¹ Prentice, Alison, “Feminization of Teaching in British North America and Canada, 1845–1875,” Histoire sociale/Social History 8 (May 1975): 15, reprinted as “The Feminization of Teaching,” in The Neglected Majority: Essays in Canadian Women's History , ed. Trofimenkoff, Susan Mann and Prentice, Alison (Toronto, 1977), 49–65; Barman, Jean, “Birds of Passage or Early Professionals? Teachers in Late Nineteenth-Century British Columbia,” Historical Studies in Education 2 (Spring 1990): 118.Google Scholar

² Carter, Susan B., “Occupational Segregation, Teachers' Wages, and American Economic Growth,” Journal of Economic History 46 (June 1986): 373–83; Richardson, John G. and Hatcher, Brenda Wooden, “The Feminization of Public School Teaching, 1870–1920,” Work and Occupations 10 (Feb. 1983): 81–99; Strober, Myra and Best, Laura, “The Female/Male Salary Differential in Public Schools: Some Lessons from San Francisco, 1879,” Economic Inquiry 17 (Apr. 1979): 218–36; Strober, Myra H. and Lanford, Audri Gordon, “The Feminization of Public School Teaching: Cross-sectional Analysis, 1850–1880,” Signs 11 (Winter 1986): 212–35; Tyack, David B. and Strober, Myra H., “Jobs and Gender: A History of the Structuring of Educational Employment by Sex,” in Educational Policy and Management: Sex Differentials , ed. Schmuck, Patricia A., Charters, W. W. Jr., and Carlson, Richard O. (New York, 1981), 131–52.Google Scholar

³ For sources and methods, see “Statistical Appendix.” Google Scholar

⁴ A collection of essays concerning Canada, Australia, England, and the United States has just appeared. Prentice, Alison and Theobald, Marjoric R., eds., Women Who Taught: Perspectives on the History of Women and Teaching (Toronto, 1991). None of the essays, however, uses a quantitative approach.Google Scholar

⁵ Although women were favored for their motherly instincts, there was constant concern about the feminization of teaching. Richard Bernard and Maris Vinovskis state the point well: “Their [women's] employment meant that school-hoards were willing to settle for what many school committeemen considered second-best in order to save money.” Bernard, and Vinovskis, , “The Female School-Teacher in Ante-Bellum Massachusetts,” Journal of Social History 10 (Mar. 1977): 338. See also Arbus, Judith, “Grateful to be Working: Women Teachers during the Great Depression,” in Feminism and Education: A Canadian Perspective , ed. Forman, Frieda et al. (Toronto, 1990), 169; Prentice, Alison, “Multiple Realities: The History of Women Teachers in Canada,” in ibid., 127; and Prentice, , “Feminization,” 9; Curtis, Bruce, Building the Educational State: Canada West, 1836–1871 (London, Ont., 1988), 66–67; Gelman, Susan, “The ‘Feminization’ of the High Schools? Women Secondary School Teachers in Toronto, 1871–1930,” Historical Studies in Education/Revue d'histoire de l'éducation 2 (Spring 1990): 125–27. Strong efforts were made to recruit men into teaching because of a “female imbalance” during the depression and after World War II. Clifford, Geraldine Jonçich, “Man/Woman/Teacher: Gender, Family, and Career in American Educational History,” in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work , ed. Warren, Donald R. (New York, 1989). Sociologists in the 1960s bemoaned the lack of male models. Acker, Sandra, “Woman and Teacher: A Semi-Detached Sociology of a Semi-Profession,” in Gender, Class, and Education , ed. Walker, Stephen and Barton, Len (New York, 1983), 125. Willard S. Elsbree's contention that women teachers “were welcomed” seems unlikely. Elsbree, , The American Teacher: Evolution of a Profession in a Democracy (New York, 1939), 204–5.Google Scholar

⁶ For these calculations, we take as the base those teaching in 1910, add the growth in absolute numbers between 1910 and 1930, and add the replacement rate. The replacement rate is calculated after eliminating from “average years of experience” teachers entering the cadre in a single year who had to have zero years experience (five years growth in absolute numbers from Table 1 divided by 5). The recalculated average experience changes from 5 or 6 years to 5.7 and 6.8 years for women and all teachers, respectively. Then 1 divided by 5.7 = 17.5 percent; 1 divided by 6.7 = 14 percent. Thus, that percentage of teachers needs to be replaced in an average year to maintain the corps. The same calculations are applied to the period 1950–70. Median experience differs from publication to publication by a month or two, and Quebec is excepted from the data; I used a median of 7.5 years for the period. For the 20–40 age cohort, we take those aged 15–19 in 1910, who would be 35–39 in 1930, those 20–24 in 1920 (30–34 in 1930), and those 20–29 in 1930. This eliminates recent immigrants. Emigration and deaths would eliminate a few from the base, but some women might have returned to teaching during that twenty-year period. The calculations yield 17 percent of 20–40-year-old women having taught, 15 percent of twenty-year-old women entering the corps annually. For the 1950–70 period, it would be 13 to 14 percent for women, 10 percent overall. Statistical perfection is impossible, but a 10 percent error in either the numerator or the denominator would alter the above percentages by less than 2. Thus, , “one in six” is an accurate estimate. Bernard and Vinovskis calculate that 20 percent of women had been a schoolteacher at some time in pre–Civil War Massachusetts—a finding similar to this one. “Female School-teachers,” 333. This is often termed the “life course” rather than the “cross-sectional” approach. A wider range in ages of women teaching, temporary absences followed by return to teaching, and the lack of gender discrimination for median experience in some provinces make such calculations impossible nationally for post–World War II.Google Scholar

⁷ Lawr, Douglas and Gidney, Robert, “Bureaucracy vs. Community: The Origins of Bureaucratic Procedure in the Upper Canadian School System,” Journal of Social History 13 (Mar. 1980): 438–57.Google Scholar

⁸ This is higher than studies for the United States indicate. Carter finds 8 percent of the “non-agricultural force” to be women. “Teaching,” 373. Courtney Vaughn-Roberson finds 12 to 15 percent of white women “earning money outside the home” teaching in Oklahoma, ; “Sometimes Independent but Never Equal—Women Teachers, 1900–1950: The Oklahoma Example.” Pacific Historical Review 53 (Feb. 1984): 45.Google Scholar

⁹ In the nineteenth and early twentieth century, males were paid more for the same work ostensibly because of the need to maintain families. Arbus cites the example of a woman who accepted as reasonable that men be paid more because they supported families until she discovered an unmarried, male co-worker being paid more. “Grateful,” 183; see also, Gelman, , “Feminization,” 129–30. Canadian scholars have recently emphasized the negative side of salaries and conditions. Curtis, , “Building the Educational State,” 255; Danylewycz, Marta and Prentice, Alison, “Teachers' Work: Changing Patterns and Perceptions in the Emerging School Systems of Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Central Canada,” Labour/Le Travail 17 (Spring 1986): 79–80; reprinted in Schoolwork: Approaches to the Labour Process of Teaching , ed. Ozga, Jenny (Milton Keynes, Eng., 1988); Prentice, , “Feminization of Teaching,” 15; Stamp, Robert M., The Schools of Ontario (Toronto, 1982), 75, 101. Recent American scholarship, however, has emphasized the relative attractiveness of teaching. See the essays of John Rury, Susan B. Carter, and Geraldine Clifford, all in American Teachers , ed. Warren, .Google Scholar

¹⁰ Table 4 gives tables for female teachers as a percentage of all public school-teachers. To print tables for all the data for all the provinces would consume too much space here. The author will make provincial tables available to interested parties if they write to him.Google Scholar

¹¹ Until World War II most came from the lower-middle classes but not working classes Prentice, , “Multiple Realities,” 131; for the United States, see Bernard, and Vinovskis, , “Female School Teachers,” 334–36; Rury, John, “Who Became Teachers? The Social Characteristics of Teachers,” in American Teachers , ed. Warren, , 9–48. Elementary teachers came from the same social strata in France, but high school teachers were daughters of the bourgeoisie. Françoise Mayeur, , L'éducation des filles en France au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1979); Margadant, Jo Burr, Madame le Professeur: Women Educators in the Third Republic (Princeton, 1990).Google Scholar

¹² Prentice, Alison et al., Canadian Women: A History (Toronto, 1988), 123.Google Scholar

¹³ The words are, respectively, those of a county inspector in 1877 and Minister of Education for Ontario, Henry Cody, in 1918. Quoted in Stamp, , “Schools,” 14, 100. See also Prentice, Alison, “Friendly Atoms in Chemistry: Women and Men at Normal School in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Toronto,” in Old Ontario: Essays in Honour of J. M. Careless , ed. Keane, David and Read, Colin (Toronto, 1990), 285–317.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Annual Report of the Public Schools of the Province of British Columbia (Victoria, 1901), 227. Quoted in Callan, John, “Teaching the Teachers: Establishment and Early Years of the B.C. Provincial Normal Schools,” BC Studies 61 (Spring 1984): 30.Google Scholar

¹⁵ In the 1890s in Quebec teachers without brevets declined from 24 percent to 14 percent, but only 4 percent were normaliens. Labarrère-Paulé, André, Les instituteurs laiques au Canada français, 1836–1900 (Quebec, 1965), 445. Model or convent schools, not normal schools, were the rule in rural Ontario and Quebec then; Danylewycz, and Prentice, , “Teachers,” 66. Fewer than 10 percent of even new teachers had attended normal schools in midcentury Massachusetts; Bernard, and Vinovskis, , “Female,” 334. When there was national direction of public schooling, as in France and Prussia, normal schools were established earlier and became the norm earlier than in Canada and the United States. Green, Andy, Education and State Formation: The Rise of Education System in England, France, Prussia, and the U.S.A. (London, 1990), 22.Google Scholar

¹⁶ The varieties of certification arc discussed in Dominion Bureau of Statistics, Historical Survey of Education (thereafter Annual Survey) (Ottawa, 1921), 67–69.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Donald Sutherland's local study of Vancouver schools in the interwar period substantiates the national trends. “The Triumph of ‘Formation’: Elementary Schooling in Vancouver from the 1920s to the 1960s,” BC Studies 69–70 (Spring 1986): 204. In Ontario there had been a dramatic increase in the percentage of teachers holding provincial certificates between 1870 and 1890 (16 to 41 percent). This information was provided by Susan Laskin and Alison Prentice from their research for the Historical Atlas of Canada. Google Scholar

¹⁸ In the United States, standards increased more in the 1930s than in the 1920s. Sedlak, Michael, “‘Let Us Go Buy a School Master’: Historical Perspectives on the Hiring of Teachers in the United States, 1750–1850,” in American Teachers, ed. Warren, , 273–77.Google Scholar

¹⁹ The Canada Year Book in 1950 pointed to the shortage of teachers during the previous decade and the effect on qualifications, 348–50; in Ontario between 1951 and 1956, the number of six-year-olds increased by 4.5 percent, the number of those aged nineteen to twenty-one years—the age cohort normally entering teaching—by only 4 percent. Stamp, Schools, 123. Moreover, single women were setting aside a teaching career for marriage. Nationally twenty- to twenty-four-year-olds were 78 percent of the five to nine age cohort in 1950, only 57 percent in 1960. For a sense of alarm about these “declining standards,” see Canada Year Book (Ottawa, 1958), 12. The problem of estimating equivalent certification among provinces and over time results in different figures in different publications of the D.B.S. Including “special” and “unclassified” in the retrospective from 1962–63 would leave 18 percent substandard in 1945, 13 percent in 1950, and 15 percent in 1957. “Level 1 and below” is used after 1945 instead of “J + 1” level in the Historical Statistics, but the figures are similar: 32 percent at “J level or below” in 1950; 31 percent “Level 1 or below” in 1955; 22 percent “J level or below” in 1958; 19 percent “Level 1 or below” in 1960. The trends are clear regardless of minor discrepancies.Google Scholar

²⁰ Only 8 percent were at that level in 1971, compared to 31 percent in 1955; even in elementary schools the percentage was halved during the 1960s.Google Scholar

²¹ By the 1974–75 school year all provinces had changed the minimal standard for teacher certification from secondary schooling with two years of teacher training to university. Salaries and Qualifications of Teachers (Ottawa, 1976–77), 15.Google Scholar

²² Historical Statistics of Canada (2d ed.) emphasized that the percentage of women teachers with university degrees was increasing faster than was the percentage of men, but that was from a lower base. The difference in the absolute percentage of men as opposed to women with university degrees increased.Google Scholar

²³ Pearson correlations between J levels reached in 1900 always correlate positively with percentage of teachers with university degrees each year from 1938 to 1980 (.72 in 1938, 61 in 1980, and in that range for all years) and with teachers with higher than level one certificates, 1945–70 (from 45 to 193). J levels for the nineteenth century do not correlate positively because of the unique behavior of Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick, explained below. Note the coefficient of variation in Table 6, explained in Table 5. It is much greater than those in Table 5 and those for other indices of schooling. For the latter, see articles listed in footnotes 70 and 71. The range from minimum to maximum also is large.Google Scholar

²⁴ Labarrère-Paulé, , “Instituteurs,” 445; Grew, Raymond and Harrigan, Patrick J., School, State, and Society: The Growth of Elementary Schooling in Nineteenth-Century France, a Quantitative Analysis (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1991), 151. Quebec's system demarked elementary from secondary level as did France's. Secondary teachers were “professeurs“.Google Scholar

²⁵ Many early matriculants had teaching experience; most were young women, strictly segregated from men. Callan, , “Teaching,” 33; Houston, Susan and Prentice, Alison, Schooling and Scholars in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Toronto, 1988), 166. Sutherland, , “The Triumph,” 205. The best account of the European background to and the foundation and spread of normal schools in the United States is Herbst, Jurgen, “Teacher Preparation in the Nineteenth Century,” in American Teachers, ed. Warren, 213–36.Google Scholar

²⁶ Stamp, , Schools, 100.Google Scholar

²⁷ These figures are calculated from figures given at five-year intervals, 1870–1958, in the Historical Statistics of Canada, 596.Google Scholar

²⁸ Correlations between the ratio of normaliens to active teachers within the system and level of qualifications of teachers within the system are beginning in 1890, for ten-year intervals with J added to J+ levels (J+ alone after 1950): .76, .66, .82, .67, .42, .31, 0 (1940), -.55, .70 (1960), .70 (1965).Google Scholar

²⁹ Correlations between normaliens and university degrees are: -.84 (1938); -.89 (1940); -.75 (1945); -.08 (1952); .51 (1955); .54 (1960). The strong change in correlation from negative to positive during the 1950s suggests that a trend was being established before “upgrading” of certificates became common.Google Scholar

³⁰ Provincial percentages of females in normal schools and total enrollment in them in relation to active teachers for all dates between 1890 and 1940 correlated strongly (more than .60 for percentage of females, .70 for percentage of active teachers, and, astonishingly, above .90 until 1935) with the percentages established in 1890.Google Scholar

³¹ Material prepared for the Historical Atlas of Canada by Susan Laskin and Alison Prentice shows that the percentage of women teaching in summer was higher than that in winter for all census dates 1850–90. I thank them for permission to use this data. See Laskin, Susan, Light, Beth, and Prentice, Alison, Archivaria 14 (Summer 1982): 75–92. See also Curtis. Building, 252.Google Scholar

³² Stamp (Schools, 199) states that they rose in Ontario after World War II. They may have for a year and certainly did for certain districts, but the provincial average maintained at 29 in 1940, 1945, 1950, and 1955. Sutherland confirms the pattern in his study of Vancouver schools, 1920–60 (“Triumph,” 204).Google Scholar

³³ The correlation between student–teacher ratios in 1885 (for seven provinces) or 1900 (nine provinces) with all later data points until 1960 is over .50, over .80 until 1930. At the peak in 1940 half of Quebec's elementary teachers, a majority of the male ones, were religious. It was 22 percent in 1874, 43 percent in 1900, 31 percent in 1960, and only 11 percent in 1969. Dumont, Micheline, “Les congregations religieuses enseignantes,” in Dumont, Micheline and Fahmy-Eid, Nadia, Les Couventine: L'éducation des filles au Quèbec dans les congregations religieuses enseignantes, 1840–1960 (Montreal, 1986), 259–64; Malouin, Marie-Paule, “La Laicisation de l'école publique québécoise entre 1939 et 1969,” Revue d'histoire de l'éducation 4 (Spring 1992): 10. At the end of the nineteenth century, student–teacher ratios in Canada were about equal to those in France, slightly higher than in the U.S., half those in England. Green, , Education, 23.Google Scholar

³⁴ All correlations save for the year 1910 between enrollment per school-age cohort and student–teacher ratios between 1870 and 1830 are above .50, above .80 for half the data points.Google Scholar

³⁵ Her first article was “Feminization.” See also other publications cited and passim.Google Scholar

³⁶ Tyack, and Strober, , “Jobs,” 133. For France the share increased from 34 percent in 1837 to 54 percent in 1863; it was still 56 percent in 1906. Grew, and Harrigan, , School, 149. In Prussia, the male schoolmaster remained the rule well into this century with only 18 percent of elementary teachers being female in 1900. Albisetti, James, Schooling German Girls and Women: Secondary and Higher Education in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, 1988), xvii, 83.Google Scholar

³⁷ Clifford, , “Man/Woman/Teacher,” 296.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid., 294; Barman, , “Birds,” 18.Google Scholar

³⁹ Footnotes 1, 2, and 4 cite examples of these studies.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Newfoundland is added only from 1950. Data are missing occasionally for Quebec, notably concerning salaries.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Prentice, , “Feminization,” 6; Curtis, , Building, 218. For the United States, Strober, , “Female/Male,” 221; Rury, , “Who Became Teachers?” 17–20.Google Scholar

⁴² Danylewycz, Marta and Prentice, Alison, “Revising the History of Teachers: A Canadian Perspective,” Interchange 17 (Summer 1986): 137; Danylewycz, Marta, Light, Beth, and Prentice, Alison, “The Evolution of the Sexual Division of Labour in Teaching: A Nineteenth Century Ontario and Quebec Case Study,” Histoire sociale/Social History 16 (May 1983): 89–94. In France, nuns were largely in small towns because of the canonical requirement to live in groups. Men were preponderant in cities and rural villages. Married women, who were preferred to single women in France, often taught in a girls' school next door to a boys' school conducted by their husband. Grew, and Harrigan, , Development, 147–80.Google Scholar

⁴³ Historical Survey of Education (1921), 92. Reports through the 1960s consistently show the median tenure of teachers to be two to twenty times as long in urban agglomerations of 10,000 or more people as in one-room rural schools and salaries to be twice as great.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ The only consistent statistically significant correlations are for teachers per school and percentage of female teachers, 1910–35, which are negative at all five-year intervals, −39 (1910), −52, −43, −18, 35, −10. Data are lacking 1935–55, but correlations are negative again (−52) for 1958 and become positive only after 1970.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Tyack, and Strober, , “Jobs,” 145.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ By World War II, men teachers were disproportionately in the cities and in large schools, women in one-room and rural schools.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ The correlations for enrollment at five-year intervals were: .40, .22, .23, .04, .62, .47. They became negative between 1915 and 1945 (.04, .26, .21, .11, .40, .56) when growth was primarily among older students, in secondary schools as full grade-school enrollment had been attained. Beginning in 1875 for attendance, they were at five-year intervals to 1950: .96, .75, .77, .79, .88, .44, .74, .64, .31, -.17, .17, 10, .11, .73, .20, .44. As expected, they generally decrease as full attendance is approached by 1926.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ At the provincial level, there are no consistent correlations between average income and proportion of female teachers. They are negative for 1890, 1920, 1930, marginally positive for 1900, 1910, 1940.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Women increased their numbers first in cities. Barman, , “Birds,” 19–23. Conversely, in Ontario, unavailability of men may have led to more women teaching in “frontier economies.” Danylewycz, Light, and Prentice, “Evolution,” 89–94.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The ratio of adult males to adult females is even greater than that for all males and females, since children are born in about equal numbers between the sexes. Although the correlation between urbanization and feminization is weak as noted above and the Maritimes were more rural than the West, there is an inverse correlation between immigration and feminization (-.24. -.69, -.73; 1900–1920).Google Scholar

⁵¹ At five-year intervals they are: .47, .60, .79, .57, .49, .54, .43, .23, .20.Google Scholar

⁵² The correlation between proportion of female teachers and level 1 and below certificates, 1955–70, is .57, .61, .64, .62. It is always negative with university degrees.Google Scholar

⁵³ The statistical correlation was so stunning in these data that I tested this model on the data for France used in Grew and Harrigan, School. It does not apply. France rigidly separated high school from elementary schooling and boys from girls. Most of its lay teachers were married. It would be interesting to consider experiences in the United States, but no one has yet tested such a hypothesis.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ For girls' enrollment with teachers from 1895 at five-year intervals, it is: .89, .91, .88, .84, .71, .47, .58, .49, .54, .57, .23, .52, .30, .46, .32, .34. With normaliens from 1900, it is: .68, .60, .25, .77, .71, .48, .58, .49, .40, -.17 (in 1945), .90, .30, .57 (1958). For high school enrollment with teachers, it is .56 in 1910 (four provinces only); then at ten-year intervals, 1920–70, for all provinces but Quebec: .42, .33, .87, .75, .80, .38 (1970), .20 (1980). For female elementary teachers with teachers it is more dramatic for the few dates for which we have full information: .88 (1901), .93 (1906), .90 (1911), .86 (1916), .97 (1921); it becomes random after 1958.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Correlations between girls' enrollment in 1900 and all future dates (to 1960) with both female normaliens and teachers are positive in 24 of 26 possibilities.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Danylewycz, and Prentice, , “Teachers,” 87–88. Ontario consistently had the greatest wage differential between men and women teachers for the years discussed here. That is important because most previous research has concentrated on Ontario and thus unwittingly created an impression of greater differences for Canada as a whole.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Arbus (“Grateful,” 182) argues that women's salaries were decreased by 55 percent, men by 38 percent during the depression in Ontario. Our figures at five-year intervals reveal a lesser decline and the differential growing only after 1935.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Median salaries were $900 in 1940, $2100 in 1950, $4100 in 1960, $7100 in 1970, and $22,200 in 1980; the average no median figure available salary was $36,300 in 1985. The coefficient of variation among provinces was 38 percent, 16 percent, 18 percent, 6 percent, and 6 percent, respectively. Stamp (Ontario, 189, 198) states that Ontario teachers' salaries rose twice as fast as inflation during World War II and that they exceeded the consumer price index by 30 percent, 1947–55, but he gives somewhat higher gross increases than do government publications used here.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Carter, , “Occupational Segregation”; Strober, and Lanford, , “Feminization.” Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Experience of teachers has high correlations with gross salaries: .84, .56, .88, .90 for male; .92, .77, .60, .82 for women, 1921–36—the only sequence of years for which the needed data are available in the reports. These correlations are much higher than those for wage differential.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Correlations between median salary and proportion of female teachers are possible at five-year intervals for median salary of all teachers, 1935–75, median male and female salaries, 1921–50, male and female elementary teachers, 1955–75. They are as follows, all negative unless otherwise indicated: all teachers, .35, .56, .56, .63, .55, .70, .72, .77, .77, .58; males, .33, +.16, .23, .28, .11, .67, .56; female, .56, .25, .53, .28, .86, .87, .57; male elementary, .28, .30, .31, .59, .27, .59; female elementary, .47, .44, .66, .36, .06.Google Scholar

⁶² Correlations for proportion of female teachers in 1890 (7 provinces) and in 1905 (9 provinces) with the same variable at all succeeding dates are, for 1890: .99, .94, .82, .85, .65, .66, .70, .61, .70, .44, .28, .38, .40, .35, .29, .16, .52, .43; for 1905: .91, .75, .58, .74, .72, .75, .38, .28, .28 .29, .17, .16, .12, .34, .35. Note the constancy of the coefficient of variation from 1915 in Table 5.Google Scholar

⁶³ See also Harrigan, , “Enrolment and Attendance in Canadian Schools since Confederation,” for enrollment and attendance in various levels of schooling. Journal of Comparative and International History 10 (June 1991).Google Scholar

⁶⁴ D.B.S., Education in Canada: A Statistical Review (Ottawa, 1987), 206. There had been little change over the preceding decade.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ As compared to the above, in the United States in 1960 the median age of a teacher was 44, average service 14 years, 71 percent were married, 70 percent had a four-year degree. Tyack, and Strober, , “Jobs,” 147. Married women first outnumbered single ones in the United States in 1953; Clifford, , “Men/Women,” 309.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See the comparative age structures for men and women teachers in Carter. “Incentives.” Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Carter emphasizes discrimination as a reason for disproportionate numbers of women and of ethnic minorities in teaching. She concludes that pay was not so bad historically, considering alternatives. “Incentives,” 50–53.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Uniquely in the Western world, girls in Canada had more years of secondary schooling than boys in the first half of this century. Harrigan, Patrick, “The Schooling of Boys and Girls in Canada,” Journal of Social History 23 (July 1990): 806.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Harrigan, Patrick, “A Comparison of Rural and Urban Patterns of Enrolment and Attendance in Canada,” Canadian History of Education Association Bulletin 5 (Oct. 1989): 27–48; idem, “Schooling,” 803–16; idem, “Enrolment.” Google Scholar