¹ For example, Jarausch, Konrad H., “The Sources of German Student Unrest, 1815–1848,” in The University in Society, ed. Stone, Lawrence, 2 vols. (Princeton, N.J., 1974), 2: 533–69; idem, “Liberal Education as Illiberal Socialization: The Case of Students in Imperial Germany,” journal of Modern History 50 (Dec. 1978): 609–30; idem, “The Social Transformation of the University: The Case of Prussia, 1865–1914,” Journal of Social History 12 (Summer 1979): 609–36; idem, “Frequenz und Struktur: Zur Sozialgeschichte der Studenten im Kaiserreich,” in Bildungspolitik in Preussen zur Zeit des Kaiserreichs, ed. Baumgart, Peter (Stuttgart, 1980), 119–49; idem, “Die Neuhumanistische Universität und die bürgerliche Gesellschaft, 1800–1860,” Darstellungen und Quellen zur Geschichte der deutschen Einheitsbewegung im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert 11 (1980): 11–58.Google Scholar

² Schwarz, Jürgen, Studenten in der Weimarer Republik (Berlin, 1971); Franze, Manfred, Die Erlanger Studentenschaft, 1918–1945 (Würzburg, 1972); Kreutzberger, Wolfgang, Studenten und Politik, 1918–1933: Der Fall Freiburg im Breisgau (Göttingen, 1972); Faust, Anselm, Der nationalsozialistische deutsche Studentenbund: Studenten und Nationalsozialismus in der Weimarer Republik (Düsseldorf, 1973); Spitznagel, Peter, “Studentenschaft und Nationalsozialismus in Würzburg, 1927–1933” (Ph.D. diss., University of Würzburg, 1974); Giles, Geoffrey J., “The National Socialist Students' Association in Hamburg, 1926–1945” (Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge, 1975); Kater, Michael H., Studentenschaft und Rechtsradikalismus in Deutschland, 1918–1933: Eine sozialgeschichtliche Studie zur Bildungskrise in der Weimarer Republik (Hamburg, 1975); and Steinberg, Michael S., Sabres and Brown Shirts: The German Students' Path to National Socialism, 1918–1935 (Chicago, 1977). The best of these works is by Kater. Giles, Geoffrey J., “National Socialism and the Educated Elite in the Weimar Republic,” in The Nazi Machtergreifung, ed. Stachura, Peter D. (London, 1983), 49–67, provides a valuable survey of the current state of thinking. As in general in this review, the references are not meant to be exhaustive. They provide an indication of the sort of published work available.Google Scholar

³ Stern, Fritz R., The Politics of Cultural Despair (Berkeley, Calif., 1961); Mosse, George L., The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964); Schwabe, Klaus, Wissenschaft und Kriegsmoral: Die deutschen Hochschullehrer und die politischen Grundfragen des Ersten Weltkrieges (Göttingen, 1969); and Ringer, Fritz K., The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969).Google Scholar

⁴ Lundgreen, Peter, “Schulbildung und Industrialisierung in Berlin/Preussen,” in Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der frühen Industrialisierung vornehmlich im Wirtschaftsraum Berlin/Brandenburg, ed. Busch, Otto (Berlin, 1971); Lundgreen, , ed., Bildung und Wirtschaftswachstum im Industrialisierungsprozess des 19. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1973); idem, “Industrialization and the Educational Formation of Manpower in Germany,” Journal of Social History 9 (Fall 1975): 64–80; idem, “Educational Expansion and Economic Growth in Nineteenth-Century Germany: A Quantitative Study,” in Schooling in Society: Studies in the History of Education, ed., Stone, Lawrence (Baltimore, 1976), 20–66.Google Scholar

⁵ Aside from a large literature on education administration and on denominational schooling, a great deal of British work has concentrated on working-class education, frequently within a “social control” perspective. For the genre at its best, see McCann, Phillip, ed., Popular Education and Socialization in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1977). One excellent attempt to explore “British” approaches in a German setting is Reulecke, Jürgen, “Von der Dorfschule zum Schulsystem: Schulprobleme und Schulalltag in einer ‘jungen’ Industriestadt vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg,” in Fabrik, Familie, Feierabend: Beiträge zur Sozialgeschichte des Alltags im Industriezeitalter, ed. Reulecke, Jürgen and Weber, Wolfhard (Wuppertal, 1978), 247–71.Google Scholar

⁶ Müller, Detlef K., Sozialstruktur und Schulsystem: Aspekte zum Strukturwandel des Schulwesens im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1977); Ringer, Fritz K., Education and Society in Modern Europe (Bloomington, Ind., 1979); Lundgreen, Peter, Sozialgeschichte der deutschen Schule im Überblick, 2 vols. (Göttingen, 1980).Google Scholar

⁷ Stone, , University in Society. Google Scholar

⁸ Riese, Reinhard, Die Hochschule auf dem Wege zum Wissenschaftlichen Grossbetrieb: Die Universität Heidelberg und das badische Hochschulwesen, 1860–1914 (Stuttgart, 1977); Kluke, Paul, Die Stiftungsuniversität Frankfurt am Main, 1914–1932 (Frankfurt, 1972); Carmon, Arye Z., “The University of Heidelberg and National Socialism, 1930–1935” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1974); Craig, John E., “A Mission for German Learning: The University of Strasbourg and Alsatian Society, 1870–1918” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1973); idem, Scholarship and Nation-Building: The Universities of Strasbourg and Alsatian Society, 1870–1939 (Chicago, 1984); McClelland, Charles E., State, Society, and University in Germany, 1700–1914 (Cambridge, Eng., 1980).Google Scholar

⁹ Jarausch, Konrad H., The Enigmatic Chancellor: Bethmann Hollweg and the Hubris of Imperial Germany (New Haven, Conn., 1972).Google Scholar

¹⁰ Jarausch, Konrad H., ed., The Transformation of Higher Learning, 1860–1930: Expansion, Diversification, Social Opening, and Professionalization in England, Germany, Russia, and the United States (Chicago, 1983).Google Scholar

¹¹ The phrase “seismic shift” in this context originates with Lawrence Stone in relation to the changes in the European student body between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries: “we can now dimly see the shape of a vast seismic shift in west European cultural arrangements over the last four centuries,” in Stone, , University in Society, vii. The figure of 60,000 refers to the numbers of university students. The figure for all higher education students in 1914 would be 76,792; see Jarausch, , Students, Society, and Politics, 32.Google Scholar

¹² Jarausch, , Transformation of Higher Learning, 10.Google Scholar

¹³ Jarausch gives more prominence to this factor in his edited volume, ibid., 18–22, 131–206.Google Scholar

¹⁴ His book does not stand completely alone. vom Bruch, Rüdiger, Wissenschaft, Politik, und öffentliche Meinung: Gelehrtenpolitik im wilhelminischen Deutschland, 1890–1914 (Husum, 1980) is the essential complementary study. Stark, Gary D., Entrepreneurs of Ideology: Neoconservative Publishers in Germany, 1890–1930 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1981), which spans the war and Weimar as well, is an excellent study of radical right publishing houses. There is also some literature on emergent literary genres, e.g., Bergman, Klaus, Agrarromantik und Grosstadtfeindschaft (Meisenheim, 1970); Rossbacher, Karl-Heinz, Heimatkunstbewegung und Heimatroman (Stuttgart, 1975); and Zimmerman, Peter, Der Bauernroman: Antifeudalismus, Konservativismus, Faschismus (Stuttgart, 1975). Koszyk, Kurt, Deutsche Presse im 19. Jahrhundert (Düsseldorf, 1966); idem, Deutsche Pressepolitik im Ersten Weltkrieg (Düsseldorf, 1968); and idem, Deutsche Presse, 1914–1945 (Berlin, 1972) provide a good basis for studying the press. The history of the professions is particularly underdeveloped. For civil servants, see the brilliant article by Caplan, Jane, “The Imaginary Universality of Particular Interests: The ‘Tradition’ of the Civil Service in German History,” Social History 4 (May 1979): 299–317, many of whose insights could also apply to the overall category of the Bildungsbürgertum.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Eley, Geoff, Reshaping the German Right: Radical Nationalism and Political Change after Bismarck (New Haven, Conn., 1980).Google Scholar

¹⁶ For my own truncated thoughts on this, see Eley, , Reshaping the German Right, 113, and the surrounding discussion.Google Scholar

¹⁷ See 228f. Having read Jarausch's recent programmatic article several times, I am still not sure whether and in what sense he is proposing it as a new “paradigm.” See Jarausch, Konrad H., “Illiberalism and Beyond: German History in Search of a Paradigm,” Journal of Modern History 55 (June 1982): 268–84.Google Scholar

¹⁸ His treatment of the enrollment explosion is one example of this. His general conclusion seems faultless: Acting together, these only partially quantifiable factors led to individual choices in favor of longer schooling and to collective political decisions to finance the growth of institutions of secondary and higher education. As similar patterns of expansion occurred in most western countries during the last decades of the nineteenth and the first decades of the twentieth century, the enrollment explosion seems one of those fundamental social transformations characteristic of modernization in general. Once set in motion, educational expansion fed upon itself, for institutional growth created demand that led to more growth until it encountered social limits that time and again checked its further course (pp. 48f.). But I suspect that in the detailed analysis the importance of the economic factor has been ultimately downplayed. In a similar vein (like McClelland, , State, Society, and University in Germany) he omits discussion of the well-known debates concerning European entrepreneurship and the contribution of the universities to Germany's relative industrial efficiency through technical education, scientific research, and technological innovation. Although Jarausch is usually very good at relating his analyses to the appropriate comparative or theoretical literatures (as in his discussions of the “education inequality approach,” pp. 80f., or of “Socialization,” pp. 237f.), this is one such opportunity that is missed.Google Scholar