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Of Biases and Queens: The Shi Past Through an Androgynous Looking Glass

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

Elinor Sosne
Elinor Sosne*
Affiliation:
Hollins College
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Extract

Social scientists have recently become more aware of the pervasive male bias in western scholarship, a bias firmly rooted in European cultures and their offshoots. Deriving from this bias are theories which, by assuming a male-centered universe, nurtured generations of male scholars who rarely questioned their sufficiency. Although we are beginning to understand and correct for western androcentrism, we have not yet studied how African societies, especially patrilineal ones, perpetuate their own male-centered worldview in their oral traditions. Thus we have not begun to examine how distorted histories can result when African and western biases coincide and reinforce each other as androcentric researchers collect and then analyze materials which androcentric Africans consider “historical.”

By analyzing data from the Shi kingdom of Ngweshe in eastern Zaire, this paper addresses the linked problems of African and western bias. It argues that -- contrary to the Shi conception of politics as a series of on-going contests and formal structural relationships between royal men, a view I shared while in the field -- one cannot begin to understand the Shi past without acknowledging the role played by non-royal women in shaping its course. More specifically, a careful reading of the data suggests that despite the cultural emphasis on patrilineal descent and the insistence that a reigning king be the biological son of his predecessor, many men who succeeded to the Ngweshe kingship were not the sons of previous monarchs; and even when they were, the selection of a king depended as much on who his mother was as on who his father might have been.

Type
Research Article
Information
History in Africa , Volume 6 , 1979 , pp. 225 - 252
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1979

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References

NOTES

1. For statements on the sources of male bias in western social science see Reiter, Rayna R., “Introduction” in Reiter, R.R., ed., Toward an Anthropology of Women (New York, 1975), pp. 12–14Google Scholar, and Rosaldo, Michelle Zimbalist and Lamphere, Louise, “Introduction” in Rosaldo, M.Z. and Lamphere, L., eds., Woman, Culture and Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 1–2.Google Scholar

2. Colle, Pierre, “Les clans au pays des Bashi,” Congo, 2(1922), pp. 337–52.Google Scholar Despite its title, Colle's article most properly deals with clans in Irhambi, an area of Havu subjects ruled by Shi. While many Havu clans are also found in Bushi, the distribution of Havu and Shi clans is overlapping rather than congruent.

3. While bene wirhu literally means “our sons” or “our brothers,” figuratively it may act as a genderless collective, just as the pronoun “he” in English may be used to refer to both males and females.

4. The one notable exception is succession to the position of mwami Nabushi, also known as Kabare. Since Nabushi's eldest son always becomes mukalambere (guardian of the royal princes), his successor is a younger son.

5. The original attempt at codification changed Shi law to allow inheritance and succession by collaterals. See Ouchinsky, A., “Elements de codification des coûumes foncières du Bushi,” mimeographed document in Walungu Zone Archives (13 June 1955)Google Scholar appended in modified form to Masson, Paul, Trois siècles chez les Bashi, (Bukavu, n.d., 2nd. ed.) pp. 125–71.Google Scholar At a later, unknown, date inheritance by women was also legalized. The practice of the retrocession of inheritable goods to the king supported the power of the kingship. By giving property back to the king, rather than to the deceased's immediate superior, the king was able to re-assert direct control over things that only technically and indirectly belonged to him. Normally the king then conferred these goods on a patrilineal collateral relative of the deceased who had to give the king a counterprestation in recognition of the king's magnanimity.

6. For example, the woman, Mwa Camunani, who was involved in a sweies of court cases over her attempted succession. Zihindula vs. Mwa Camunani (Luciga, Tribunal Secondaire, 10/5/65); Zihindula vs. Mwa Camunani (Luciga, T.S., 25/4/67); Mwa Camunani vs. Zihindula (Walungu, Collège Permanent, Tribunal de la Circonscription, 28/12/67); Zinhindula vs. Mwa Camunani (Nyangezi, Tribunal Principal, 13/6/67).

7. In all, slightly less than half of the 373 present day village communities in Ngweshe have royal headmen.

8. In one instance, Nanzobe, daughter of Ngweshe Bicinga, Kasiru even mentions a royal daughter. No other royal daughters are in his genealogy though there surely were many.

9. Cirambiza as told to Hostens, Fr. Joseph, “Histoire du Bushi-Sud (Bugweshe),” manuscript at Centre d'études des langues africaines (Bukavu, 1943/1944), XIII, 7 (pp. 29–30Google Scholar, my pagination). A French translation by Pierre Colle is also available at CELA.

10. Interviews with Muhigwa (Nyangezi 13 May 1971), Rusahuza (Nyangezi, 13 May 1971), Ndagano (Ciherano, 19 May 1971), Mubwebwe Cibaye (Nduba, 29 April 1971), Senyama (Mushinga, 4 May 1971), Cibibi Cihuguyu (Luciga 5 July 1971).

11. Similar processes seem to be at work today. For example, my assistant claimed to be a “son” or patrilineal relative of Ngweshe Kaserere. My assistant, however, no longer holds office. Should he regain a position of authority, he too could be revived as a perpetual son or grandson of a king, although this is less likely today with the advent of literacy.

12. These include Nkwakwa, the army of the rebel Muyangwa; Mparanyi, an army that put down the rebel Kalangiro; Mayange, the warriors of Rugenge who crushed the rebel Muyangwa; Cirimbo, the story of Mutijima, perpetual son of Ngweshe, and his political machinations; Ntakaahwa, the rebels commanded by Lulanga who were defeated by Mafundwe in 1914/15; Mulele, how the Ngweshe army fought off the rebels commanded by Pierre Mulele in 1964.

13. See, for example, D.G., , “Histoire du Bushi,” (Bukavu, n.d. Archbishopric Archives, Bukavu)Google Scholar; Frère Albert Schmidt's untitled outline of Ngweshe history (Bukavu, n.d. Archbishopric Archives, Bukavu); Masson, Paul, Trois siècles chez les Bashi, (Tervuren, 1960).Google Scholar

14. On the centralization of African kingdoms and the role of queenmothers see Cohen, Ronald, “Oedipus Rex and Regina,” Africa 47(1977), pp. 14–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15. Lumanyisha, Dikonda wa, “Les rites chez les Bashi et les Bahavu, (Ph.D. diss., Université libre de Bruxelles, 1972), pp. 333–34.Google Scholar

16. In The Chronology of Oral Tradition, (Oxford, 1974), p. 76Google Scholar, David Henige suggests for kingly father-son succession “that the probability of more than eight or nine such successions is extremely low.” If this is true for the kingship, an office which must remain filled and for which every effort will be made to produce a legitimate successor, then the likelihood of even that many father-son successions for less important political officials and for commoners must be considerably less.

17. Colle, P., Essai de Monographie des Bashi, (Bukavu, 1971; orig. ca. 1933), p. 266.Google Scholar

18. Personal communication from Richard Sigwalt (May 1973) who was in Mwimbi and talked informally with many Mwimbi residents.

19. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” XIII, 9.Google Scholar

20. Ibid.; also interviews with Nkomanganyi (Mwimbi, 29 June 1971), Mpuruta (Luciga, 7 July 1971), Rutakaza (Luciga, 8 April 1971), and Maroyi (Musirhu, 4 April 1971).

21. The Shinjahavu are recognized in Bushi as being Rwanda Bega. Their attempted takeover in Ngweshe coincided with their bid for power in Rwanda and Kabare. They failed in both Kabare and Ngweshe but were successful in Rwanda in replacing Rwabugiri's successor by their own candidate, Musinga. Cf. Kagame, Alexis, Un abrégé de l'histoire Rwanda de 1853 à 1972, (Butare, 1975), chs. VIII–IX.Google Scholar

22. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” XIII, 19.Google Scholar

23. His decision became public when he provided Mafundwe with a wife. See Nyangezi Mission Diary, sub 1 Sept. 1910, and when he gave Mafundwe the substantial landgrant of Burhale province. Interview with Mpuruta (Luciga 6 July 1971).

24. See, for example, Nyangezi Mission Diary, sub 15 March 1912, which suggests that Cirimwami was then on the point of rebellion.

25. Chubaka, Bishikwabo, “Deux chefs du Bushi sous le régime colonial: Kabare et Ngweshe (1912-1960),” Etudes d'histoire africaine, 7(1975), p. 103.Google Scholar

26. Nyangezi Misson Diary, sub 13 June 1910.

27. The Rapport Annuel of the mission of Thielt Saint-Pierre for 1910/1911, p. 161, notes that Nyangezi was recruiting children for the mission school and was even sending his own son there. van Hoef, G., “Au pays de Ngweshe,” Missions d'Afrique (1914), p. 156Google Scholar, says that Mwa Kamarungu was a catechumen.

28. Ibid.; Decorate, , “Chez les Babungu,” (n.d.), p. 8Google Scholar, White Fathers' Archives, Rome.

29. “D.G.,” “Histoire du Bushi,” p. 52; Congo Beige, District du Kivu, “Proces-Verbal d'Investiture,” (15 Sept. 1918), Uvira Sub-District Archives (hereafter USDA).

30. Chubaka, Bishikwabo, “Deux chefs du Bushi,” p. 103Google Scholar; Chakirwa, Mushagasha, “Note sur la dynamique d'une mission du Kivu: Nyangezi (1906-1929),” Etudes d'histoire africaine, 7(1975), p. 128Google Scholar; Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” XIV, (p. 68, French translation).Google Scholar

31. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” XIV, (p. 64, French trans.).Google Scholar My translation from Mashi.

32. District du Kivu. Territoire du Kivu. “Rapport d'enquête. Chefferie de N'Gwesse,” no. 54 (12 Sept. 1920), USDA.Google Scholar

33. District du Kivu. Terr. du Kivu. Rapport trimestriel sur la situation politique du Territoire, 2nd quarter (Bukavu, 30 june 1921), p. 2. USDA.Google Scholar

34. Ibid.; idem, 3rd quarter (Bukavu, 28 Sept. 1921), p. 2.

35. District du Kivu. Territoire de l'Unya Bongo. Rapport Politique, 1st half 1926 (Kabare, 30 June 1926), pp. 4–5.Google Scholar

36. According to Richard Sigwalt (personal communication), the Shi of Kabare still claim that Mafundwe was not Ruhongeka's son.

37. There are other earlier successions in which it is clear that the successor was not the son of his predecessor. Unlike the cases cited here, however, the evidence, while pointing to a break in the dynastic line, does not, as transmitted, indicate an important political role for women. This may be a function of the events' antiquity.

38. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” IX, (p. 15, French translation.Google Scholar

39. The indirect evidence for Rugenge's illegitimacy involves Mwa Burhagatwa's presumed first husband, Namuhirwa, and her son Rugenge's wife, Mwa Musirwa. All the narratives agree that Namuhirwa and Rugenge's wife were related as father-in-law to daughter-in-law, but how they account for this relationship differs. Because of this affinal bond, however, when Rugenge's wife had difficulty giving birth and Namuhirwa was called in to assist her, Namuhirwa at first refused on the grounds that he would be breaking a cultural taboo. The implication of this refusal is that Rugenge may have been Namuhirwa's son. Finally, under pressure from the king, Namuhirwa agreed to help and was rewarded with perpetual freedom from seizure of his property. The narratives that deal with this event include Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” IXGoogle Scholar; Kakuja, , “Enkwakwa,” (Mushinga, 28 Sept. 1956), pp. 6–12Google Scholar; Kasiru, , “Ecisiki c'Abami ba Bushi,” (Burhale, 15 Sept. 1968), p. 14.Google Scholar

40. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” X, 1–2, 19, (pp. 17-18, 23, French trans.)Google Scholar; Kakuja, , “Enkwakwa,” p. 6.Google Scholar

41. Interview with Burhagatwa (Irongo, 22 Aug. 1971).

42. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” IX, (p. 15, French trans.).Google Scholar

43. Ibid.

44. Ibid., V, 3-9, (pp. 8-9, French trans.); Nyangaka, , “Enkwakwa,” (4 Dec. 1959), p. 10.Google Scholar

45. Ibid.

46. For Ngweshe see Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” XIII, (p. 45, French trans.).Google Scholar For Rwanda see Kagame, Alexis, Un abrégé de l'ethno-histoire du Rwanda, (Butare, 1972), pp. 115, 209.Google Scholar

47. The present Ngweshe queenmother, however, is a Rhana -eru. There is a cultural preference for marriage between members of the ruling clan, the Mwoca, and the Rhana -eru. Even so, there seem to have been no other queenmothers of this group. Interestingly, the present king was apparently born out of wedlock, which raises the possibility that he may not be the son of his predecessor.

48. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” X, XII, (pp. 19-22, 37–39, French trans.).Google Scholar

49. The Ngweshe narratives depict this latter event in some-what different terms. They describe the marriage of Ngweshe Lwirangwe to Mwa Ciroyi as his attempt to take over the Kabare kingship. This he certainly tried to do, but like Mwa Ciroyi, he too was killed. On the other hand, Mwa Ciroyi presumably regarded the marriage as an alliance to regain the throne for her son rather than for her new husband. The marriage, if it ever occurred, must then be taken as one of political expediency with different meanings for the two partners.

50. See Sosne, E., “Kinship and Contract in Bushi, a study in village-level politics,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1974).Google Scholar

51. Largely collected by Richard Sigwalt.

52. Most notably the Nyangezi Mission Diary, various reports from the Bukavu Archbishopric Archives, the Rapports Annuels and miscellaneous letters from the White Fathers' Archives in Rome, and missionary compiled histories from CELA in Bukavu. In Bukavu, Affaires intérieures, Service Agricole, Cadastre and Titres Fonciers; in Kabare and Walungu, the Zone Archives; in Uvira, the sub-District Archives of South Kivu; in Belgium, the Archives of the Musée royal de l'Afrique centrale and Archives d'Outre-Mer.

53. Approximately fifty hours, available from Archives of Traditional Music, Indiana University.

54. Such as Kakuja, “Enkwakwa;” Nyangaka, “Enkwakwa; and Kasiru, ”Ecisiki c'Abami ba Bushi.”

55. See especially Rosaldo, , “Woman, Culture, and Society: A Theoretical Overview,” Rosaldo, and Lamphere, , Woman, Culture, and Society, pp. 18–42.Google Scholar

56. Eg. the case of Masonga discussed.

57. Cirambiza, , “Histoire du Bushi-Sud,” XIII, (p. 45 French trans.)Google Scholar notes that the clan of Kiru ka Nabudahi is allowed to offer candidates for the queenmothership, but even Cirambiza does not, apparently, know which clan this is. Cirambiza also notes that the Rhungu clan can furnish queenmothers. It is possible that Mwa Kamarungu had an edge in the Mafundwe succession if she in fact was Rhungu.

58. See, for example, Goodenough, Ward H., Description and Comparison in Cultural Anthropology, (Chicago, 1970), ch. 4.Google Scholar

59. Collier, Jane Fishburne, “Women in Politics” in Rosaldo, and Lamphere, , Woman, Culture, and Society, p. 96.Google Scholar

60. For example, the letter to the queenmother from Kasiru (Bukavu, 27 June 1972) in which Kasiru suggests that the queenmother is trying to undo him because, as a judge, he is impartial and applies “la loi aux grands comme aux petits.” Archives des Affaires Interieures.

61. Chubaka, Bishikwabo, “Deux Chefs du Bushi,” p. 102.Google Scholar