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The Social Construction of Race and Monacan Education in Amherst County, Virginia, 1908–1965: Monacan Perspectives

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 February 2017

Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf*
Affiliation:
Virginia Commonwealth University, Richmond, VA, in 2004 in educational leadership

Extract

That's all you heard, everywhere we went, or whatever we done, “oh, he's one of those issues.” We couldn't work with white people, we couldn't be in schools with them, we couldn't associate with them, we couldn't eat [with them]. I think they came up with the slang word “free issue.” They had this hatred; they just had this ungodly hatred. They couldn't accept you as a human.

At the prodding of Thomas Jefferson, the Virginia General Assembly in 1782 passed legislation that allowed slave owners to manumit their slaves by issuing slaves a copy of their emancipation papers and making them “free issues.” Nevertheless, in Amherst County, Virginia, the meaning of “free issue” evolved to connote something very different than it did at its inception for a small mountain community.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © 2007 History of Education Society 

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References

1 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Haimes-Bartolf, Melanie D. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, Virginia. I originally conducted this research for my dissertation, Haimes-Bartolf, Melanie D., “Policies and Public Attitudes: Public Education and the Monacan Indian Community in Amherst County, Virginia, from 1908 to 1965” (PhD diss., Virginia Commonwealth University, 2004), 276285.Google Scholar

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3 Although there are some similarities between the Monacans and their educational struggles before and after Brown v. the Board of Education 347 U.S. 483; 74 Sup. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873 (1954) rulings, and the experiences of southeastern “Mestee” Indians such as the Lumbees (e.g., the Vardas school in Tennessee), Melungeons, and Brass Ankles, the differences between the Monacans and these other groups are more significant. Because a comparative study is beyond the scope of this essay, for an authoritative account of Lumbee history, see Blu, Karen I., The Lumbee Problem: the Making of an American Indian People (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), and for an overview of the Melungeons, Lumbees, the Brass Ankles, and the Ramapo Mountain People, see the online article by Mike Nassau also known as Mike McGlothlen, “Melungeons and Other Mestee Groups,” http://www.multiracial.com/readers/nassau.html Google Scholar

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6 For example, in 1774 Amherst County's namesake American militia general, Jeffrey Amherst, deliberately sent blankets contaminated with small pox to Indian tribes on the frontier in a plot to annihilate them. In 1774, for his military heroism, the colonial Virginia government named a county on the upper James River after Amherst. S.R. Cook, “Monacans and Mountaineers: A Comparative Study of Colonialism and Dependency in Southern Appalachia” (PhD diss., University of Arizona, 1997), 82; O.K. Rice, The Allegheny Frontier: West Virginia Beginnings, 1730–1830 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1970), 56.Google Scholar

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19 Indians were not afforded legal standing to own property.Google Scholar

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39 In the context of this essay, individuals relocated to Pedlar Mills are not members of the Monacan community.Google Scholar

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44 Plecker lived to be eighty-four years old. He died in 1946 after being struck by a bus while crossing a road.Google Scholar

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49 Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1(1967).Google Scholar

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68 Ibid., 272–73.Google Scholar

69 Negro Delegation Strongly Urges Building of School,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era-Progress (April 10, 1952).Google Scholar

70 Pleasant View Negroes Demand Pupils Be Enrolled at New School for Whites,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress (July 10, 1952).Google Scholar

71 The Battle Plan,” was the primary accomplishment of Virginia Governor (1950–54) John S. Battle (1890–1972). In 1950, Battle funds contributed about $45 million in state grants toward local school construction. These grants were remarkable, not only for their place in history, but also because school building and renovation has been a local responsibility. David Blount, ed., Capital Funding: Facilities and Technology (Richmond, VA: Commonwealth Educational Policy Institute, 2000), 1.Google Scholar

72 Cowan, Florence, letter to the editor, Amherst New Era-Progress, October 9, 1956; see also Houck and Maxham, Indian Island in Amherst County, 115–16.Google Scholar

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75 Mission School Poses Problem,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress, September 10, 1953.Google Scholar

76 Dewar, Helen, “Nobody Wants Amherst Indians,” The Washington Post Times Herald, May 26, 1963: B2.Google Scholar

77 Sanitation Report on School Made,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era-Progress, October 29, 1953; “Clifford Patrons Seek Improvements; School Board Hears Other Requests,” Amherst New Era-Progress, October 8, 1953.Google Scholar

78 School Board Says Lewis Report Should Have Been Made to Them First,” Amherst New Era-Progress, November 5, 1953.Google Scholar

79 Monacan, Jennifer [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. September 5, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar

80 Mission School Poses Problem,” Amherst (Virginia) New Era Progress, September 10, 1953.Google Scholar

81 Ibid.Google Scholar

82 Bulletin State Board of Education, “Education for Indians on Virginia Reservations,” Annual Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction of the Commonwealth of Virginia School Year (Richmond, VA: Commonwealth of Virginia State Board of Education, 1957–58), 35.Google Scholar

83 England awarded the Pamunkey and Mattaponi Tribes land grants before the American Revolution. These tribes “retained elements of sovereignty not extended to tribes who received state reservations after the founding of the United States … For most nonreservation Indians in the segregated South the only public schools available were those designated “colored.” Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green, The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Southeast (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), 133, 137. Also see Margaret Connell Szasz, Education and the American Indian Third Edition, revised and enlarged (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1999), 11. Because the Monacans were nonreservation Indians, they appeared to be less than Indian, not only to whites, but also to other Indians accorded Virginia recognition because of their reservations. Even with state recognition, Virginia's reservation tribes were fighting for survival and perceived competition from nonreservation tribes as a threat to resources and their credibility as “true” Indians. These sentiments are not openly discussed, because currently all of Virginia's Indian Tribes are seeking Federal recognition through confederation. See Moretti-Langholtz, “Other Names,” 152–59, 181–88).Google Scholar

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89 As interesting as Florence Cowan is, she is also enigmatic. The Episcopal Diocese of Southwestern Virginia does not have much personal information about Miss Cowan and the Monacans do not know much about her except for their experiences with her as “deaconess” at the Bear Mountain Mission. She was a white woman, who spent many years serving Episcopal Churches in Appalachian Virginia before coming to the Bear Mountain Mission, where she lived among the Monacans. She served the Monacans from 1952 to 1965, and then retired to nearby Arrington, Virginia in Nelson County, where she died at eighty years old on October 9, 1973. She is buried in Rome, New York, presumably at Zion Church where, among other churches, she requested that memorials be made. Florence Cowan is consistently titled “miss” as opposed to “deaconess” in extant Diocese information and she never appears in a deaconess habit in photographs, as is another woman identified as a deaconess (there is a photograph of this woman's ordination into the Order of Deaconesses). Nevertheless, it seems that women workers, ordained or not, performed the same kind of services. (E-mail communication with Lynn Robertson, Volunteer with the Evans House, the Office of the Episcopal Diocese of Southwestern Virginia, August 30, September 20, 2005.) Also, see Houck and Maxham, 1993, p. 120 for a 1959 photograph of Florence Cowan.Google Scholar

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93 Amherst County Public School Board was very gracious in helping to obtain information concerning Tyler Fulcher's tenure as superintendent and the Bear Mountain Mission School; yet, documents appear absent during his tenure as superintendent.Google Scholar

94 Monacan, James [pseud.], interview by Melanie D. Haimes-Bartolf. Tape recording. November 7, 2002, Amherst County, VA.Google Scholar

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109 Copies of Fulcher's plans appear unavailable; however, it is most likely that the second integration plan was successful because of its deference to the Supreme Court findings in Griffin v. School Board, 377 U.S. 218 (1964).Google Scholar

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111 “Whether the arrangement of any measure, no matter how slight, contributes to or permits continuance of segregated public school education.” Cochyese Griffin v. State Board of Education et al., 296 F. Supp. 1178; U.S. Dist. LEXIS 12571 (1969).Google Scholar

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