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Royal Pedigrees of the Insular Dark Ages: A Progress Report

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Molly Miller*
Affiliation:
Glasgow

Extract

The fall of the Roman empire and the rise of its successor states in continental Europe is reasonably well-documented and royal pedigrees are both brief and among the least of our sources of information. In the islands Roman administration ceased in Lowland Britain in 410, and had never obtained in northern Highland Britain or in Ireland, so that continuing and successor states existed side by side. It is likely that their secular influences on one another are masked by the common process of the conversion to Christianity in the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries; certainly the “waves of saints” are prominent both in accounts of the period and in present notions about it. This is no doubt one reason why the various bodies of royal pedigrees have remained until recently (or still) only partially published and little studied.

The matrilinear Picts, however, became a subject for historical and anthropological consultation a century ago. Unfortunately, as we shall see, this conversation has not continued, and it is only of recent years that historians of the Insular Dark Ages have once more become aware of the possibilities of learning (both positively and negatively) from the insights and procedures developed by anthropology. The present moment, when both disciplines are grappling with the problem of what constitutes historical evidence for pre-archival periods, may be a propitious time for recommencing joint consideration of our common interests.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1980

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References

NOTES

1. Gilla in Chomded's text was first remarked on by MacNeill, Eóin, “Early Irish Population Groups: Their Nomenclature, Classification, and Chronology,” Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 29C(1911), 93.Google Scholar

2. The best model for future work is O'Brien, M.A., Corpus Genealogiarum Hiberniae, I (2d ed., Dublin, 1976).Google Scholar

3. An excellent example of such exploratory discussion is ÓCorráin, D., “Nationality and Kingship in Pre-Norman Ireland” in Nationality and the Pursuit of National Independence, ed. Moody, T.W. [Historical Studies, 11] (Belfast, 1978), 135.Google Scholar

4. An influential example has been ÓCorráin, D.Irish Regnal Succession: a Reappraisal,” Studia Hibernica, 11(1971), 739Google Scholar, which examines the Uí Chennselaig rulers from legendary times to 1133, with inferences for Irish regnal succession generally. The sources used are only generally mentioned and the many identifications which must be made by the modern student are not argued in detail and so cannot easily be checked. A few points may be made, however. For the period after 1006, when the Uí Chennselaig rulers were also kings of Leinster and the documentation for them is better, the average of fifteen ‘survival periods’ is just over 23 years, the range being from zero to 66. For the less well documented period from 712 to 1006 there were also fifteen ‘survival periods.’ Here, though, if one accepts the apparent evidence of the genealogies, the average of these periods was 39.5 years, ranging from 10 to 125 years (even excluding the last, the average would be about 33 years, much higher than for the later period)!

5. The following account summarizes my Date-Guessing and Dyfed,” Studia Celtica, 12/13 (1977/1978), 3361.Google Scholar

6. Most recently discussed in Anderson, M.O., Kings and Kingship in Early Scotland (Edinburgh, 1973), 237–40.Google Scholar The general pedigree culture of medieval Scotland provides, in the clan genealogies, a context for the royal pedigree material. Modern study of this context has now begun with an excellent investigation into the Campbells, demonstrating a highly sophisticatad use of pedigree variants. See Gillies, W., “Some Aspects of Campbell History,” Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, 50(1979), 256–85.Google Scholar

7. Another version of William's pedigree is given in the Poppleton collection of documents, which was probably brought together between 1202 and 1214. See Anderson, M.O., “The Scottish Materials in a Paris Manuscript,” Scottish Historical Review, 28(1949), 3142.Google Scholar

8. Anderson, , Kings and Kingship, 238.Google Scholar

9. For the two versions of the Synchronisms see Boyle, A., “The Edinburgh Synchronisms of Irish Kings,” Celtica, 9(1971), 169–79Google Scholar, and Thurneysen, R., “Synchronismen der irischen Könige,” Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie, 19(1933), 8199.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. See Anderson, , Kings and Kingship, 44–75, 264–89.Google Scholar

11. Ibid., 225-27.

12. For further details see my “Royal Pedigrees of Dalriada and Scotia,” and “The Last Century of Pictish Succession,” forthcoming.

13. Miller, M., “The Disputed Historical Horizon of the Pictish King-Lists,” Scottish Historical Review, 58(1979).Google Scholar

14. One perhaps relevant difference between these two modern modes is that they have different (and dangerously tacit) biographical assumptions. The earlier view was that when a man became a member of an institution he could and should -- to a diminishing degree of imperfection -- put aside or transcend his purely personal interests. The more recent view is that he cannot and does not, and in its extreme form treats him like a puppet of his own appetites and interests, and the institution as the sum of the biographies of its members. In the older view a given institution may have existed while its eponym did not; in the younger, if not the eponym then not the institution. But this is unthinking; we should contrast both the classical use of the biographical approach to early modern institutions by say, Namier, and for the Dark Ages, the judicious use of the evidence for the composition of the mandarin class in Ireland in Ó Corráin, “Nationality and Kingship.”

15. The earlier part is now summarized in Bartrum, P.C., Welsh Genealogies, 300–1400 (8 vols.: Cardiff, 1975).Google Scholar

16. Miller, M., “The Foundation-Legend of Gwynedd in the Latin Texts,” Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies [University of Wales] 27(1976/1978), 515–18.Google Scholar

17. If the term “charter” has been overused in the anthropological literature there is yet no doubt that the validation of the present was an important aspect of the insular myths, legends, and pedigrees.

18. Sisam, K., “Anglo-Saxon Royal Genealogies,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 39(1953), 287348Google Scholar; Dumville, D.N., “The Anglian Collection of Royal Genealogies and Regnal Lists,” Anglo-Saxon England, 5(1976), 2350.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. The full presentation of this view is found in Dumville, D.N., “Kingship, Genealogies, and Regnal Lists” in Early Mediaeval Kingship, ed, Sawyer, P.H. and Wood, I.N. (Leeds, 1977), 72104.Google Scholar

20. Bede, Commentary on Luke, quoted in Levison, W., “Bede as Historian” in Bede: His Life, Times, and Writings, ed. Thompson, A. Hamilton (Oxford, 1935), 141.Google Scholar

21. Miller, M., “Bede's Use of Gildas,” English Historical Review, 90(1975), 241–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cf. Dumville, , “Kingship,” 7879.Google Scholar

22. Miller, , “Historicity and Pedigrees of the Northcountrymen,” Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies, 26(1974/1976), 255–80Google Scholar; idem, “Foundation-Legend of Gwynedd.”

23. Ibid.

24. See Jackson, K.H., “On the North British Section in Nennius” in Celt and Saxon, ed. Chadwick, Nora K. (Cambridge, 1963), 6061.Google Scholar

25. Lloyd, John E., History of Wales (2 vols.: London, 1948), 1:119.Google Scholar

26. For instance, the eponym Cruithne (i.e., ‘Pict’) and his seven alliterated sons.

27. For example the work of Newth, J.A. in my Sicilian Colony Dates (Albany, 1970), 118–25.Google Scholar

28. For all these matters in more detail see my Date-Guessing and Pedigrees,” Studia Celtica, 10/11(1975/1976), 96109.Google Scholar

29. In fact the ancient chronographers operated with generations of 23, 27, 36, and 39 years. One of the characteristics of the masters was that they strictly correlated these numbers with different inheritance practices: 23 years for a polygamous patrlline; 27 years for a monogamous patriline; 36 years for a cousinhood of smaller extent; and 39 years for a cousinhood of larger extent. In the Insular examples at present known, the question of correlation with inheritance practice is unsettled.

30. This is a summary of the arguments in my “Matriliny by Treaty: the Pictish Foundation-Legend” in Ireland in Early Mediaeval Europe: Studies in Memory of Kathleen Hughes, ed. R. McKitterick et al, forthcoming, and Eanfrith's Pictish Son,” Northern History, 14(1978), 4766.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For other views see, among others, Jackson, A., “Pictish Social Structure and Symbol Stones,” Scottish Studies, 15(1971), 121–40Google Scholar (which proposes an avunculocal matriliny throughout the population on the Trobriand model); Anderson, Kings and Kingship (a single royal matriline, not necessarily extended to the rest of the population); Boyle, A., “Matrilineal Succession in the Pictish Monarchy,” Scottish Historical Review, 56(1977), 110 (accepts Anderson's view)Google Scholar; Kirby, D.P., “…per universas Pictorum provincias” in Famulus Christi, ed. Bonner, G. (London, 1976), 286324Google Scholar (posits a cousinhood matriliny and other Hibernicizing features of the social structure).

31. For details see my “Disputed Horizon.”