Article contents
Images of an African Ruler: Kabaka Mutesa of Buganda, ca. 1857–1884
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 May 2014
Extract
There can be few areas of the world which have been more systematically misrepresented than Africa, especially that part of the continent south of the Sahara. For centuries, and certainly since the Midas-like Mansa Musa sat astride West Africa on the maps of fourteenth-century Spain, the weird and wonderful imagery of Africa has flooded Europe's vision of that continent. Much of this imagery has been generated by Europeans, and even where it has been generated by Africans themselves, the original meaning and intention is often difficult to discover. The imagery has, to the non-African world, become Africa; this is the case to the point where, at the end of the twentieth century, almost every adjective placed before the name “Africa” is loaded, has some ideological or political currency, and indeed has a history of its own.
Most famously, perhaps, Africa was for a long time “dark”, and still that image periodically appears in assorted Western media, a comforting crutch to an audience which remains somewhat confused as to what to make of the continent. Africa is often supposed to have a “heart,” in a way that neither Europe nor North America does. This is perhaps related to the continent's geographical shape, for it is rather more self-contained than Europe, Asia, or the Americas. It is more likely, however, that an African “heart” is sought precisely because it cannot, using the clumsy surgical tools of Western culture, be found. In more recent times, Africa's “dark heart” has been replaced by its “troubled heart;” but the idea remains unchanged.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © African Studies Association 1999
References
1 The one work ostensibly concerned with Mutesa's life is by Kiwanuka, M.S.M., Muteesa of Uganda (Nairobi, 1967).Google Scholar The title alone is indicative of the way in which, during the 1960s, prominent precolonial rulers might be held up as belonging to a common, national heritage. Nyerere's Tanzania sought similar edification from figures such as Mirambo.
2 For example, see Kenny, M., “Mutesa's Crime: Hubris and the Control of African kings,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 30 (1988), 595–612CrossRefGoogle Scholar
3 See Stanley, H.M., Through the Dark Continent (London, 1899[1878]), I:xi, 252–55Google Scholar
4 Speke, J.H., Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (Edinburgh, 1863), esp, chapter 9.Google Scholar
5 For example, Bennett, N R., Mirambo of Tanzania, 1840?-1884 (New York, 1971)Google Scholar is an excellent study not only of Mirambo himself but the society into which he was born and the changes brought to bear on it. A work in a similar, if rather more detailed, vein is Marcus, H.G., The Life and Times of Menelik II: Ethiopia 1844-1913 (1975).Google Scholar More recently, Twaddle, M., Kakungulu and the Creation of Uganda (London, 1993)Google Scholar demonstrates the profitability of tracing the life of one character—in this case, a prominent and adventurous Ganda chief—and bringing “human interest” to the enormous social and political changes of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
6 Speke, , Journal, 290Google Scholar; Stanley, , Dark Continent, 1:310, 318Google Scholar
7 Kagwa, A., trans, and ed. Kiwanuka, M.S.M., The Kings of Buganda (Nairobi, 1971) 142, 215Google Scholar; Wrigley, C.C., Kingship and State: the Buganda Dynasty (Cambridge, 1996), 189CrossRefGoogle Scholar
8 Kagwa, , Kings, 143Google Scholar
9 Ibid., 115
10 Ibid., 119-20
11 Ibid., 143
12 A considerable amount of detail regarding these events is recorded by Kagwa, with an informative commentary by Kiwanuka: ibid., 140-45. Stanley reported that Suna had in fact favored a son whom the former referred to as “Prince Kajumba,” but the chiefs, “fearing Kajumba's violence,” prevented his accession after Suna's death: Stanley, , Dark Continent, 1:295Google Scholar
13 Kagwa, , Kings, 146Google Scholar
14 Ibid., 145
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid., 145-46
17 Ibid., 151-52
18 Zimbe, B.M., trans. Kamoga, F., “Buganda ne Kabaka” (MS, Makerere University Library, dd 1939) 40–41Google Scholar
19 Speke, , Journal, 252, 312, 443Google Scholar
20 Ibid., 295
21 Kagwa, , Kings, 140–41Google Scholar
22 Ibid., 141
23 Speke, , Journal, 290–91Google Scholar
24 Wilson, C.T. and Felkin, R.W., Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (2 vols.: London, 1882), 2:23Google Scholar
25 Kagwa, A., trans. Wamala, J., “A Book of Clans of Buganda” (MS in Makerere University Library, Kampala, ca. 1972), 4Google Scholar
26 Speke, , Journal, 292Google Scholar
27 Burton, R.F., The Lake Regions of Central Africa (2 vols.: London, 1860; repr. 1995 in one volume), 401CrossRefGoogle Scholar
28 Ibid., and Kagwa, , Kings, 122.Google Scholar Stanley also recorded that Suna “kept a lion and a leopard, and another animal which, from its description, I take to have been either a species of wolf or lynx; the two former became quite tame, but the latter was so incorrigibly fierce that he finally ordered it to be destroyed:” Stanley, , Dark Continent, 1:285.Google Scholar The allegorical “wolf or lynx” (Nature) could not be tamed by Suna (Civilization), but Suna had, in the final analysis, the power to destroy it.
29 Speke, , Journal, 327.Google Scholar This image has a poignancy which the Ganda themselves may not have appreciated at the time: “civilisation” had reached the point of destructive-ness at which control of “nature” was rendered meaningless.
30 Burton, , Lake Regions, 401Google Scholar
31 Stanley, , Dark Continent, I:285Google Scholar
32 Speke, , Journal, 257, 291Google Scholar
33 Quoted in Stanley, , Dark Continent, 1:160Google Scholar
34 Kagwa, , “Clans,” 14Google Scholar
35 Baker, S., Ismailia (2 vols.: London, 1874) 2:98Google Scholar
36 Felkin, R. in Schweinfurth, G.et al, eds., Emin Pasha in Central Africa (London, 1888) 514–15Google Scholar
37 C.M.S. CA6/011/12 Gordon to Wright, 16 May 1878
38 Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, I:108–09Google Scholar
39 Ibid., 1:197-98
40 Bennett, N.R., ed., Stanley's Despatches to the New York Herald, 1871-72, 1874-77 (Boston, 1970) 225–26Google Scholar
41 Even some of the missionaries themselves recognized this. Litchfield described how “the hope of plunder, & temporal benefits, specially munitions of war, which [Mutesa] looks to us for, are the true reasons for his friendship with us, even in the slightest degree:” C.M.S. CA6/015/9 Litchfield to Wright, 18 April 1879
42 Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, I:111Google Scholar
43 Mackay, , Pioneer Missionary, 111Google Scholar; C.M.S. CA6/016/37 Mackay to Wright, 26 December 1878
44 C.M.S. CA6/025/22 Wilson to Wright, 18 November 1878
45 C.M.S. G3 A6/0 1881/9 Mackay to Wright, 24 September 1880
46 White Fathers: C14/36 Lourdel to Lavigerie, 30 November 1883
47 Speke, , Journal, 259.Google Scholar This, at least, is what Speke was told. What exactly Mutesa did while “shut up” with his magic horns is beyond decent academic speculation.
48 Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, I:199Google Scholar
49 Mackay, A.M. [ed by his sister], (??) Pioneer Missionary in Uganda (London, 1890), 148–50Google Scholar; also White Fathers: Rubaga Diary 1/14.8.79
50 C.M.S. CA6/016/43 Mackay to Wright, 7 July 1880
51 Mackay, , Pioneer Missionary, 162Google Scholar
52 Ibid., 164
53 Portal, G., The British Mission to Uganda in 1893 (London, 1894) 189–90Google Scholar
54 Speke, for example, described Buganda as a place “where every man courts the favour of a word with his king, and adores him as a deity:” Speke, , Journal, 302Google Scholar
55 C.M.S. CA6/010 b/Felkin's Journal, 17 March 1879
56 C.M.S. CA6/010 b/Felkin's Journal, 5 April 1879
57 Missions Catholiques 13 (1881), 230Google Scholar
58 White Fathers: C14/134 Lourdel to his brother, 3 April 1882
59 White Fathers: C14/36 Lourdel to Lavigerie, 30 November 1883; see also Zimbe, , “Buganda,” 41Google Scholar
60 C.M.S. G3 A6/0 1881/75 O'Flaherty to Hutchinson, 12 July 1881. Similar sentiments were reported in the Fathers', White periodical, Missions Catltoliques 13 (1881), 89–90.Google Scholar
61 See, for example, Speke, , Journal, 288Google Scholar
62 C.M.S. G3 A6/0 1883/70 O”Flaherty to Wigram, January 1883
63 Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, 1:198Google Scholar
64 Reid, R.J., “Economic and Military Change in Nineteenth-Century Buganda” (Ph.D., University of London, 1996), especially chapters 6 and 7.Google Scholar Here I argue that from the mid-nineteenth century, Ganda military power was gradually undermined by the resurgence of powerful regional enemies, organizational changes at the Ganda center, and the introduction of guns themselves: most firearms in Buganda proved themselves wholly unworthy of the kind of faith placed in them by Mutesa.
65 Speke, , Journal, 315Google Scholar
66 Mutesa himself, had he been acquainted with the Sun King's philosophy of political power, would have identified whole-heartedly with the latter's declaration thus: “When you are considering the State, you are working for yourself; the good of the one becomes the glory of the other. When the State is happy, famous and powerful, the King is glorious.” Quoted in Ransley, J., ed., Chambers Dictionary of Political Biography (Edinburgh, 1991), 327Google Scholar
67 Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, I:199Google Scholar
68 Roscoe, J., The Baganda: an Account of Their Native Customs and Beliefs (London, 1911), 229Google Scholar
69 Zimbe, , “Buganda ne Kabaka,” 26Google Scholar
70 C.M.S. CA6/015/12 Litchfield to his father, 5 August 1879
71 C.M.S. CA6/016/37 Mackay to Wright, 26 December 1878
72 White Fathers: Rubaga Diary 2/27 April 1881
73 Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan, I:197Google Scholar
74 C.M.S. CA6/09/9 Copplestone to Wright, 24 January 1880
75 C.M.S. CA6/010/22 Felkin to Wright, 4 March 1879. Zimbe states matter-of-factly that Mutea was suffering from gonorrhoea: Zimbe, , “Buganda ne Kabaka,” 44Google Scholar
76 White Fathers: C14/159 Lourdel to Lavigerie, 29 September 1882
77 Zimbe, , “Buganda ne Kabaka,” 82Google Scholar
78 White Fathers: C14/29 (1) Lourdel to Bridoux, November 1881
79 C.M.S. G3 A6/0 1884/115 O'Flaherty to Wigram, July 1884
80 Hailey, Lord, An African Survey (London, 1957), 1129Google Scholar
81 Portal, , British Mission, 189Google Scholar
82 Casati, G., Ten Years in Equatoria (2 vols.: London, 1891), 2:16Google Scholar
83 Cook, A.R., Uganda Memories, 1897-1940 (Kampala, 1945), 43Google Scholar
84 White Fathers: C14/57 Lourdel to Lavigerie, 24 November 1885
85 Macdonald, J.R., Soldiering and Surveying in British East Africa (London, 1897), 136Google Scholar
86 Speke, , Journal, 269Google Scholar
87 Ibid., 298
88 Livingstone, David, ed. Waller, H., The Last Journals of David Livingstone in Central Africa (2 vols.: London, 1874), 2:223Google Scholar
89 Mair, L., Primitive Government (London, 1962), 202Google Scholar
90 R.J. Reid, “The Ganda on Lake Victoria: a Nineteenth-Century East African Imperialism,” JAH, forthcoming.
- 3
- Cited by