¹ García, Mario T. identifies these pioneer schools from different fields in Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, & Identity, 1930–1960 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989). As feminist scholars have demonstrated, this first generation was largely male and the key players in this essay were all male, hence the use of the term “Chicano.”Google Scholar

² Qu$nTones, Juan Gómez, Chicano Politics: Reality & Promise, 1940–1990 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), 189–90.Google Scholar

³ Richardson, Theresa and Fisher, Donald, ed., The Development of the Social Sciences in the United States and Canada: The Role of Philanthropy (Stamford, CT: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1999).Google Scholar

⁴ See the classic work, Arnove, Robert, ed., Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad (Boston: G.K. Hall, 1980); Lagemann, Ellen Condliffe, ed., Philanthropic Foundations: New Scholarship, New Possibilities (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999). For an up-to-date overview on U.S. institutions, see Walton, Andrea, “Philanthropy in Higher Education: Past and Present,” in Philanthropy, Volunteerism & Fundraising in Higher Education, ed., Walton, Andrea and Gasman, Marybeth, ASHE Reader Series (Boston, MA: Pearson Custom Publishing, 2008), 3–11; and Jenkins, J. Craig and Eckert, Craig, “Channeling Black Insurgency: Elite Patronage and Professional Social Movement Organizations in the Development of the Black Movement,” American Sociological Review 51 (December 1986): 812–29.Google Scholar

⁵ The relationship between African Americans, private foundations, higher education, and the creation of Black Studies departments and centers is explored in Rojas, Fabio, From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007); and Rooks, Noliwe, White Money/Black Power: The Surprising History of African American Studies and the Crisis of Race in Higher Education (Boston: Beacon Press, 2006). Historical interpretations of the role of philanthropies and black higher education are explored by Anderson, James, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1880–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); Anderson, Eric and Moss, Alfred A., Jr., Dangerous Donations: Northern Philanthropy and Southern Black Education, 1902–1930 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2001); Watkins, William, White Architects of Black Education (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001); and Gasman, Mary Beth, Envisioning Black Colleges: A History of the United Negro College Fund (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007). The role of the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations in bringing students from diverse backgrounds to elite institutions is covered in MacDonald, Victoria-Maria, Botti, John, and Clark, Elizabeth Hoffman, “From Visibility to Autonomy: Latinos and Higher Education in the United States from 1965–2005,” Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 4 (Winter 2007): 474–504; and Walton, Andrea, “Building a Pipeline to College: A Study of the Rockefeller-Funded ‘A Better Chance’ Program, 1963–1969,” American Educational History Journal 36, no. 1 (2009): 151–69.Google Scholar

⁶ Lagemann, Ellen Condliffe, The Politics of Knowledge: The Carnegie Corporation, Philanthropy, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 178–81.Google Scholar

⁷ O'Connor, Alice, “The Ford Foundation and Philanthropic Activism in the 1960s,” in Lagemann, Ellen Condliffe, ed., Philanthropic Foundations: New Scholarship, New Possibilities (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999), 188.Google Scholar

⁸ Leaders in the black higher education community and within the Foundation expressed alarm over the post-desegregation era shift: in policies. See Inter-Office Memorandum from Samuel DuBois Cook to Bundy, Mr. McGeorge, “Board Discussion of Predominantly Negro Colleges (PNC's),” 30 March 1970; and Mr. Benjamin Mays, E. to Bundy, Mr. McGeorge, 10 April 1970. Box I, Folder 6, Series I. President Office Files—Bundy, Armsey, James 1970–1973, The Ford Foundation Archives, New York City. Hereafter, the Ford Foundations Archives in New York City will be referred to as FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁹ The Ford Foundation, Research on Race and Ethnicity Sponsored by the Education and Research Division and Its Forbears—1951–1973 (A Report far the Ford Foundation Task Force on Race and Ethnicity), #3701, August 1973, 20, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ibid., 18.Google Scholar

¹¹ In an Inter-Office Memorandum this 1970 report is explicitly called “The Raspberry Report“ although the origin of the tide is not yet known. Harold Howe II to Bundy, Mr. McGeorge, 17 May 1971. Box 1, Folder I, Series I. President Office Files—Bundy. Howe, Harold 1970–1971, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹² Foundation, Ford, Special Projects. Education and Research Division, Higher Education for Under-Represented Minorities. FY 1971, FY 1972 and Three Years Beyond. {The Raspberry Report), #002846. 19 January 1970, 55, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹³ Ibid., 44.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Woodward, C. Vann, “Clio with Soul,” Black Studies—Myths and Realities, A. Philip Randolph Educational Fund, September 1969, as appears in Footnote 20 in The Raspberry Report, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Grassland, Fred E., Minority Access to College: A Ford Foundation Report (New York: Schocken Books, 1971); Ford Foundation, Inclusive Scholarship: Developing Black Studies in the United States: A 25th Anniversary Retrospective of Ford Foundation Grant Making, 1982–2007 (New York: Ford Foundation, 2007); Rooks, , White Money/Black Power; and Rojas, , From Black Power to Black Studies. Google Scholar

¹⁶ The Raspberry Report, 58, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Rooks, , White Money/Black Power, 61–92.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Throughout this article we will be referencing the Annual Reports of the Ford Foundation. Over the course of our research, Ford has changed the format of their online archives several times and the scope of years one can access online. Because of this, when we cite an Annual Report, we will include a specific tide if noted, otherwise we will include the generic tide Ford Foundation Annual Report followed by the year of the report and begin referenced and specific page numbers (when called for). Electronic copies of the Annual Reports for limited years can be found at http://www.fordfoundation.org.Google Scholar

²⁰ Ford Foundation Annual Report, 1976; O'Connor, “The Ford Foundation and Philanthropic Activism,” 188; Walton, , “Building a Pipeline to College,” 161, 164. Without engaging in the debates over the rise and fall of the Black Power movement, there is nonetheless a solid literature that has chronicled the reaction of the militant black nationalist movement among whites, including Gareth Davies, From Opportunity to Entitlement: The Transformation and Decline of Great Society Liberalism (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1996); Matusow, Allen, The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Harper Press, 1984); Gerstle, Gary, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002); and Fergus, Devin, Liberalism, Black Power; and the Making of American Politics, 1965–1980 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 2009).Google Scholar

²¹ In 1969, the Foundation established a Task Force on Race and Ethnicity to determine the amount of funds utilized on projects relating to these issues from the beginning of its founding. The information in this paragraph is from one of the three reports subsequently issued on this topic. Ford Foundation, Shirley Teper to Basil Whiting, “Race and Ethnicity Task Force: Report on National Affairs Research Thrusts,” 14 March 1973, 1, FF Archives.Google Scholar

²² Historical analyses and autobiographical reminiscences of the development of Chicano and Puerto Rican Studies Centers rarely analyze the Ford Foundation's role in their development. With the passage of the 1969 Tax Reform Act tightening restrictions on foundations such as Ford, the Foundation turned away from more activist type of organizations and channeled funds through less controversial institutions such as higher education. There is scattered evidence that the radical arm of the Chicano movimiento condemned co-option possibilities among recipients of Ford monies. Rendón, Armando B., for example, warned Chicanos to avoid their “dependence on the private gringo bureaucracies that the Ford Foundation and other foundations represented.” Rendón, Armando B., Chicano Manifesto (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 122. Ernesto B. Vigil briefly discusses Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales and the Crusade for Justice's critique of former Chicanos who had been co-opted into government positions and private sector institutions such as Ford. See Vigil, Ernesto B., The Crusade fir Justice: Chicano Militancy and the Government's War on Dissent (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999), 52–53. For general interpretations of this era see Mariscal, George, Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun: Lessons from the Chicano Movement, 1965–1975 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), chap. 6; Lauro H. Flores, “Thirty Years of Chicano and Chicana Studies,” in Butler, Johnnella E., ed., Color-Line to Borderlands: The Matrix of American Ethnic Studies (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001): 203–33; Rochín, Refugio I. and Valdés, Dennis N., eds., Voices of a New Chicana/o History (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 2000). Qui$nTones, Juan Gómez, Chicano Politics: Reality and Promise, 1940–1990 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990) mentions the Ford Foundation's role in providing the funds to start the Southwest Council of La Raza and the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund, but not the Foundation's role in providing seed money for Chicano Studies Centers and departments. See also Garcia, Ignacio M., Chicanismo: The Forging of a Militant Ethos among Mexican Americans (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1998); and Soldatenko, Michael, Chicano Studies: The Genesis of a Discipline (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009), which devotes two pages to Ford's funding of the Chicano Commission on Higher Education, 99–100. The activist organization, The Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF) was started with a grant of $2.2 million. More research has been conducted on this organization. See older works such as Guadalupe San Miguel, Jr., “Let All of Them Take Heed”: Mexican Americans and the Campaign for Educational Equality in Texas, 1910–1981 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); and O'Connor, Karen and Epstein, Lee, “A Legal Voice for the Chicano Community: The Activities of the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, 1968–1982,” Social Science Quarterly 65, no. 2 (June 1984): 245–56. Newer interpretations are included in Maurilio Vigil, “The Ethnic Organization as an Instrument of Political and Social Change: MALDEF, A Case Study,” Journal of Ethnic Studies 1, no. 2 (1990): 15–31; Marquez, Benjamin, “Mexican-American Political Organizations and Philanthropy: Bankrolling a Social Movement,” The Social Service Review 77, no. 3 (2003): 329–46; Flores, Lori A, “A Community of Limits and the Limits of Community: MALDEF's Chicana Rights Project, Empowering the ‘Typical Chicana,’ and the Question of Civil Rights, 1974–1983,” Journal of American Ethnic History 27, no. 3 (Spring 2008): 81–110; and Tom I. Romero, II, “MALDEF and the Legal Investment in a Multi-Colored America,” Berkeley La Raza Law Journal 18, no. 1 (2007): 135–46.Google Scholar

²³ Examples are: Cuellar, Jose Bernardo, “Death in the Chicano Community: An examination of death-related beliefs, attitudes and behavior among Chicanos in the greater Los Angeles area” (PhD dissertation, UCLA), received $4,907.00; Richard Griswold, “A Social History of the Mexican American Community in Los Angeles, 1850–1890” (PhD dissertation, UCLA) received $4,000; Cardos, Lawrence A., “Emigration of Mexican labor to the United States, 1900–1930: An Analysis of Socio-Economic Causes” (PhD dissertation, University of Connecticut) received $5,000; Louise Ano Nuevo Kerr, “The Mexicans in Chicago: World War I to 1970” (PhD dissertation, University of Illinois) received $5,000; and Bruton, Frederic A., “The Politicization of the Mexican-American in Three Texas Cities, 1945–1960.” (PhD dissertation, Tulane University) received $2,800. “Appendix A—Dissertation Fellowship Awards Recommended by the Selection Committee for 1972–1973” in Research on Race and Ethnicity Sponsored by the Education and Research Divisions and Its Forbears—1951–1973: A Report for the Ford Foundation Task Force on Race and Ethnicity, #3701, August 1973, 1–8. FF Archives.Google Scholar

²⁴ Research on Race and Ethnicity Sponsored by the Education and Research Divisions and Its Forbears, 22.Google Scholar

²⁵ Guzmán, Ralph C., “Chicano Control of History: A Review of Selected Literature,” California Historical Quarterly 52, no. 2 (Summer 1973): 171.Google Scholar

²⁶ García, , Mexican Americans; and Sanchez, George J., Becoming Mexican-American: Ethnicity, Culture, & Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).Google Scholar

²⁷ TheRaspberry Report, 19 January 1970, note 7, 62, FF Archives.Google Scholar

²⁸ The Foundation reported, “Made grant for ESL in Dade County, FL public schools which teach over 20,000 children of Cuban refugee families.” $278,000 was allocated over a 2-year period. Ford Foundation Annual Report, 1963, 108. The US-Border Study project is mentioned as early as 1965, the sum of $198,000 “in further support of US-Mexico Border Studies Project,” Ford Foundation Annual Report, 1965 (accessed 10 April 2010). The Ford Foundation, Report sent from Teper, Shirley to Whiting, Basil, The Race and Ethnicity Task Force: Report on National Affairs Research Thrusts. 14 March 1973, 6–7, Group #3701, FF Archives.Google Scholar

²⁹ Grebler, Leo, Moore, Joan W., and Guzman, Ralph C., The Mexican-American People: The Nation's Second Largest Minority (New York: The Free Press, 1971). A fascinating update to this original study was conducted recently when scholars at UCLA found the original surveys from this project during a library renovation. See Telles, Edward E. and Ortiz, Vilma, Generations of Exclusion: Mexican Americans, Assimilation, and Race (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2008).Google Scholar

³⁰ Guzmán, , “Chicano Control of History,” 170–75.Google Scholar

³¹ Grebler, , Moore, , and Guzman, , The Mexican-American People, 5.Google Scholar

³² Ibid., 3.Google Scholar

³³ Blanton, Carlos K., “George I. Sanchez, Ideology, and Whiteness in the Making of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement, 1930–1960,” Journal of Southern History 72, no. 3 (August 2006): 569–604; Getz, Lynne Marie, “Extending the Helping Hand to Hispanics: The Role of the General Education Board in New Mexico in the 1930s,” Teachers College Record 93 (Spring 1992): 500–15; and Sanchez, George I., Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1940).Google Scholar

³⁴ Ibid., 4.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ibid.Google Scholar

³⁶ Gómez-Quiñones, Juan, “Toward a Perspective on Chicano History,” Aztlan 2, no. 2 (Fall 1971): note 68, 47.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid., 9.Google Scholar

³⁹ Burma, John H., California State Polytechnic College. “Another American Dilemma: Finding ‘The Unknown Minority,’” Social Science Quarterly 52, no. 1 (June 1971): 34.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Alvarez, Rodolfo, “The Unique Psycho-Historical Experience of The Mexican American People” Originally published in Social Science Quarterly, 52, no. 1 (June 1971): 46. Quotation from reprint in Rosaldo, Renato, Calvert, Robert A., and Seligmann, Gustav L., eds., Chicano: The Evolution of a People (Minneapolis, MN: Winston Press, 1973), 45–55.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid., 53.Google Scholar

⁴² The bilingual newspaper's English language version was titled The Chronicle and Spanish language version, La Cranica. To avoid confusion and for simplicity we are calling it La Cronica in the text.Google Scholar

⁴³ Mariscal, , Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun. Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid., 11–14, 171–209.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Resume of Miller, Robert A., ca. 1974. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 1, FF Archives, In his resume it states that Miller received a B.A. in History with a minor in Politics in June of 1963 from Brandeis University, Waltham, MA.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Media materials include: Black television show scripts and the Obie Award winning documentary, RIOT! Resume of Miller, Robert A., ca. 1974. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 1, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Greene, John W., “Black Chronicle,” The Journal of Negro Education 42, no. 2 (1973): 227–29.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Johnson, Clifton H., Executive Director of The Amistad Research Center to Marshall Robinson, Program Officer in Higher Education (Dillard University, New Orleans, LA), 6 April 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Miller received $3,750.00 and $11,167.40, “to conduct research and prepare a plan for establishing a newspaper in Mexican-American History” and “to carry out research for a newspaper project in Mexican-American History and attend Berlitz language training program in Mexico City, Mexico.” See Appendix B: Travel and Study Awards in the Field of Race and Ethnicity, 1967–1973, in “Past and Present Foundation Funded Research on Race and Ethnicity,” in Research on Race and Ethnicity Sponsored by the Education and Research Divisions and Its Forbears—1951–1973, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Johnson, Clifton H. to Robinson, Marshall, 6 April 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵¹ “Precis,” in Grant Report, proposal submitted to Claremont University Center, ca. 1972, 4. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 1, FF Archives; and Miller, Robert A. to Robinson, Marshall, 30 October 1972, “Meeting with Rudy Alvarez and Vice Chancellor Wilson on October 9 in Wilson's UCLA Office.” Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵² Tijerina, Reyes Lopez to Robinson, Marshall, 19 July 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵³ Dr. Carlos Cortes, E., Associate Professor of History and Chairman, Mexican-American Studies, University of California, Riverside to Marshall Robinson, 26 July 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ emphasized, Marshall Robinson to Nava, Julian, “Our interest in this project is contingent upon the support of sensitive and knowledgeable Mexican Americans; and Robert Miller has taken the same position. We hope therefore that the project will have your endorsement.” Robinson, Marshall to Nava, Julian, 21 August 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Nava, Julian, Board of Education, City of Los Angeles to Marshall Robinson, 2 August 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Nava, Julian, Mexican Americans: A Brief Look at their History (New York: Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, 1970); and Mexican Americans: Past, Present, Future (New York: American Book Company, 1969).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Nava, Julian, !VIVA LA RAZA!: Readings on Mexican Americans, (New York: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1973), x.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Robinson, Marshall A., Officer in Charge, Division of Education and Research to Mr. Julian Nava, 21 August 1972, 1. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Letter to Marshall Robinson from Julian Nava, Member Board of Education, City of Los Angeles, 6 October 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Rodríguez, Roberto, “The Origins and History of the Chicano Movement,” in Voices of a New Chicana/o History, 301.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Camarillo, Albert M., “The ‘New’ Chicano History: Historiography of Chicanos of the 1970s,” in Chicanos and the Social Sciences: A Decade of Research and Development (1970–1980), ed., Ortiz, Isidro D. (Santa Barbara, CA: Center for Chicano Studies, 1983), 9–17; Soldatenko, Michael, Chicano Studies: The Genesis of a Discipline (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2009).Google Scholar

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⁶⁴ Gómez-Quiñones, , “Toward a Perspective on Chicano History,” note 8, also critiqued the hasty publication of works that were insufficiently adept at battling old stereotypes. Albert Camarillo, from his perspective in the 1980s, commented that “most of these historical overviews were rushed into print so as to capitalize on a growing interested audience. As a result, most of these Chicano history texts are overly impressionistic and do not push analyses or interpretations much beyond that examined by Carey McWilliam's North From Mexico first published in 1948.” Unfortunately, Camarillo does not identify which works he believed were too hastily published. Albert Camarillo, “Observations on the ‘New’ Chicano History: Historiography of the 1970s,” Working Paper Series No.1 (Stanford Center for Chicano Research, January 1984): 4. Accessed 11 December 2011 at: http://ccsre.stanford.edu/pdfs/WorkingPaperSeriesNo1.pdf.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ford Foundation Annual Reports, 1968–1975.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Alvarez, Rudi, Chicano Studies Center, University of California Los Angeles to Marshall A. Robinson, 24 July 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Alvarez, Rodolfo to Robinson, Marshall, 18 August 1972, 1. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Ibid.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Robinson, , a PhD economist, joined the Ford Foundation in 1964, was appointed Vice President in 1972 and remained until 1979. He continued his philanthropic career as President of Russell Sage Foundation from 1979 to 1986. He passed away in 2006. See obituary in The New York Times, 13 January 13, 2006, accessed 11 December 2011 at: http://www.nytimes.com/2006/01/l3/nyregion/13ROBINSON.htmlGoogle Scholar

⁷⁰ Alvarez, Rodolfo to Robinson, Marshall A., Deputy Vice President, Division of Education and Research, 13 September 1972, 3. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

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⁷² In his postscript, Miller notes, “P.S. I presented the project idea last night to the Mexican American Educational Commission in East Los Angeles. The Commission was formed after the East Los Angeles high school walkouts to represent the Chicano community and to express its feelings on educational issues to the Los Angeles School Board. Last night's meeting was attended by about 50 community members, including working and professional people, and parents and teachers. After crucifying a representative of the school board who described ‘another federal vocational program’ to them, they heard my description of the project, received the idea warmly, and passed a resolution supporting it. I should have a copy of the resolution soon.” Miller, Robert to Robinson, Marshall, 30 October 1972, 2. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives. For detailed information on the Los Angeles blow outs see Lopez, Ian Haney, Racism on Trial: The Chicano Fight for Justice (Cambridge, MA: The Cambridge Press of Harvard University Press, 2003); and MacDonald, Victoria-María, ed., Latino Education in the United States, 1513–2000: A Narrated History (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), chap. 7.Google Scholar

⁷³ Miller, Robert to Robinson, Marshall, 30 October 1972, 2. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Letter from Arreola, Raul P., Executive Secretary and Gurule, Kay H., Chairperson. Textbook Taskforce, Mexican American Education Commission, Board of Education City of Los Angeles, October 30, 1972. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Letter from Mrs. Margarita Vela Banks, Human Relations Specialist, Alhambra (CA) City Schools, 28 November 1972, 1. Grant 73–82, reel R-1765, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ Robinson, Marshall A. to Mr.Harold, Howe II, 28 February 1972. Subject: Staff Assignments. President Office Files—Bundy, Box 1, Folder 2, Series I, Group 2, Howe, Harold 1972–1973, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Ibid., 1.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ibid.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Ibid., 2.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Confidential Inter-Office Memorandum, Subject: Divisional Staff: (1) Requests for replacements, (2) Report on Turnover, Harold Howe II to McGeorge Bundy and Arthur D. Trottenberg, copied to Marshall Robinson and Mr. Meade, 29 February 1972. President Office Files—Bundy. Box 1 Folder 2 Series I Group 2. Howe, Harold 1972–73, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁸² Ibid.Google Scholar

⁸³ According to biographical information on the University of Southern California El Centro Chicano website, Amaya received a BA in Latin American Studies from the University of Arizona, a Master of Arts degree in History from Southern Methodist University in Texas, and had not yet completed his dissertation in U.S. and Latin American Relations: University of Southern California, “Previous Directors,” El Centro Chicano, accessed 30 June 2010 at: hiip://sait.usc.edu/elcentro/about/history/previous-directors.aspx. He was granted a five-year leave of absence from Colorado State University to join Ford.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Quevedo, Edward, Director, Mexican-American Studies Center, The Claremont Colleges, Human Resources Institute to Abel Amaya, Program Officer, The Ford Foundation, Division of Education and Research, 16 March 1973. Emphasis in italics ours.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ O'Connor, , “The Ford Foundation and Philanthropic Activism in the 1960s,” and see also concerns about funding cuts aborting civil rights and social justice projects discussed in: Adhoc Committee on Issues, Racial Policy, RACIAL POLICY ISSUES: Summary of Discussions and Recommendations, Ford Foundation, #010883, ca. 1976, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Vigil, Ernesto B., Crusade for Justice, 52–53; Halberstam, David, “The Very Expensive Education of McGeorge Bundy,” Harper's Magazine (July 1969): 21–41; and Ravitch, Diane, The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805–1973: A History of the Public Schools as Battlefield of Social Change (New York: Basic Books, 1974), 397.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Quevedo, Edward to Amaya, Abel, 16 March 1973. Grant 73–82, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ A full list is available under “Summary of Staff.” Memorandum, Robinson, Marshall A. to Dressner, Howard R. via Harold Howe II, “Subject: Supplement to Grant 73–082,” Claremont University Center, 5 March 1973, FF Archives. Currently faculty were located through an internet search to their institution home pages, and are respectively at: http://www.asu.edu/clas/transborder/faculty_escobar.htm (accessed 10 December 2011); and http://annenberg.usc.edu/Faculty/Communication%20and%20Journalism/GutierrerzF.aspx (accessed 10 December 2011).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ “Statement of Mutual Agreement Between The Chicano Studies Center of the Claremont Colleges and Ford Foundation Project ‘Chicano Chronicle,’” n.d. but handwritten note on top “Rec'd week of 4/23/73.” Grant 73–82, section 1, FF Archives. Statement signed by Quevedo, Edward, Director and Robert Miller, Project Director.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Ibid.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Amaya, Abel to Spangenberg, Gail, 6 June 1973. Grant 73–82, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁹² Payton, Benjamin F. to Spangenberg, Gail, copied to Abel Amaya, “Re: Chicano Chronicle,” 30 November 1973. Grant 73–82, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁹³ USC El Centro Chicano, “El Centro's History: Previous Directors,” USC Student Affairs, accessed 11 December 2009 at: http://www.usc.edu/student-affairs/elcentro/history_previous_directors.htm.Google Scholar

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⁹⁵ Inter-Office Memorandum from Spangenberg, Gail to Payton, Ben, “Subject: Chicano Chronicle, 21 November 1973.” Grant 73–82, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Ibid.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Amaya, Abel to Spangenberg, Gail, 6 June 1973. Grant 73–82, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ Miller, Robert, Director of the Chicano Chronicle, The Claremont Colleges to Gail Spangenberg, Assistant Program Officer, Higher Education and Research, Ford Foundation, October 29, 1973. Grant 73–82, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Stewart, Clifford T., Associate Provost of Claremont University Center wrote to Spangenberg in June of 1974 announcing the HEW grant and stating, “As you may know, the project has been without financial resources since December, 1973.” Stewart, Clifford T. to Spangenberg, Gail, Assistant Program Officer, 26 June 1974. Grant 73–82, section 1 supplement, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Ibid. The provost requested assistance from the Ford Foundation to pay about $6,000 in additional overhead to supplement the HEW grant, but that amount does not appear to have been granted; Miller, Robert to Spangenberg, Gail, 20 October 1975. Grant 073–82, section 4, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Miller appended a list of over forty organizations in his letter dated October 20, 1975 that had given the Chicano Chronicle support by 1975, but the attachment dated 29 June 1977 does not appear in Foundation records.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Newspaper clipping, UCLA Daily Bruin VCII, no. 34 (15 May 1974), attached to letter from Miller, Robert to Robinson, Marshall, ca. 1974, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Copy of hand written flyer calling for meeting on May 15, 1974, attached to letter from Miller, Robert A. to Robinson, Marshall A., ca. 1974, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Miller, Robert A. to Robinson, Marshall, Vice President Resources and the Environment, n.d. Letterhead is from LA CRONICA, Scripps College Service Building, The Claremont Colleges, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Inter-Office Memorandum from Spangenberg, Gail to Bohrson, Ralph, Subject: La Cronica, 29 July 1977. Grant 73–82, FF Archives.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Unfortunately, at this stage in our research, we have a “cold trail,” with Miller. He took a position at the progressive organization Change as Director of Special Projects in the late 1970s, writing to Gail that he was eager to return to New York and work on educational projects on “a much wider scale.” Spangenberg, Gail, on the other hand, with a more unique last name, owns her own educational consultant company in New York City but has not returned voicemails or emails. Rudy Alvarez is still at UCLA in Sociology; Carlos Cortes is retired and has written a memoir about growing up in Kansas City, Abel Amaya is also recently retired after twenty years at USC and teaching part-time at Cal State Dominguez. Julian Nava has also retired and left his biographical materials at UCLA. Their perspectives and analyses will certainly balance the perspectives from these primary sources, albeit over a forty-year period of reflection. Unfortunately, Samora, Julian, Guzmán, Ralph, Howe, Harold II, and Robinson, Marshall have all passed away.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ One of the more recent examples exists between Bourdieu, Pierre, Wacquant, Loïc, and Telles, Edward E. concerning the Rockefeller Foundations’ involvement in Brazil's racial affirmative action research and scholarship. See Bourdieu, Pierre and Wacquant, Loïc, “On the Cunning of Imperialist Reason,” Theory, Culture & Society 16, no. 1 (1999): 41–58; and the response, Telles, Edward E., “US Foundations and Racial Reasoning in Brazil,” Theory, Culture, & Society 20, no. 4 (2003): 31–47.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Soldatenko, , Chicano Studies; Vigil, Crusade for Justice; and Jenkins and Eckert, “Channeling Black Insurgency.”Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ MacDonald, Botti, and Hoffman, “From Visibility to Autonomy,” reveals how the U.S. federal government, Rockefeller, and Ford Foundations viewed the creation and passage of federal legislation for Hispanic Americans in higher education in the early 1960s through 1980s as interchangeable with the black experience.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ See Rooks, , Black Power, White Wealth, and Rojas, , From Black Power to Black Studies. Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Lopez, Haney, Racism on Trial, 237–38.Google Scholar

¹¹² During the research for this project, it was noted how many stakeholders had recently passed away. While Julian Samora's history is being preserved at the Julian Samora Institute, this is also a call for more interviews with members of the Chicano movement while they are available as living documents.Google Scholar