¹ Jarvinen, Lisa, “Educating the Sons of the Revolution: The Cuban Educational Association, 1898–1902,” in Teaching America to the World and the World to America: Education and Foreign Relations Since 1870, ed. Garlitz, Richard and Jarvinen, Lisa (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 73–91; and Kenneth, B. O'Brien, “The Cuban Educational Association: An Early Experiment in International Education,” Journal of Negro Education 32, no. 1 (January 1963), 6–15.Google Scholar

² Bu, Liping, Making the World Like Us: Education, Cultural Expansion, and the American Century (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003), 24–26; Hunt, Michael H., “The American Remission of the Boxer Indemnity: A Reappraisal,” Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 3 (May, 1972), 539–59; Li, Hongshan, US-China Educational Exchange: State, Society, and Intercultural Relations, 1905–1950 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008); and McKee, Delber, “The Boxer Indemnity Remission: A Damage Control Device?” Newsletter: Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations 22, issue 1 (January 1991), 1–20.Google Scholar

³ Bu, Making the World Like Us, 145–47; Espinosa, José Manuel, Inter-American Beginnings of US Cultural Diplomacy, 1936–1948 (Washington, DC: Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs, US Department of State, 1976); Haines, Gerald K., “Under the Eagle's Wing: The Franklin Roosevelt Administration Forges an American Hemisphere,” Diplomatic History 1, no. 4 (1977), 373–88. On the foreign student policy of Germany in the 1930s, see Bodo, Bela, “Foreign Students in Nazi Germany,” East European Quarterly 37, no. 1 (March 2003), 19–50.Google Scholar

⁴ The literature on U.S. imperialism and international students after WW II is extensive. See, for instance, Bevis, Teresa Brawner and Lucas, Christopher J., International Students in American Colleges and Universities: A History (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Bu, Making the World Like Us; Kramer, Paul A., “Is the World Our Campus? International Students and US Global Power in the Long Twentieth Century,” Diplomatic History 33, no. 5 (November 2009), 775–806; Lebovic, Sam, “From War Junk to Educational Exchange: The World War II Origins of the Fulbright Program and the Foundations of American Cultural Globalism, 1945–1950,” Diplomatic History 37, no. 2 (April 2013), 280–312; Loss, Christopher P., Between Citizens and the State: The Politics of American Higher Education in the 20th Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 121–61; and Unger, Corinna R., “The United States, Decolonization, and the Education of Third World Elites,” in Elites and Decolonization in the Twentieth Century, ed. Dülffer, Jost and Frey, Marc (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 241–61.Google Scholar

⁵ Bu, Making the World Like Us; Kramer, “Is the World Our Campus?” 779.Google Scholar

⁶ “Imperial power” refers in this case to dominant nations’ influence extended through long-distance networks and connections. This notion of imperial power is adapted from Kramer, Paul A., “Power and Connection: Imperial Histories of the United States in the World,” American Historical Review 116, no. 5 (December 2011), 1348–50.Google Scholar

⁷ Most literature on U.S. cultural diplomacy, like that on international students discussed here, predominantly examines movements of personnel, ideas, and funding between the United States and other countries. It seldom investigates U.S.-sponsored cultural exchanges taking place elsewhere, nor does it examine the impacts of such interchanges on U.S. global influence. Some examples include the following: Richard Garlitz, “US University Advisors and Education Modernization in Iran, 1951–1967,” in Garlitz et al., Teaching America to the World, 195–215; Hsu, Madeline Y., “Chinese and American Collaborations through Educational Exchange during the Era of Exclusion, 1872–1955,” Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 2 (May 2014), 314–32; Leroux, Karen, “Sarmiento's Self-Strengthening Experiment: Americanizing Schools for Argentine Nation-Building,” in Garlitz et al., Teaching America to the World, 51–71; Popkewitz, Thomas S., ed., Inventing the Modern Self and John Dewey: Modernities and the Traveling of Pragmatism in Education (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005); Sobe, Noah W., “American Philanthropy and Reconstruction in Europe after World War I: Bringing the West to Serbia,” in American Post-conflict Education Reform: From the Spanish-American War to Iraq, ed. Sobe, Noah W. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 75–101; Yaremko, Jason M., “‘The Path of Progress': Protestant Missions, Education, and US Hegemony in the ‘New Cuba,’ 1898–1940,” in Sobe, American Post-conflict Education Reform, 53–74; and Zimmerman, Jonathan, Innocents Abroad: American Teachers in the American Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006).Google Scholar

⁸ The Republic of China was founded in 1912 after the Double Ten Revolution overthrew the Qing (Manchu) Empire in the previous year. Until the success of the Northern Expedition in 1927, however, the KMT's power base was in the south, while northern China was controlled by a number of warlords.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Overseas Chinese refers to Chinese nationals residing outside China. The Nationality Law of the Republic of China, promulgated in 1929, adopted the principle of jus sanguinis and recognized any person born of a Chinese father, or of a Chinese mother where the father's nationality was unknown or indeterminate, as a Chinese citizen, regardless of place of birth. The KMT regime kept this legislation after evacuating to Taiwan. Fitzgerald, Stephen, China and the Overseas Chinese: A Study of Peking's Changing Policy, 1949–1970 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 6–7.Google Scholar

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¹² The Ministry of Education decreed in 1947 that the following three categories of students were qiaoshengs: (1) those who graduated from a qiaoxiao and possessed a birth certificate of a foreign country or had resided abroad for at least three years, (2) Taiwan students who graduated from a middle school in Japan and had a residence permit issued by the Japanese government, and (3) students who had completed secondary education in a qiaoxiao in Hong Kong or Macau and held a birth certificate issued by the governments of those two places or a foreign country. “Huaqiao xuesheng youdai banfa” [Rules for Preferential Treatments for Overseas Chinese students], Ministry of Education, 16 April 1947, Ministry of Education Records, Academia Historica, Taiwan (hereafter cited as MOE) file 019000000329A.Google Scholar

¹³ During that time, higher educational institutions in those regions, if they existed, for the most part taught in the languages of the (former) colonizers and seldom admitted students from Chinese schools.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ qiaoshengs, Besides, students from frontier areas in China (bianjiansheng) and mountainous regions in Taiwan (shandisheng) also enjoyed such preferential treatment. “Yijiwuyi ruxuekaoshi chengji dengjibiao” [Tabulation of Results in National Taiwan University Entrance Exam, 1951], undated, Teaching Affairs Section [jiaowuchu], NTU file 0040/2400301/001/0013.Google Scholar

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³⁵ Zhongyang ribao (Central Daily, Taiwan), 20 September and 5 November 1950.Google Scholar

³⁶ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 20 August 1951, MOE file 0190000000329A.Google Scholar

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⁴⁰ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 28 May 1951, MOE file 019000000329A.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Foreign Ministry to the Ministry of Education, 12 January 1951, MOE file 019000000329A.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ In the 1950s, universities and colleges in China were quite willing to accept revolutionary cadres, party members, and workers and peasants without formal academic qualifications. In the 1960s, before the Cultural Revolution, tertiary education institutions in China had three criteria for student admission, namely, applicants’ academic achievement, class background, and political performance. Academic achievement could sometimes be less important than the other two criteria. Pepper, Suzanne, Radicalism and Education Reform in 20th-century China: The Search for an Ideal Development Model (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Shirk, Susan L., Competitive Comrades: Career Incentives and Student Strategies in China (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1982); and Taylor, Robert I., Education and University Enrolment Policies in China, 1949–1971 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1973).Google Scholar

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⁴⁶ Qiaowu huiyi shilu, 45; Zhongyang Ribao, 21 September 1954; and Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to Ministry of Education, 16 October 1954, MOE file 019000000332A.Google Scholar

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⁴⁸ Zhongyang Ribao, 10 February 1951.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Qiaowu huiyi shilu, 71–72; and Xing, Zhang, Preserving Cultural Identity through Education: The Schools of the Chinese Community in Calcutta, India (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ The Third Section, Central Reform Committee of the KMT to the Ministry of Education, 22 December 1951, MOE file 019000000330A.Google Scholar

⁵¹ The Ministry of Education to the Third Section, Central Reform Committee of the KMT, undated, MOE file 019000000330A.Google Scholar

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⁵⁵ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee and the Ministry of Education to the Executive Yuan, 30 June 1951, MOE file 019000000329A.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Qiaowu huiyi shilu, 45.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Zhongyang Ribao, 16 October 1951.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Notes, Zhong Zheng, Ministry of Education, 8 May 1952, MOE file 019000000330A.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Cheng, Chen, Premier of Executive Yuan, to Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, 6 August 1952, MOE file 019000000330A.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Notes, Zhong Zheng, Ministry of Education, 8 May 1952; Ministry of Education to Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, 25 June 1952; Ministry of Education to Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, 1 July 1952; and the Ministry of Education to the National Taiwan University, 19 August 1952. All from MOE file 019000000330A.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Qiaowu huiyi shilu, 45; Zhongyang Ribao, 3 September 1952.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Tsang, Steve, “Unwitting Partners: Relations between Taiwan and Britain, 1950–58,” East Asian History 7 (June 1994), 105–20; Tsang, Steve, “Strategy for Survival: The Cold War and Hong Kong's Policy towards Kuomintang and the Chinese Communist Activities in the 1950s,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 20, no. 2 (May 1997), 294–317.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Although the Hong Kong government generally acquiesced in students going to Taiwan, it had to ensure such outward flow of students would not provoke Beijing's objection or lead to the danger of anti-Beijing confrontations in the colony. Hence, in 1954, the United Kingdom's Foreign Office protested against Taipei for giving qiaoshengs from Hong Kong military training at Cheng-Kung Hill—a military training base that drilled new recruits and operated short-term training for male college students—during the summer vacation. Files of Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Public Records Office, Kew, London, 371/110298. The British authorities also had to avoid being perceived by Beijing as assisting Taipei's qiaosheng campaign in Hong Kong.Google Scholar

⁶² Zhongyang Ribao, 11 July 1952.Google Scholar

⁶³ The other two tertiary institutions were the National Taiwan University and the National Defense Medical Center. The former was under the Ministry of Education, the latter under the Ministry of Defense.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Zhongyang Ribao, 13 August 1952.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Wong, Ting-Hong, Hegemonies Compared: Chinese School Politics in Postwar Singapore and Hong Kong (New York: RoutledgeFalmer, 2002), 222.Google Scholar

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⁶⁷ “Gongfei xishou haiwai huaqiao qingnian guiguo shengxue zhi yanjiu” [A Study on the Communist Bandits’ Campaign to Absorb Returning Overseas Chinese Students], 24 September 1953, Section Two of the Ministry of Defense, MOE file 019000000331A.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Beijing made this move to demonstrate that it had no intention of using Chinese sojourners to plot subversion overseas. By doing so, it sought to undercut the U.S. strategy of isolating China in Southeast Asia. Fitzgerald, China and the Overseas Chinese; and Glen Peterson, Overseas Chinese in the People's Republic of China (New York: Routledge, 2012), 124–25.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ 670.1 U.S. Assistance to or Sponsorship of Education (1951), OCAGoogle Scholar

⁷⁰ 620.2a Education with Overseas Chinese (1953), OCA.Google Scholar

⁷¹ “Xingzhengyuan qiaowu jiantao huiyi jilu” [Minutes, Reappraising Policies on Overseas Chinese Affairs, the Executive Yuan], 3 December 1952, Xingzhengyuan huiyi yishiricheng [Chronicles of Meetings, the Executive Yuan], no. 273, 24 December 1952.Google Scholar

⁷² In some overseas regions, such as Thailand, the state authorities outlawed Chinese middle schools, and in other localities, Chinese secondary schools were not available because the Chinese community was too small to sustain such institutions.Google Scholar

⁷³ “Haiwai qiaosheng laitai shengdu zhongdeng xuexiao banfa” [Rules for Overseas Chinese Students Coming to Taiwan for Secondary Education], promulgated by the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee and the Ministry of Education on 7 April 1953, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Records, Academia Historica, Taiwan (hereafter cited as MFA) file 0190000003028A; and Qiaowu yuebao [Overseas Chinese Affairs Monthly], no. 10 (April 1953), 14.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ “Huoguo shengxue qiaosheng, minguo sishi zhi sishi niandi zhi” [Returning Overseas Chinese Students, from 1951 to late 1956], undated, MFA 020000003029A.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Zhongyang Ribao, 3 and 24 September 1953.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Yeh, George K. C., the Foreign Minister of the Republic of China to Cheng Yen-Fen, Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, MFA file 0190000003028A.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Zhongyang Ribao, 3 and 24 September 1953.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 8 August 1951, MOE file 019000000329A; and Qin, Yang Chi, an overseas Chinese student from the Philippines, to the Ministry of Education, 27 September 1952, MOE file 019000000330A.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 26 June 1954, MOE file 019000000331A.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 6 November 1953, NTU file 0042/2400300/009/0003.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 16 September 1954, MOE file 019000000332A.Google Scholar

⁸² “Shangtao gangao diyipi luqu xuesheng ditai jiedai zhusu shiyi huiyi jilu” [Minutes, on Receiving the First Batch of Qiaosheng], 16 October 1953, NTU file 0042/2400300/009/0003.Google Scholar

⁸³ Chen Cheng to the Ministry of Education, 29 September 1953, MOE file 019000000331A.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Yu Hong-Jun to the Ministry of Education, 29 November 1953, MOE file 0190P0000331A.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee to the Ministry of Education, 29 October 1953, MOE file 019000000331A.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ministry of Education to Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, 26 December 1953, MOE file 019000000331A.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ “Di erbalingyici xingzheng huiyi jilu” [Minutes, the 201st Administrative Meeting], Guoli taiwan daxue xiaokan [Bulletin of the National Taiwan University], no. 175 (August 1952), 2.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Qiaowu yuebao, no. 10 (April 1953), 16; and Guoli taiwan daxue xiaokan, no. 241 (December 1953), 2.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ The Ministry of Education later blocked this move, NTU file 0042/2400300/009/0003.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Yan-Fen, Cheng, Wangshi yishu [Reminiscences] (Taipei: Zhuanji wenxue chubanshe, 1972), 130.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Meiyuan youguan jiaoyu shishi baogao [A Report on the Education Project Funded by US assistance] (Taipei: National Bureau of Education Information, 1957), 52–53.Google Scholar

⁹² Meiyuan jiaoyu jibua jiantao [Reappraising Education Projects Funded by US Assistance] (Taipei: Council for International Economic Cooperation and Development, 1964), 14–15,27,31.Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ “Chuxi guomindang disanzu cedong haiwai qiaosheng huiguo shengxue zuotan” [Report, a Conference for Enlarged Recruitment for Overseas Chinese Students], the Third Section, KMT, 4 May 1955, MFA 020000003029A.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ In 1954 the Ministry of Education instructed the NTU to take 670 qioashengs; the Taiwan Provincial Normal College and the Taiwan Provincial College of Engineering, 150 each; and the Taiwan Provincial College of Agriculture, 30. It also asked the Chien Kuo Middle School and the Taipei First Girls’ High School—the two most prestigious secondary institutions in Taiwan—to accept 100 and 50 qiaoshengs, respectively. Zhongyang Ribao, 12 May 1954.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Zhongyang Ribao, 19 June and 24 July 1954.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Ministry of Education to the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, 24 December 1954, MOE file 019000000332A. These stipends could cover a substantial portion of the qiaoshengs’ living costs, because in 1954 the average annual income and the expenditure per capita in Taiwan were only NT$2,864 and NT$2,172, respectively. Statistical Abstract of National Income (Directorate-General of Budget, Accounting and Statistics, Executive Yuan, Republic of China, 2015), 1.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ In 1955, the official exchange rate in Taiwan was U.S.$1 to approximately NT$15, but overseas Chinese students got around NT$21 from each U.S. dollar remitted. The KMT authorities allowed each qiaosheng in tertiary institutions a maximum remittance of U.S.$200 enjoying such a favorable rate annually; for those attending middle schools, the annual limit was U.S.$160 per student. “Xingzhengyuan jingji anding weiyuanhui diershibaci huiyi yijue tongzhi” [Notification, Decision of the 28th Meeting of the Economic Stabilization Board, the Executive Yuan], 16 July 1954, MOE file 019000000332A.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Qiaosheng jiaoyu jihua yunyong meiyuan chengguo jiantao [Reappraising Projects of Overseas Chinese Students Funded by US Assistance] (Taipei: Council for International Economic Cooperation and Development, 1966), 18.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Zhongyang Ribao, 3 March 1954 and 9 April 1955.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ The Ministry of Education to the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee, 14 July 1954, MOE file 019000000332A.Google Scholar

¹⁰² “Benniandu gangao zhaosheng wenti zuotanwu jilu” [Minutes, a Forum on Recruitment of Students from Hong Kong and Macau], 1955, 17 May 1955, MFA file 020000003029A.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ “Sishiwu niandu gangao ge gaojizhongxue baosong chengji youliang biyesheng laitai shengxue banfa” [Rules for Recommending Outstanding Senior Middle Students in Hong Kong and Macau for Further Education in Taiwan], NTNU file 100.35-44-1-0450001400A-02.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Meiyuan youguan jiaoyu shishi baogao, 56.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Guoli taiwan daxue xiaokan, no. 268 (October 1954), 1; Taiwan shengli shifan xueyuan yuankan [Bulletin of Taiwan Provincial Normal College], no. 80 (September 1954), 318; and Chenggong daxue linian jieshou meiyuan yunyong chengguo jiantao [Evaluating Projects of Cheng Kung University Funded through US Assistance] (Taipei: Council for International Economic Cooperation and Development, 1964), 7.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁰ From 1962 to 1992, the 20,472 qiaoshengs who graduated from these preuniversity courses were all given places in higher education. Among these graduates, 14,831 (72 percent) were assigned to public institutions, which in Taiwan are more prestigious than their private counterparts. In the three decades under review, 5,964 (29 percent) of the students completing the program were allocated to the NTU. Moreover, between 1988 and 1992, only 15 percent of the students enrolled in that program failed to graduate. One can safely infer from these figures that many qiaoshengs with unimpressive academic records entered public universities after the one-year course. Guoli qiaosheng daxue xiansiuban gaiguang [The National Overseas Chinese Experimental Senior High School: An Introduction] (Taipei: Guoli qiaosheng daxue xiansiuban, 1994), 1–4, 55–58.Google Scholar

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¹¹² Figures derived from Qiaosheng jiaoyu jihua yunyong meiyuan chengguo jiantao, 6.Google Scholar

¹¹³ The U.S. assistance to the qiaosheng program was funded through two currencies: Taiwanese and U.S. dollars, and the latter constituted only about 5 percent of the project's budget. This funding for qiaoshengs was spent through two state sectors: the Ministry of Education and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee. The former handled the funding distributed to individual schools, and the latter took charge of subsidies for students’ travel and living expenses. The NT$65 million that the National Taiwan University received mentioned here does not include the amount given in U.S. dollars and that dispensed through the Overseas Chinese Affairs Committee. Taiwan daxue linian jieshou meiyuan yunyong chengguo jiantao [Evaluating National Taiwan University Projects Funded through U.S. Assistance] (Taipei: Council for International Economic Cooperation and Development, 1966), 1, 7.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Ibid., 10–12.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Ibid., 6–7.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Chenggong daxue linian jieshou meiyuan yunyong chengguo jiantao; Shifan daxue linian jieshou meiyuan yunyong chengguo jiantao [Evaluating the Normal University's Projects Funded through U.S. Assistance] (Taipei: Council for International Economic Cooperation and Development), 1964.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Daqi, Chen, President, National Cheng Chi University, to the Committee of the 1955 Joint College Entrance Examination, 15 July 1955, NTU file 044005852R.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Zhongbua Mingguo Nianjian, minguo sishiqinian [Yearbook of the Republic of China, 1958] (Taipei: Zhonghua Mingguo Nianjianshe, 1958), 416–17.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 416; Zhonghua Mingguo Nianjian, minguo wushiwunian [Yearbook of the Republic of China, 1966] (Taipei: Zhonghua Mingguo Nianjianshe, 1966), 591.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Guoli taiwan daxue yanjiusuo gaikuang [Graduate School of the National Taiwan University: An Introduction] (Taipei: the National Taiwan University, 1969).Google Scholar

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¹²² The National Taiwan University to Young Lions News Agency, 30 May 1956, NTU file 0045/2400300/012/0001/005.Google Scholar

¹²³ Ministry of Education to the National Taiwan University, 9 April 1957; and National Taiwan University to the Ministry of Education, 15 May 1957. Both from NTU file 0046/2400300/013/0001.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Figures derived from “Linian baosong kaochu ji shiji huiguo shengxue rensu” [Annual Statistics on Qiashengs Getting Admissions Offers and Overseas Students Who Accepted Such Offers and Attended Schools in Taiwan], Bainian Shuren [Education: A Hundred Years Project] (Taipei: Huaqiao chubianshe, 1967).Google Scholar

¹²⁵ I write “various professional fields in Chinese communities throughout Asia” here because the general impression is that most qiaoshengs were employed by schools, business companies, and media operated by the Chinese after returning to their home countries.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ “Daizhuan biye qiaosheng dongtai bijiao” [Statistics on Qiaoshengs Returning to Homelands, Going to Foreign Countries for Employment or Education, and Staying in Taiwan after Graduation], Bainian Shuren. Google Scholar

¹²⁷ “Daizhuan biye qiaosheng jiuye leibie” [Occupations of Qiaoshengs after Graduation], Bainian Shuren. Google Scholar