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² The program fell victim to Ronald Reagan's Education Consolidation and Improvement Act in 1981. See Bosco, James J. and Harring, L. Richard, “Afloat on the Sea of Ambiguity: The Teacher Corps Experience.” Education and Urban Society 15 (May 1983): 331–349. Shifts in purpose include the 1967 reauthorization, which transformed the program from a federally directed vision of reform to a more locally managed means of procuring teachers; an increased focus on attracting teachers of color that shaped recruitment strategies into the 1970s; and an emphasis on in-service development rather than recruitment of new teachers into the field as a result of a teacher surplus in the 1970s.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ Familiar reproaches of institutions devoted to the study of education and preparation of teachers in the 1960s can be found in Conant, James B., The Education of American Teachers (New York: McGraw Hill, 1963) or, more critically, Koerner, James, The Miseducation of American Teachers (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, Company, 1963). See also Lagemann, Ellen Condliffe, An Elusive Science: The Troubling History of Education Research (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000); Labaree, David, The Trouble with Ed Schools (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004); and Clifford, Geraldine J. and Guthrie, James W., Ed School: A Brief for Professional Education (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988). Regarding the “lower average intelligence” of education students compared with other students, see Lagemann, 16; Waller, Willard, The Sociology of Teaching (1932, repr., New York: Russell & Russell, 1961), 380 (which claims that women students are further below the general average than men students); and Lortie, Dan C., Schoolteacher: A Sociological Study (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975).Google Scholar

⁴ Koerner, , The Miseducation of American Teachers, 17.Google Scholar

⁵ For example, historian Paul Mattingly documented how, in the early nineteenth century, the American Institute for Instruction was so eager to enshrine men as teachers that it proposed investing in the training of part-time, male “citizen teachers” rather than accept the alternative of full time, female teachers. See Mattingly, Paul, The Classless Profession: American Schoolmen in the 19th Century (New York: New York University Press, 1975). Once women gained a foothold in the profession, Catharine Beecher's call for middle-class, native-born, educated women to become teachers again elevated a particular kind of woman as a desirable candidate. See Sklar, Kathryn Kish, Catharine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1976). Similar examples abound in the twentieth century. In New York City alone, for example, training and hiring practices were used to screen out undesirable candidates and attract those perceived to be more attractive on the basis of class, ethnicity, and race. See Kate Rousmaniere, City Teachers: Teaching and School Reform in Historical Perspective (New York: Teachers College Press, 1997); Markowitz, Ruth Jacknow, My Daughter the Teacher: Jewish Teachers in the New York City Schools (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1993); and Collins, Christina, “‘The Whole School-Accrediting Road': Race, Ethnicity, and the Education of New York City Teachers, 1900–1970” (Paper presented at the History of Education Society Annual Meeting, Ottawa, Canada, 2006).Google Scholar

⁶ Jona than Zimmerman, Innocents Abroad: American Teachers in the American Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 13–14. The tradition of teaching as service toward the disenfranchised spans the history of American teaching; in addition to Zimmerman, see, for example, Jones, Jacqueline, Soldiers of Light and Love: Northern Teachers and Georgia Blacks, 1865–1873 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980); Butchart, Ronald, Northern Schools, Southern Blacks, and Reconstruction: Freedmen's Education, 1862–1875 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980).Google Scholar

⁷ Familiar accounts of the Great Society can be found in Matusow, Allen, The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Harper & Row, 1984); Milkis, Sidney M. and Mileur, Jerome M., eds., The Great Society and the High Tide of Liberalism (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2005); and Dallek, Robert, Flawed Giant: Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961–1973 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998). Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War on Poverty (New York: The Free Press, 1969) critiques aspects of the Great Society problematized by the NTC, including federal attempts to circumvent existing power structures.Google Scholar

⁸ See Larson, Magali Sarfatti, The Rise of Professionalism: A Sociological Analysis (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977); Soder, Roger, “The Rhetoric of Teacher Professionalization,” in The Moral Dimensions of Teaching, ed. Goodlad, John, et. al. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1990), 35–86; and Corwin, Ronald, Reform and Organizational Survival: The Teacher Corps as An Instrument of Educational Change (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1973).Google Scholar

⁹ Hoffman, Elizabeth Cobbs, All You Need Is Love (Cambridge: Harvard University⁷ Press, 1998), 60.Google Scholar

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¹² See Karabel, Jerome, The Chosen: The Hidden History of Admission and Exclusion at Harvard, Yale, and Princeton (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 2005). Karabel's assertions pertain to the process of college admissions, but his points apply to a broad range of desirable opportunities that depend upon application and selection procedures for admittance.Google Scholar

¹³ Education has long been a favorite remedy for economic, social and cultural challenges throughout American history, but the Great Society's deployment of education was notable for its federal commitment and its use of education to fight social and economic problems. For the Great Society's strong federal commitment to education see Harvey Kantor, “Education, Social Reform, and the State: ESEA and Federal Education Policy in the 1960s,” American Journal of Education 100 (November 1991): 47–83 and Kantor, Harvey and Lowe, Robert, “Class, Race, and the Emergence of Federal Education Policy: From the New Deal to the Great Society,” Educational Researcher 24 (April 1995): 4–11, 21. For arguments justifying the use of education to fight social and economic problems, see Brauer, Carl M., “Kennedy, Johnson, and the War on Poverty,” The Journal of American History 69 (June 1982): 98–119; Aaron, Henry J., Politics and the Professors: The Great Society in Perspective (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1978); Haveman, Robert H., Poverty Policy and Poverty Research: The Great Society and the Social Sciences (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987); Jeffrey, Julie Roy, Education for Children of the Poor: A Study of the Origins and Implementation of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1978); and Isserman, Maurice and Kazin, Michael, America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cuban, Larry, To Make a Difference: Teaching in the Inner City (New York: The Free Press, 1970).Google Scholar

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¹⁶ See, for example, Kozol, Jonathan, Death at an Early Age: The Destruction of the Hearts and Minds of Negro Children in the Boston Public Schools (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967); Kohl, Herbert, 36 Children (New York: The New American Library, 1967); Coles, Robert, Children of Crisis: A Study of Courage and Fear (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967); Herndon, James, The Way It Spozed to Be (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965); and Moore, Alexander, Realities of the Urban Classroom: Observations in Elementary Schools (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1967); Coleman, James, et. al., Equality of Educational Opportunity (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1966); and Herriott, Robert and John, Nancy St., Social Class and the Urban School (New York: Wiley, 1966).Google Scholar

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¹⁸ Passow, A. Harry, ed., Education in Depressed Areas (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); Sexton, Patricia C., Education and Income (New York: The Viking Press, 1964); and Waddles, Bernice and Robinson, Dale, “Teaching in Inner City Schools,” NEA Journal 38 (March 1968).Google Scholar

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²⁰ Graham, Hugh Davis, The Uncertain Triumph: Federal Education Policy in the Kennedy and Johnson Years (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1984), 39, describes the importance of the “new antipoverty momentum” in providing the necessary push for successful federal education legislation. See Bailey, Stephen and Mosher, Edith, ESEA: The Office of Education Administers a Law (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1968) for a detailed examination of passage of the ESEA.Google Scholar

²¹ Matusow, , The Unraveling of America, 221; Bailey, and Mosher, , ESEA. Google Scholar

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²³ See Fink, Carole, Gassert, Philipp and Junker, Detlef, eds., 1968: The World Transformed (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Fraser, Ronald, ed., 1968: A Student Generation in Revolt (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988) and Daedalus (Winter 1968), which features a massive survey of student movements throughout the world.Google Scholar

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²⁵ See Thelin, John, A History of American Higher Education (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004) and Williamson, Bill, “Students, Higher Education, and Social Change,” European Journal of Education 19 (1984): 253–267.Google Scholar

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³¹ Cuban, Larry, The Managerial Imperative and the Practice of Leadership in Schools (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 50.Google Scholar

³² The idea of paying teachers in training is somewhat anomalous. It appeared in the Ford-funded Breakthrough Programs of the late 1950s; by the 1960s, only the ready availability of government funds made the notion of paying stipends possible. Larry Cuban, telephone interview, October 26, 2000.Google Scholar

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³⁷ This rhetoric appeared in the promotional booklet, “The National Teacher Corps: To Reach and Teach the Children of Poverty” (Washington, DC: U.S. Office of Education, 1966), 5. The National Advisory Council on the Education of Disadvantaged Children essentially found that “positive, warm personal rapport between adult and child is invariably an element in the disadvantaged child's success in the classroom.” See National Advisory Council on the Education of Disadvantaged Children, “Special Report on the Teacher Corps,” 20 April 1967, “Teacher Corps,” Office Files of the White House Aides (Hardesty), Box 1 LBJ Library.Google Scholar

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³⁹ Hoffman, , All You Need Is Love, 127, argues that “the personality characteristics of greatest interest [to the Peace Corps] were the non-intellective,” meaning volunteers’ attitudes and motivations for serving.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ “Teacher Corps—From Concept to Reality,” 580.Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ Memo, , Goodman, to Keppel, , 14 October 1965.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁷ The House's refusal to appropriate funds delayed recruitment, resulting in a very short time frame for gathering and processing applications. Worried that delays in funding would threaten the successful launch of the Corps, federal staff had to persuade President Johnson to intervene. Memo, Cater to President Johnson, May 3, 1966, Cater: Memos to the President, Box 14, Office Files of the White House Aides, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library; Memo, , Howe to Cater, March 3, 1966, Cater: Teacher Corps, Box 56, Office Files of the White House Aides, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library. See also Scott, Marcia, “Teacher Corps Legislative History and Selected Program Information,” Major Studies and Issue Briefs of the Congressional Research Service: 1976–78 Supplement (Washington, DC: University Publications of America, Inc., 1978). For application and acceptance figures, see The National Teacher Corps, “Pre-Service Training Project Status Report” (Washington, DC: U.S. Office of Education, July 7, 1966), DHEW, Box 131, Records from Federal Government Agencies, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Lawrence, George and Austin, Bernice, “National Teacher Corps: Status Report,” December 1966, DHEW, Box 131, Records from the Federal Government Agencies, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, 3.Google Scholar

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⁵⁰ Memo, Charles Zellers to Commissioner Harold Howe II, “Observations, Comments, and Concerns Regarding NTC,” June 21, 1966, DHEW, Box 131, Records from Federal Government Agencies, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Lawrence, and Austin, , “National Teacher Corps,” 4; “Report on the Teacher Corps, 1966–67,” Teacher Corps, U.S. Office of Education, June 20, 1967, DHEW, Box 131, Records from Federal Government Agencies, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, 11; National Education Association, The American Public-School Teacher, 1965–66, Research Report 1967-R4 (Washington, D.C.: National Education Association), 37.Google Scholar

⁵² Lawrence, and Austin, , “National Teacher Corps,” 3. The authors found that 58 percent of the applicants were women and 42 percent men. First-year figures on gender are found in “Report on the Teacher Corps, 1966–67,” 1; and , Russell Cort Jr. and O'Keefe, Ruth Ann, “Teacher Corps: Two Years of Progress and Plans for the Future,” (Washington, DC: Washington School of Psychiatry, 15 October, 1968), 4.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ According to the National Education Association, The American Public-School Teacher, the percentage of men in classroom teaching grew about 5 percent between 1955–56 and 1965–66 (see pp. 6 and 37).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Oral history evidence establishes aversion to military service as a common theme among male interns. Kidder, Ralph, oral history interview by author, June 30, 2003; Rose, Mike, oral history interview by author, June 30, 2003; and Glickman, Carl, oral history interview by author, September 28, 2005.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ “An Introduction to the National Teacher Corps: ‘to help provisional members better understand the program”’ (Washington, DC: National Teacher Corps, U.S. Office of Education, June 1966), 4.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ “Report on the Teacher Corps, 1966–67,” 1, found 70 percent of the Corps focused on elementary education in its first year of operation; both that source (same page) and Cort and O'Keefe, in “Teacher Corps,” 21, addressed Corps placement of men in elementary classrooms to provide positive male identification.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ “Report on the Teacher Corps, 1966–67,” 1.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Tyack, David B. and Hansot, Elisabeth, Learning Together: A History of Coeducation in American Public Schools (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1990), 146–48. U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Policy Planning and Research, The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (Washington, DC: U.S. GPO, 1965); “Report on the Teacher Corps, 1966–67,” 1. For a critique, see Scott, Darryl M., “The Politics of Pathology: The Ideological Origins of the Moynihan Controversy,” in Integrating the Sixties: The Origins, Structures and Legitimacy of Public Policy in a Turbulent Decade, ed. Balogh, Brian (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press), 81–105.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Zimmerman, Jonathan, “Beyond Double Consciousness: Black Peace Corps Volunteers in Africa, 1961–1971,” The Journal of American History 82 (December, 1995): 1002, 1007.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶² Cort and O'Keefe, in “Teacher Corps,” 4, 21, place minority involvement in the first cycle at 30 percent at the outset of the cycle, 23 percent at the end. Corwin, Reform and Organizational Survival, discusses on p. 41 a “respondent sample” of second and third cycle interns, of whom 16 percent were minority; on p. 83, he estimates that his study sample contained 10 percent minorities. The National Advisory Council on Education Professions Development, “Teacher Corps: Past or Prologue?” (Washington, DC: National Advisory Council on Education Professions Development, July 1975), ERIC ED 109083 features the percentages of minority Corps members over ten years. For national average, see “Facts on U.S. Teachers from the Census,” School Life 49 (August, 1964): 4. For the percentage of minority teachers with whom the Corps worked in schools, see Corwin, 41.Google Scholar

⁶³ Zimmerman, , “Beyond Double Consciousness,” 1006; “National Teacher Corps Descriptive Material, Draft I,” January 26, 1966, Cater: Teacher Corps, Box 56, Office Files of the White House Aides, Lyndon Baines Johnson Library.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Zimmerman, , “Beyond Double Consciousness,” 1004.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ For example, see Corwin, , Reform and Organizational Survival 70.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid., 83.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ National Advisory Council on Education Professions Development, “Teacher Corps,” 12, 34. Corwin claims that even by the fourth cycle, minorities constituted over half of the Corps membership. See Corwin, Reform and Organizational Survival, 83.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ National Advisory Council on Education Professions Development, “Teacher Corps,” 34.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ The same evidence shows that nearly a quarter of the interns came from households where the father worked as a laborer or unskilled service worker. Corwin, Reform and Organizational Survival, 83.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Rury, John, “Who Became Teachers? The Social Characteristics of Teachers in American History,” in American Teachers: Histories of a Profession at Work, ed. Warren, Donald (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 39.Google Scholar

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⁷² Ibid.Google Scholar

⁷³ Cort and O'Keefe, “Teacher Corps,” 4.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Corwin, , Reform and Organizational Survival, 89. Corwin points out that in the dispersion of interns across local programs, the proportion of liberal interns could vary widely, so that two-thirds of the interns in one local program were classified as highly liberal while in another program, as few as 11% might be so classified. This obviously affected the idiosyncratic character of local programs.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Edelfelt, , Lessons from the Teacher Corps, 38.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ On teachers’ tendency toward conservatism, see Lortie, , School Teacher, chapter two.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ See Crotty, William, “Democratic Consensual Norms and the College Student.” Sociology of Education 40 (Summer 1967): 200–218; and Bereiter, Carl and Freedman, Marvin, “Fields of Study and the People in Them,” in The American College: A Psychological and Social Interpretation of the Higher Learning, ed. Sanford, Nevitt (New York: Wiley 1962), 563–596.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ Two recent works that deal with young people's repudiation of an impersonal bureaucratic system are Rossinow, The Politics of Authenticity and Cohen, Robert and Zelnik, Reginald E., eds, The Free Speech Movement: Reflections on Berkeley in the 1960s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁸² The best known of such critiques include Arthur Bestor, Educational Wastelands: The Retreat from Learning in Our Public Schools, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Conant, The Education of American Teachers; and Koerner, , The Miseducation of American Teachers. Teacher education has provided a nearly constant project for foundations. See, for instance, Learned, William S., Bagley, William C., and McMurray, Charles A., Strayer, George D., Dearborn, Walter F., Kandel, Isaac L., Josselyn, Homer W., The Professional Preparation of Teachers for American Public Schools. A Sudy Based upon an Examination of Tax-Supported Normal Schools in the State of Missouri (New York: The Carnegie Foundation, 1920); Stone, James C., Breakthrough in Teacher Education (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Inc., Publishers, 1968); and Woodring, Paul, New Directions for Teacher Education: An Interim Report of the Work of The Fund for the Advancement of Education in the Areas of Teacher Education and Recruitment (New York: The Fund for the Advancement of Education, 1957).Google Scholar

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⁸⁵ As Director of OEO, Sargent Shriver testified that the NTC threatened to duplicate and undermine the efforts of his VISTA program; he suggested attaching the NTC to professional training and a credential. See Subcommittee, Senate, Elementary and Secondary Education Act, 2984–85.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Sharpe, Donald, “National Teacher Corps—Where To?” Journal of Teacher Education 18 (Summer 1967): 131–32, 191, 205.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Murphy, Marjorie, Blackboard Unions: the AFT and the NEA, 1900–1980 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990) addresses the estrangement between teachers and communities as a consequence of professionalization; on the conflict between teachers and the communities at the time, see literature on Ocean Hill-Brownsville: Podair, Jerald, The Strike that Changed New York: Blacks, White, and the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Crisis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002) and Perlstein, Daniel H., Justice, Justice: School Politics and the Eclipse of Liberalism (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2004).Google Scholar

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