¹ Amendment Herald (Pittsburgh), Apr. 1885, frame 110, roll 14, Temperance and Prohibition Papers, Ohio Historical Society (joint Ohio Historical Society–Michigan Historical Collections), Scientific Temperance Federation Series (hereafter STF Series).Google Scholar

² Benedict, E., “History of the Temperance Education Movement,” frame 108, roll 14, STF Series; Woman's Christian Temperance Union, The Pathfinder: Or National Plans for Securing Scientific Temperance Education in Schools and Colleges (New York, 1885), 8–15.Google Scholar

³ Bellah, Robert et al., Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley, Calif., 1985); Gutmann, Amy, Democratic Education (Princeton, N.J., 1987); Arons, Stephen, Compelling Belief: The Culture of American Schooling (New York, 1983). For accounts that link STI to the anti-evolution movement, see Tyack, David, James, Thomas, and Benavot, Aaron, Law and the Shaping of Public Education, 1785–1954 (Madison, Wis., 1987), ch. 6; Beale, Howard K., A History of Freedom of Teaching in American Schools (New York, 1978; orig. 1941), ch. 6. Other accounts of scientific temperance appear in Bordin, Ruth, Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873–1900 (Philadelphia, 1981), 135–38; Mezvinsky, Norton, “The White-Ribbon Reform, 1874–1920” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1959), ch. 7; idem, “Scientific Temperance Instruction in the Schools,” History of Education Quarterly 1 (Spring 1961): 48–56; Timberlake, James H., Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900–1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), ch. 2.Google Scholar

⁴ Report of the Committee of the Woman's National Christian Temperance Union on Temperance Text-Books in Schools and Colleges (n.p., 1880), frames 18–20, roll 8, STF Scries; National Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Plan of Work for the Introduction of Scientific Temperance Text Books into Colleges, Normal, and Public Schools (n.p., 1879), frames 1–15, roll 8, STF Series.Google Scholar

⁵ Minutes of the Eighth Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Brooklyn, 1881), 41; Address of Lathrop, M L. Mrs., quoted in “M. B. W.,” “Tenth Annual Convention of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of Michigan, Held at Adrian, May 23, 24, 25, 26, 27,” Union Signal, 7 June 1883; Perkins, J. C., “History of Scientific Temperance Instruction in Vermont,” frame 646, roll 14, STF Series. By 1890, nineteen states had granted some form of “school suffrage” to women. See National American Woman Suffrage Association, Victory, How Women Won It: A Centennial Symposium, 1840–1940 (New York, 1940), 165.Google Scholar

⁶ The New York law was the linchpin of Hunt's regional strategy, which initially targeted large eastern states. The Midwest—site of the original WCTU “Crusade”—lagged slightly behind the East in embracing STI. Slowest of all was the South: nine of the fourteen states still resisting STI in 1890 hailed from Dixie.Google Scholar

⁷ Bordin, Ruth describes the WCTU as a bridge between “conservative” American women and more “radical” suffragists; similarly, Barbara Epstein describes the Union as a temporary way station on the road from domesticity to feminism. Bordin, , Woman and Temperance, 158; Epstein, Barbara Leslie, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Conn., 1981), ch. 5. See also Zollinger, Janet Giele, “Social Change in the Feminine Role: A Comparison of Woman's Suffrage and Woman's Temperance, 1870–1920” (Ph.D. diss., Radcliffe College, 1961); Paulson, Ross Evans, Women's Suffrage and Prohibition: A Comparative Study of Equality and Social Control (Glenview, Ill., 1973). But see also Blocker, Jack S. Jr., “Give to the Winds Thy Fears”: The Women's Temperance Crusade, 1873–1874 (Westport, Conn., 1985), ch. 5; Rosenthal, Naomi et al., “Social Movements and Network Analysis: A Case Study of Nineteenth-Century Women's Reform in New York State,” American Journal of Sociology 90 (Mar. 1985): 1044–45.Google Scholar

⁸ Hunt continued to encourage women to vote in school elections. Like many other WCTU members, however, she “doubted the expediency” of a suffrage-centered strategy. In states where women had won a limited vote, intimidation and red tape often discouraged them from exercising it. Hunt, Mary H., Plan of Work of the Scientific Department of the National and International Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Boston, 1888), 48; Vermont Chronicle, 9 May 1884, quoted in Clifford, Deborah P., “The Drive for Women's Municipal Suffrage in Vermont, 1883–1917,” Vermont History 47 (Summer 1979): 179; De Swarte Gifford, Carolyn and Underwood, June O., “Intertwined Ribbons: The Equal Suffrage Association and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union” (paper delivered at conference on “The Female Sphere: The Dynamics of Women Together in Nineteenth Century America,” New Harmony, Ind., 8–10 Oct. 1981), 27, 31. On “expediency” in the woman's suffrage movement, see Kraditor, Aileen S., The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890–1920 (New York, 1965).Google Scholar

⁹ Blocker, Jack S. Jr., American Temperance Movements: Cycles of Reform (Boston, 1989), 88, 91; Hunt, Mary H., A History of the First Decade of the Department of Scientific Temperance Instruction in Schools and Colleges (Boston, 1892), v. For an account stressing legal suasion after the 1850s, see Tyrrell, Ian, “Women and Temperance in Antebellum America, 1830–1860,” Civil War History 28 (June 1982): 141–42; for an account emphasizing moral suasion during the same era, see Blocker, , Give to the Winds, 171–72.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Baker, Paula, “The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780–1920,” American Historical Review 89 (June 1984): esp. 631; Ginzberg, Lori D., Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven, Conn., 1990); Hunt, , “Sample Lecture” (n.d.), frame 949, roll 13, STF Series; Argus (Albany), 1 Aug. 1895, frame 212, roll 10, STF Series. On female reform activity in the antebellum era, see Berg, Barbara, The Remembered Gate: Origins of American Feminism: The Woman and the City, 1800–1860 (New York, 1978); on the ever-popular canard that schools are “above politics,” see Tyack, David B., The One Best System: A History of American Urban Education (Cambridge, 1974), 11; Tyack, David and Hansot, Elisabeth, Managers of Virtue: Public School Leadership in America, 1820–1980 (New York, 1982), 7; Tyack, et al., Law and the Shaping of Public Education, 25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ Kaestle, Carl, Pillars of the Republic: Common Schools and American Society, 1780–1860 (New York, 1983), chs. 6–7; Skowronek, Stephen, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877–1920 (Cambridge, Mass., 1982); Tyack, et al., Law and the Shaping of Public Education, ch. 2, esp. 57–59; Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue, pt. 1; Fuller, Wayne E., The Old Country School: The Story of Rural Education in the Middle West (Chicago, 1982), chs. 5–8.Google Scholar

¹² Kaestle, , Pillars of the Republic, 115; Wiebe, Robert, “The Social Functions of Public Education,” American Quarterly 21 (Summer 1969): 149.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ Hunt, Mary H., “Scientific Temperance Instruction,” Union Signal, 15 Mar. 1883.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “Will Hygiene Be Taught in the Public Schools? Brooklyn Eagle (1884?), frame 177, roll 8, STF Scries; Foster, Hannah A., “Ohio: Persistent, Progressive Efforts,” Union Signal, 25 June 1891; Bagby, T. P., “Scientific Temperance Instruction in Virginia,” Union Signal, 2 May 1901; Newton, Mary E., “Scientific Temperance Instruction,” Union Signal, 16 Apr. 1891; Greene, Anna M., “Pennsylvania: State Notes and Scientific Institutes,” Union Signal, 28 May 1891; Sunday News (Detroit), 3 May 1891, frame 360, roll 18, STF Series; “Difficulties, and How to Overcome Them,” Union Signal, 25 June 1891.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Hunt, Mary H., “Scientific Temperance Instruction,” Union Signal, 9 Jan. 1890; Woman's Christian Temperance Union, Pathfinder, 19–21; Hunt, , History of Scientific Temperance Instruction, 58, 53.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tyack, et al., Law and the Shaping of Public Education, 61; Wiebe, , “The Social Functions of Public Education,” 157ff.; Tyack, , The One Best System, 43; idem, “Bureaucracy and the Common School: The Example of Portland, Oregon, 1851–1913,” American Quarterly 19 (Fall 1967): 487–88, 475–76; Weber, Max, “The Sociology of Charismatic Authority” in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology , ed. and trans. Gerth, H. H. and Wright Mills, C. (New York, 1981; orig. 1946), esp. 246; Katz, Michael B., Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools: The Illusion of Educational Change in America, 2d ed. (New York, 1975), 103.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Both Hunt's supporters and her adversaries used military metaphors to describe her organization. See, for example, Ferguson, W. B., “Temperance Teaching and Recent Legislation in Connecticut,” Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1900–01 (Washington, D.C., 1902), 1037; “Scientific Temperance Instruction in the Public Schools,” Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1889–90 (Washington, D.C., 1891), 696.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Chicago Merchants' Club, Public Schools and Their Administration: Addresses Delivered at the Fifty-Ninth Meeting of the Merchants' Club of Chicago (Chicago, 1906), 40, quoted in Tyack, , One Best System, 77; Ravitch, Diane, The Great School Wars: New York City, 1805–1973 (New York, 1974), 107–58; Cohen, Sol, Progressives and Urban School Reform: The Public Education Association of New York City, 1895–1954 (New York, 1964), chs. 1–2; Tyack, David, “City Schools: Centralization of Control at the Turn of the Century,” in Building the Organizational Society: Essays on Associational Activities in Modern America , ed. Israel, Jerry (New York, 1972), 58; Kaestle, , Pillars of the Republic ; Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue .Google Scholar

¹⁹ Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue, 3; Higham, John, “Hanging Together: Divergent Unities in American History,” Journal of American History 61 (June 1974): 24, 15; Wiebe, Robert, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York, 1967), 159–63; McCormick, Richard L., From Realignment to Reform: Political Change in New York State, 1893–1910 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981), 255.Google Scholar

²⁰ Wiebe, , Search for Order, 161; Draper, Andrew S., “Common Schools in the Larger Cities,” Forum 27 (June 1899): 385–97, quoted in Tyack, , One Best System, 130; McCormick, , From Realignment to Reform, 255; Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue, 129–67.Google Scholar

²¹ Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue, 204.Google Scholar

²² Peterson, Paul E., The Politics of School Reform, 1870–1940 (Chicago, 1985), ch. 3; Reese, William J., Power and the Promise of School Reform: Grassroots Movements during the Progressive Era (Boston, 1986), xx, xxii; idem, “Between Home and School: Organized Parents, Clubwomen, and Urban Education in the Progressive Era,” School Review 87 (Nov. 1978): 17. See also Schlossman, Steven, “Before Home Start: Notes toward a History of Parent Education in America, 1897–1929,” Harvard Educational Review 46 (Aug. 1976): 436–67.Google Scholar

²³ Zald, Mayer and Berger, Michael, “Social Movements in Organizations: Coup d'Etat, Insurgency, and Mass Movements,” American Journal of Sociology 83 (Jan. 1978): 830–33; Galambos, Louis, America at Middle Age: A New History of the U.S. in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1983); idem, “By Way of Introduction,” in The New American State: Bureaucracies and Policies since World War II , ed. Galambos, Louis (Baltimore, Md., 1987), 8. On “business principles” in education, see Callahan, Raymond, Education and the Cult of Efficiency: A Study of the Social Forces That Have Shaped the Administration of the Public Schools (Chicago, 1962); Berman, Barbara, “Business Efficiency, American Schooling, and the Public School Superintendency: A Reconsideration of the Callahan Thesis,” History of Education Quarterly 23 (Fall 1983): 297–321. Relevant critiques of Michels's “iron law of oligarchy” include: Blau, Peter M., Bureaucracy in Modern Society (New York, 1956), 93ff.; Gouldner, Alvin, “Metaphysical Pathos and the Theory of Bureaucracy,” American Political Science Review 49 (June 1955): 496–507. Studies of other protest organizations suggest that the federated structure was not particular to educational reform groups. See, for example, Schwartz, Michael, Rosenthal, Naomi, and Schwartz, Laura, “Leader-Member Conflict in Protest Organizations: The Case of the Southern Farmers' Alliance,” Social Problems 29 (Spring 1981): 22–36. But sec also McConnell, Grant, Private Power and American Democracy (New York, 1966), chs. 4–5.Google Scholar

²⁴ Minutes of the First Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Chicago, 1874), 32; Hunt, Mary H., “The Call for a New Army,” School Physiology Journal 7 (Mar. 1898): 129; Bordin, , Woman and Temperance, 26–27, 39; Willard, Frances, Woman and Temperance; or, the Work and Works of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (New York, 1972; orig. 1883), 160–63; New York State Woman's Christian Temperance Union, W.C.T.U. Handbook, 2d ed. (Chicago, 1890), 4; Minutes of the Eleventh Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Chicago, 1884), 62; Minutes of the Sixth Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Cleveland, 1879), 65; Minutes of the Ninth Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Brooklyn, 1882), lxxxiii–lxxiv.Google Scholar

²⁵ On the rise of party bureaucracies, see Marshall, Lynn L., “The Strange Stillbirth of the Whig Party,” American Historical Review 72 (Jan. 1967): esp. 450.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁶ Minutes of the Seventh Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (New York, 1880), 96–97; Minutes of the Twelfth Convention of the National Woman's Christian Temperance Union (Brooklyn, 1885), 139, 142; New York W.C.T.U., W.C.T.U. Handbook, 17. See also Bordin, , Woman and Temperance, esp. 97.Google Scholar

²⁷ New York W.C.T.U., W.T.C.U. Handbook. 75, 65–66.Google Scholar

²⁸ See, for example, Greene, E. G., Pathfinder for the Organization and Work of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (New York, 1884), 39, 41.Google Scholar

²⁹ Austin Kerr, K., Organized for Prohibition: A New History of the Anti-Saloon League (New Haven, Conn., 1985), 73, 54–57, 80–82; Hunt, Mary H. (hereafter MHH) to Mary Lovell, 12 Aug. 1886, frame 568–69, roll 14, STF Series; Austin Kerr, K., “Organizing for Reform: The Anti-Saloon League and Innovation in Politics,” American Quarterly 32 (Spring 1980): 37–54; Timberlake, , Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 133; Odegard, Peter, Pressure Politics: The Story of the Anti-Saloon League (New York, 1928), 15–16.Google Scholar

³⁰ At the root of STI's dispute with scientists lay the question of whether alcohol should be classed as “food” or “poison.” Hunt and her allies acknowledged laboratory evidence that the body oxidizes alcohol like other foods—but continued to insist that the addictive potential of liquor justified the appellation “poison.” Levine, Harry G., “The Committee of Fifty and the Origins of Alcohol Control,” Journal of Drug Issues 13 (Winter 1983): 95–116; Pauly, Philip J., “The Struggle for Ignorance about Alcohol: American Physiologists, Wilbur Olin Atwater, and the Woman's Christian Temperance Union,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (Winter 1990): 366–92; Rumbarger, John J., Profits, Power, and Prohibition: Alcohol Reform and the Industrializing of America, 1800–1930 (Albany, N.Y., 1989), ch. 6.Google Scholar

³¹ Atwell, F. C. to Magwood, R. H., 5 Apr. 1904, frames 739–42, roll 12, STF Series.Google Scholar

³² Kliebard, Herbert, The Struggle for the American Curriculum, 1893–1958 (London, 1986), 41–51; Hofstadter, Richard, Anti-intellectualism in American Life (New York, 1963), ch. 14; Kett, Joseph, Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (New York, 1977), ch. 7.Google Scholar

³³ Ferguson, , “Temperance Teaching in Connecticut,” 1036; Argus (Albany), 1 Aug. 1895, frame 213, roll 10, STF Series. In arguing that “the educational profession as a whole was sympathetic” to Scientific Temperance, STI's most recent historians conflate “old” Progressive educators (like Harris) who supported STI and “new” child-study Progressives who skewered it. Tyack, et al., Law and the Shaping of Public Education, 158.Google Scholar

³⁴ Hunt, Mary H., “Is It a Moral or a Scientific Question, or Both?” School Physiology Journal 5 (Dec. 1895): 50; Hunt, , History of Scientific Temperance Instruction, 41; Hunt, Mary H., “Temperance Instruction in the Lower Grades,” School Physiology journal 5 (Oct. 1895): 18; Hunt, Mary H., An Epoch of the Nineteenth Century: An Outline of the Work for Scientific Temperance Education in the Public Schools of the United States (Boston, 1897), 28; Hunt, Mary H., “How the Twentieth Century May Bring Emancipation from Alcohol,” School Physiology Journal 14 (May 1905): 131.Google Scholar

³⁵ “On Duty,” “The Watch-tower,” Union Signal, 6 Feb. 1890.Google Scholar

³⁶ MHH to Deuel, G. E., 25 Sep. 1901, frames 50–53, roll 7, MHH to Rodocker, S. S., 14 Nov. 1899, frames 752–54, roll 6, and MHH to Thomas, Elizabeth, 15 Nov. 1901, frames 714–15, roll 7, STF Series.Google Scholar

³⁷ As Tyack, David and Hansot, Elisabeth have noted, small-town superintendents during this era often “acquired new ideas about education in their training and in their professional associations” and “became carriers of an adopted cosmopolitanism.” Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue, 178.Google Scholar

³⁸ Clipping, , Hartford Post, 18 May 1893, frame 426, roll 8, STF Series; Goodwyn, Lawrence, “Organizing Democracy: The Limits of Theory and Practice,” Democracy 1 (Ian. 1981): 48; Tallmann, Mary E. to MHH, 6 Feb. 1902, frame 65, roll 12, and E. O. Orr to MHH, [1902?], frame 383, roll 12, STF Series.Google Scholar

³⁹ McGerr, Michael, The Decline of Popular Politics: The American North, 1865–1928 (New York, 1986), 13, 14, 217; idem, “Political Style and Women's Power, 1830–1930,” Journal of American History 77 (Dec. 1990): 865; Goodwyn, Lawrence, The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America (New York, 1978), 296; Weber, Max, “Class, Status, and Party” in From Max Weber , ed. Gerth, and Mills, , 180.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Ferguson, W. B., “Scientific Temperance in Connecticut,” Journal of Education, 13 June 1901, frame 712, roll 14, STF Series.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Tyack, and Hansot, , Managers of Virtue, 204; Higham, , “Hanging Together,” 27; Hawley, Ellis, The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly: A Study in Economic Ambivalence (Princeton, N.J., 1966).Google Scholar

⁴² Tyack, David, “‘Restructuring’ in Historical Perspective: Tinkering toward Utopia,” Teachers College Record 92 (Winter 1990): 179; Boyd, William, “The Changing Politics of Curricular Policy-Making for American Schools,” Review of Educational Research 48 (Fall 1978): 612. For a contrasting view, see Peterson, Paul E., “The Politics of Education,” Review of Research in Education 2 (1974): 348–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴³ Holmes, Stephen, “The Community Trap,” New Republic, 28 Nov. 1988, 26; Gutmann, Amy, “Democratic Education in Difficult Times,” Teachers College Record 92 (Fall 1990): 7–20.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Dewey, John, “The School and Society” [1900], in The Child and the Curriculum and The School and Society (Chicago, 1956), 7, 18. See also Cremin, Lawrence, The Transformation of the School: Progressivism in American Education, 1876–1957 (New York, 1961), 135–42.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Gutmann, , Democratic Education, 13; Barber, Benjamin, Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age (Berkeley, Calif., 1984), 139. See also Battistoni, Richard M., Public Schooling and the Education of Democratic Citizens (Jackson, Miss., 1985), ch. 2.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ For alternative—but equally undemocratic—formulations of the Platonic Good in education, see Bloom, Allan, The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education Has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students (New York, 1987); Hirsch, E. D. Jr., Cultural Literacy: What Every American Needs to Know (Boston, 1987); Giroux, Henry A., Theory and Resistance in Education: A Pedagogy for the Opposition (South Hadley, Mass., 1983).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Gutmann, , “Democratic Education in Difficult Times,” 11. See also idem, Democratic Education, ch. 1.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Nash, Robert J., “A Communitarian View,” in Griffin, Robert S. and Nash, Robert J., “Individualism, Community, and Education: An Exchange of Views,” Educational Theory 40 (Winter 1990): 14; Gutmann, , Democratic Education, 96, 11; idem, “Democratic Education in Difficult Times,” 7, 17.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Tyack, et al., Law and the Shaping of Public Education, ch. 6.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Ibid., 166, 156; Gatewood, Willard B. Jr., ed., Controversy in the Twenties: Fundamentalism, Modernism, and Evolution (Nashville, Tenn., 1969), 36, 39, 246.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Nelkin, Dorothy, The Creation Controversy: Science or Scripture in the Schools (New York, 1982), 30; Gatewood, , Controversy, 37–38, 319, 29; Carter, Paul A., Another Part of the Twenties (New York, 1977), chs. 3–4; Riley, Woodbridge, “The Fight against Evolution,” Bookman 65 (May 1927): 289 Google Scholar

⁵² Riley, , “The Fight against Evolution,” 288; Bailey, Kenneth K., Southern White Protestantism in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1964), 74; Sizer, Theodore R., Horace's Compromise: The Dilemma of the American High School … (Boston, 1984), 128–29.Google Scholar

⁵³ Hogan, David, Class and Reform: School and Society in Chicago, 1880–1930 (Philadelphia, 1985), ch. 5; Montgomery, David, Workers' Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, Eng., 1979).Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Indeed, “teachers' control” may be less democratic, because teachers receive less public scrutiny—and less public pressure—than high-profile, mayoral- or board-appointed superintendents experience.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ In a column first published the day after Bryan's death, Mencken savaged Bryan's anti-evolution supporters as “gaping primates,” “a simian rabble,” “yokels,” “rustic ignoramuses,” “the anthropoid rabble,” “yahoos,” and a “forlorn mob of imbeciles.” Mencken, H. L., “In Memoriam: W. J. B.” in The Vintage Mencken, ed. Cooke, Alistair (New York, 1955), 163–67. See also Lippmann, Walter, American Inquisitors: A Commentary on Dayton and Chicago (New York, 1928).Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Bailey, , Southern White Protestantism, 76; Gatewood, , Controversy, 286.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Lippmann, Walter, “Why Should the Majority Rule?” in The Essential Lippmann: A Political Philosophy for Liberal Democracy, ed. Rossiter, Clinton and Lare, James (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 13.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ By “intellectually unfit,” 1 mean only that most advocates of anti-evolution did not possess the educational background or credentials of the “modernists” who opposed them. I do not, however, share Butler's fear of their influence—nor do 1 think the matter is relevant in evaluating whether anti-evolution was “repressive.” Google Scholar

⁵⁹ According to the theory developed here, even the hilarious bill proposed in one state legislature to change the value of pi from 3.1416 to 3.000 (“because the Bible described Solomon's vase as three times as far around as across”) would not necessarily qualify as “repressive.” We would deem it repressive only if it squelched deliberation—if, for instance, students were not allowed to question the legislature's act. Nelkin, , Creation Controversy, 31.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ The Commoner (Feb. 1920), 11, quoted in Hofstadter, , Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, 126; Gatewood, , Controversy, 38–39, 35–36, 298; Riley, , “The Fight against Evolution,” 282–83, 287; Bailey, , Southern White Protestantism, 86.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Szasz, Ferenc Morton, The Divided Mind of Protestant America, 1880–1930 (University, Ala., 1982).Google Scholar

⁶² Immigrant parents often worried that STI would alienate them from their offspring. See, for example, Hunt, Mary H., “Practical Working of the Ainsworth School Physiology Law in New York State,” School Physiology Journal (Oct. 1896), 21. Teachers, meanwhile, complained about the “overdrawn” statements in textbooks and the young age at which students were introduced to the subject. Male teachers seemed more likely than female instructors to resist STI. See, for example, teacher surveys at frame 381, roll 11, frame 398, roll 12, frame 410, roll 12, and frame 508, roll 12, STF Series.Google Scholar

⁶³ Gutmann, , “Democratic Education in Difficult Times,” 17; idem, Democratic Education, 103–4, 76, 42–44.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Kenneth Strike has suggested that popular demands upon school curricula should be rejected if they are “motivated by … the desire to restrict familiarity or inquiry.” Yet both the STI experience and more recent curricular controversies suggest that this “intentionalist” standard is far too strict, excluding censorious impulses that—in practice—often enhance critical inquiry. Strike, Kenneth, “A Field Guide of Censors: Toward a Concept of Censorship in Public Schools,” Teachers College Review 87 (Winter 1985): 246; Boyd, , “The Changing Politics of Curricular Policy-Making,” 604.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ “Objects to Proposed Law,” Hartford Courant [1901?], box 1, Scientific Temperance Federation Papers, New York Public Library; Pauly, , “The Struggle for Ignorance”; A. H. Plumb to “Dear Sir,” 14 Sep. 1904, box 1, Scientific Temperance Federation Papers; MHH to Augusta R. Brigham, 4 Oct. 1899, frames 316–17, roll 6, and MHH to J. G. Trurgn, 31 Oct. 1899, frames 567–69, roll 6, STF Series. On the question of alcohol as a “poison,” see note 30 above.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Pauly, , “The Struggle for Ignorance,” 373; Pauly, Philip J., personal correspondence in the possession of the author, 18 Dec. 1990; Meader, A. A. to MHH, 14 July 1885, frame 93, roll 15, Meader to MHH, 2 June 1886, frame 87, roll 15, Adams, E. F. to Tobey, L. S., 27 Jan. 1887, frames 630–3 1, roll 16, MHH to Shook, Mattie G., 9 Aug. 1901, frame 220, roll 16, and MHH to Kells, Harriet B., 6 Oct. 1904, frame 266, roll 16, STF Series; Hunt, Mary H., “The Victory of Truth,” Union Signal, 30 Oct. 1890; MHH to Barnes, A. C., 11 Sep. 1901, frame 239, roll 16, STF Series.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Bellah, et al., Habits of the Heart, 303, 335 ; Barber, , Strong Democracy, 235, 224. For critiques of Bellah et al., see Reynolds, Charles H. and Norman, Ralph V., eds., Community in America: The Challenge of Habits of the Heart (Berkeley, Calif, 1988).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Arons, , Compelling Belief; Glenn, Charles L., “Religion, Textbooks, and the Common School,” Public Interest 88 (Summer 1987): 28–47; Glenn, Charles L., The Myth of the Common School (Amherst, Mass., 1988). See also Tyack, David and Arons, Stephen, “Freedom of Thought and Majority Rule in the Public School: The Bankruptcy of Liberal Ideology,” Teachers College Record 85 (Summer 1984): 653–62.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Freeman Butts, R., The Civic Mission in Educational Reform: Perspectives for the Public and the Profession (Stanford, Calif., 1989), 121, 130.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Bellah, et al., Habits of the Heart, 303.Google Scholar