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2 Ibid, 5-9.Google Scholar

3 According to Dan Lortie, evaluating teaching is a process “fraught with complications.” Dan Lortie, Schoolteachers. A Sociological Study (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1975), 134-136.Google Scholar

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6 Narkompros was the Commissariat of Education (Narodnyi Komissariat Prosveshcheniia). For the text of the Central Committee decree, see “O pedologicheskikh izvrashcheniiakh v sisteme narkomprosov,” (July 4, 1936) Narodnoe obrazovanie v SSSR. Obshcheobrazovatel'naia shkola. Sbornik dokumentov 1917-1973 gg. (Moscow: Pedagogika, 1973), 173-175. An English translation is in Joseph Wortis, Soviet Psychiatry (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins, 1950), 242-245.Google Scholar

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12 Joravsky, David Russian Psychology: A Critical History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 345–354; Raymond Bauer, The New Man in Soviet Psychology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), 65, 84-85, 116-129; James Bowen, Soviet Education: Anton Makarenko and the Years of Experiment (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1962), 143-144.Google Scholar

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20 For pedologists’ views on reforming Soviet education, see Larry E. Holmes, The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse. Reforming Education in Soviet Russia, 1917-1931 (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1991), 71, 75, 135; Sheila Fitzpatrick, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921-1934 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 140.Google Scholar

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25 These recommendations were later criticized in L. Vladimirov, “Chemu uchili pedologi molodykh uchitelei,” V pomoshch’ uchiteliu No. 3 (1936), 19.Google Scholar

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34 Ibid., 174-175.Google Scholar

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49 Arshinov, “Vykorchevat’ iz soznaniia,“ 5–6.Google Scholar

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51 External Research Staff, The Soviet Union as Reported by Former Citizens (Washington: U.S. Department of State, 1952-1956), 4.Google Scholar

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54 Harvard Project on the Soviet Social System, Schedule A, No. 493, 14-15, 19, 28-29; Schedule B4, No. 428, 15-16. See similar recollections by a former teacher in Abraham A. Kreusler, A Teacher's Experiences in the Soviet Union (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1965), 23-24.Google Scholar

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64 The subsequent fate of Blonskii revealed the complexities of Stalinist repression. Even as he was subjected to vicious public attacks, forced to repudiate his ideas, dismissed from positions, and confronted with the arrest of his own son, Blonskii nevertheless continued to research, write, and even publish papers before his death, apparently from natural causes, in early 1941. Shortly thereafter, an obituary described him as “a brilliant and original” scholar and “a great loss for Soviet pedagogy and psychology.” Making no direct mention of pedology, this obituary referred only to Blonskii's capacity to overcome certain “mistakes.” “P. P. Blonskii,” Sovetskaia pedagogika No. 4 (April 1941), 126-127.Google Scholar

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68 This interpretation draws on recent scholarship which examines the ways that the meanings of policies and practices in the 1930s were constructed through an interactive, although unequal, relationship between regime and subjects. Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain. Stalinism as a Civilization (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 198-237; Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism, 67-88.Google Scholar

69 Project, Harvard Schedule A, No. 493, 22-23.Google Scholar

70 For a different perspective, which connects the “individualization” of teaching to more subtle forms of self-regulation, see Kate Rousmaniere, “Good Teachers are Born, Not Made: Self-Regulation in the Work of Nineteenth Century American Women Teachers,” in Discipline, Moral Regulation, and Schooling: A Social History eds. idem, Kari Dehli, and Ning de Coninck-Smith, (New York: Garland, 1997), 117-134.Google Scholar