesed in southern norms. Johnson, Charles S. to Phifer, Juliette V. May 7, 1946, Johnson, Charles S. Papers.Google Scholar

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101 Gasman, Marybeth “Passport to the Front of the Bus: The Impact of Fisk University's International Program on Segregation in Nashville Tennessee,“ 49th Parallel: An Interdisciplinary Journal of North American Studies, 7 (Winter 2001): online journal at: artsweb.bham.ac.uk/49th parallel/backissues/issue7/Frontpg7.htmGoogle Scholar

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103 Lewis, interview with author, 3 August 2001.Google Scholar

104 Horne, Black and Red.Google Scholar

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107 Bois, Du Dusk of Dawn, 290.Google Scholar

108 Ibid.Google Scholar

109 Ibid.Google Scholar

110 Bois, Du A Soliloquy, 391.Google Scholar