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⁴ Thelin, John, “Higher Education and the Public Trough: A Historical Perspective,” in Public Funding and Higher Education: Changing Context and New Rationales, eds. St, Edward P. John and Parsons, Michael D. (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 2004), 27.Google Scholar

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⁸ Johnson, Larry and Borman, , Kathryn, , “Competing Ideals of University Governance: Placing the Conflict between Jeb Bush and Bob Graham in Historical Context,” in Education Reform in Florida: Diversity and Equity in Public Policy, ed. Borman, Kathryn and Dorn, Sherman (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007). See also, Jno and Tigert, “Co-ordination in Florida,” Journal of Higher Education 4 (1933): 138-141. There were several private colleges serving both whites and African Americans in Florida at the time of the consolidation. Florida Agricultural College had changed its name to the University of Florida just before consolidation. That name was quickly appropriated by the new university.Google Scholar

⁹ Perry, B.L. Jr., “Black Colleges and University in Florida: Past, Present and Future,” Journal of Black Studies 6 (1975): 74.Google Scholar

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¹¹ Some useful articles on the Hawkins case are Paulson, Darryl and Hawkes, Paul, “Desegregating the University of Florida Law School: Virgil Hawkins v. The Florida Board of Control,” 12 Florida State University Law Review 59 (1984); Dubin, Lawrence A., “Virgil Hawkins: A One-Man Civil Rights Movement,” 51 Florida Law Review 913 (1999) http://web.lexis-nexis.com/universe/document?_m=047cb73c7581765bf26d240fda078d40&_docnum=3&wchp=dGLbVtz-zSkVb&_md5=8399d0cf9088ea9a5eldc2a8df797138.Google Scholar

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¹⁴ Dudziak, Mary, Cold War/Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 9.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Arsenault, Raymond, “You Don't Have to Ride Jim Crow': CORE and the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation,” in Feldman, Before Brown, 21-67.Google Scholar

¹⁶ President's Commission on Civil Rights, To Secure These Rights: The Report of the President's Committee on Civil Rights. The first quote is from Truman's Executive Order on December 5, 1946, vii, 81, 166, http://www.trumanlibrary.org/civilrights/srights1. See also, Dalfiume, Richard M., Desegregation of the U.S. Armed Forces: Fighting on Two Fronts: 1939-1953 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1969), 137.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Thelin, John, A History of American Higher Education (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004).Google Scholar

¹⁸ During the postwar years, the U.S. Supreme Court also ruled against segregated schools for Mexican American children in Mendez v. School District of Orange County (1946) and Delgado v. Bastrop (1948).Google Scholar

¹⁹ For works on the history of NAACP's litigation campaign, see Mark Tushnet, The NAACP's Legal Strategy against Segregated Education, 1925-1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987). Tushnet argues that the Legal Defense Fund adjusted its strategy (shifting from equalization to challenging segregation) based on organization needs. However, Robert Carter strongly disputes Tushnet's interpretation, claiming the organization's legal strategy “followed a cohesive, unitary course from Margold to Marshall” with the goal of legal victory declaring segregation unconstitutional and by so doing may have cost the organization support. See Carter, Robert, “Review: The NAACP's Legal Strategy against Segregated Education,” Michigan Law Review 86, no. 6 (May 1998): 1083-1099. Other books detailing the history of the NAACP campaign against segregated schools include, Kluger, Richard, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality (New York: Random House, 1977); Constance Motley, Equal Justice Under the Law (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1998); Patterson, James, Brown v. Board of Education: A Civil Rights Milestone and Its Troubled Legacy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Greenberg, Jack, Crusaders in the Courts: How a Dedicated Band of Lawyers Fought for the Civil Rights Revolution (New York: Basic Books, 1994); Rabins, Robert, Lawyers for Social Change: Perspectives on Public Interest Law (New York: American Bar Foundation, 1976). Preer discusses the irony and problem with basing the argument against segregation on the inferiority of Black schools.Google Scholar

²⁰ Greenberg, Jack, Crusaders in the Courts, 58.Google Scholar

²¹ Ibid., 56.Google Scholar

²² Ibid., 59.Google Scholar

²³ Kluger, , Simple Justice, 155.Google Scholar

²⁴ State ex rel. Hawkins v Board of Control of Florida et al., 47 So. 2d 608, 609, 708; 1950 Fla. Lexis 1052.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid.Google Scholar

²⁶ Copper, Algia, “Brown v. Board of Education and Virgil Darnell Hawkins Twenty-Eight Years and Six Petitions to Justice,” The Journal of Negro History 64 (1979): 1-20.Google Scholar

²⁷ Tomberlin, Joseph A., “The Negro and Florida's System of Education: The Aftermath of the Brown Case” (Florida Sate University, Ph.D. Dissertation, 1967), 154.Google Scholar

²⁸ Hawkins et al. v. Board of Control of Florida et al., 347 U.S. 971; 74 S. Ct. 783; 98 L. Ed. 1112; 1954 U.S. LEXIS 2047; Motley, Equal Justice, 112, 113.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid., 113.Google Scholar

³⁰ Tomberlin, , “Florida and the Desegregation Issue,” 457-467.Google Scholar

³¹ Wallenstein, Peter, “Black Southerners and Non-Black Universities: Desegregating Higher Education 1935-1967,” History of Higher Education Annual 19 (1999): 121-148, 142. Wallenstein provides a critical look at desegregation in higher education to suggest directions for future historical research. Wallenstein concludes in the seventeen states desegregation was initially prompted by court order at one institution before the state adopted “less exclusive racial policy at other schools” (127). For a recent history of desegregation of higher education in Texas, see Amilcar Shabazz, Advancing Democracy: African Americans and the Struggle for Access and Equity in Higher Education in Texas (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004). Shabazz argued that advocates of “liberal integrationism” (borrowing a term from Manning Marable) overcame the “legal barriers” to access to higher education. Commenting on the limited history of desegregation in higher education, Shabazz suggest historians might be reluctant to write about the topic because: (1) higher desegregation is still in process; and (2) historians may also be reluctant to blemish the reputations of key actors who are still living or institutions in which they work. Also see Dwonna Naomi Goldstone, Integrating the 40 Acres: The Fifty-year Struggle for Racial Equality at the University of Texas (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006); and DeWitty, Reginald Irwin, “Ada Lois Sipuel and the Desegregation of Higher Education in Oklahoma: A Prelude to Brown“ (University of South Florida, M.A. Thesis, 1992).Google Scholar

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³³ Tomberlin, , “Negro and Florida's System,” 48. The executive branch in Florida in the 1950s consisted of the Secretary of State, Attorney General, Comptroller, Treasurer, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and Commissioner of Agriculture, each independently elected.Google Scholar

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³⁹ Kluger, , Simple Justice, 744.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Cameron, Herbert, “Florida Officials Express General Relief on Terms of Desegregation Ruling,” Tampa Morning Tribune, 1 June 1955.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Ibid., also cited in Motley, Equal Justice Under the Law.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Motley, , 97.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ For instance, the UNC case fell apart when the president of the plaintiff's historically Black alma mater refused to supply a letter of recommendation or transcript as proof of the scholastic achievement necessary to enter UNC's School of Pharmacy. Shepard, Dr. James, president of North Carolina Colleges of Negroes, understood that his institution's as well as his own status depended on the very state legislators who opposed integration. Preer, Jean L., Lawyers v. Educators: Black Colleges and Desegregation in Public Higher Education (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982). In fact, Bell argues the civil rights movement contributed to the devaluation of these institutions in the higher education litigation; see Bell, Derrick, “Brown and the Interest-Convergence Dilemma,” in Shades of Brown: New Perspectives on School Desegregation, ed. Bell, Derrick (New York: Teachers College Press, 1980), pp. 90-106. For a more recent discussion of this paradox, see Samuels, Albert L., Is Separate Unequal? Black Colleges and the Challenge to Desegregation (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004).Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Ibid., 7, 11.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Ibid., 13.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Ibid., 16.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Selkow, Samuel, “Hawkins, The United States Supreme Court and Justice,” The Journal of Negro Education 31 (1962): 97-101. For similar exaggerations by moderates in North Carolina, see Chafe, William, Civilities and Civil Rights: North Carolina and the Black Struggle for Equality (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980).Google Scholar

⁵¹ Hawkins v. Board of Control, 93 So. 2d 354; 1957 Fla. Lexis 3732.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Motley, , 116.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ Baker, R. Scott, Paradoxes of Desegregation: African American Struggles for Educational Equity in Charleston, South Carolina, 1926-1972 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2006).Google Scholar

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⁷² Ibid., for discussion of the closure of FAMU Hospital.Google Scholar

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⁸⁰ Senate Staff Analysis and Economic Impact Statement (for CS/SB 68, FIU & FAMU Law Schools, April 27, 2000).Google Scholar

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⁸⁸ Perry, , “Black Colleges,” 76. For a discussion of how threats to FAMU continued through the 1990s and affected educational policy, see Johnson, and Borman, , “Competing Ideals of University Governance.”Google Scholar

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⁹⁶ Williams, , The Black/White Colleges, 6. For a more extensive discussion of these matters, see Johnson, and Cobb-Roberts, , “One Florida.”Google Scholar

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