1. MLG/DDA PER/5 Negomo, “Negomo Chieftainship,” n.d. but in typeface and format similar to other histories compiled by E. P. Meaker in the late 1940s in the Mazoe-Concession District; MLG/DDA, HIS/3/1, “Report on the tribal structure in protected villages in Chiweshe Tribal Trust Land, 31 October 1974;” MLG/DDA, Delineation Report, Mazoe, 1965-68. I consulted these MLG files in the 1970s when they belonged to the then Ministry of Internal Affairs. Changes in Negomo's territory between the precolonial period and the 1970s, apart from the loss of land to European farmers, included a loss of land in the southwest to Chiweshe and Nyachuru and, apparently, a gain of land north of the Ruya from Makope.

2. F 4/1/1, M. Lingard, Secretary to Native Department, to Statist, Salisbury, 21 September 1895, including census by N[ative] Ctommissioner] H. H. Pollard, Mazoe, 31 July 1895. Pollard's detailed list noted that Negomo ruled 1,400 people. His overall count of 24,248 for the Mazoe (later, South Mazoe and North Mazoe or Darwin) District was not far below that of 1911 for the combined Districts (27,548) and, for the 1890s and for an area relatively close to his head-quarters in the District, his figure of 1,400 was probably not wildly inaccurate, as he was not estimating the population from either huts or villages: A 15/1/1, “Hut tax returns, 7 August 1894-30 June 1895;” Beach, D. N., “Zimbabwean Demography: Early Colonial Data,” paper presented to Conference/Seminar on the Analysis of Census Data from Colonial Central Africa, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 18-22 August 1986.Google Scholar

3. Kerr, W. Montagu, The Far Interior (2 vols.: London, 1886) 1:217–54.Google Scholar

4. Ibid.

5. Ibid.

6. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences of J. G. Wood,” written in 1889 but based on his 1887 diaries in Hist. Mss. WO 1/2/1-11. The reminiscences contain details not included in the diaries. Wood, J. G., Through Matabeleland: Ten Months in a Waggon, (London, 1893)Google Scholar was written by Wood with the assistance of A. Wilmot in 1891 but made a most inaccurate use of the earlier sources; Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary of Frank Johnson's Expedition, August-October 1887;” Hist. Mss. SP 1/2/1, “Account by J. A. Spreckley;” Brown, W. Harvey, On the South African Frontier (London, 1899), 114–17.Google Scholar

7. AOH/16, Interview with the Rev. Enoch Magwasha Mapondera by D. Munjeri, 8 August 1977, notes that one Masvaure was taken by a leopard on Nyota itself; Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 23 July 1887;” Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 10 October 1887.”

8. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, JO 3/3/2, SP 1/2/1, passim; Kerr, , Far Interior, 1:241Google Scholar; Selous, F. C., Travel and Adventure in South-East Africa (London, 1893), 182–83, 287–97Google Scholar; N 9/4/7, Monthly Report of NC North Mazoe, 31 January 1901.

9. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera.

10. F 4/1/1, Census by H. H. Pollard, 31 July 1895.

11. Kerr, , Far Interior, 1:224, 236, 248–49, 253.Google Scholar

12. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 31 July 1887.”

13. D. R. Pelly to the Editor, 27 August 1895, Mashonaland Paper, 14 (October 1895), 17.Google Scholar The other reason for their leaving was the hut tax.

14. Wood noted that in the 1886-87 famine the slaves at Nyota had died of starvation: Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 25 and 31 July and 4 August 1887;” Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 5 and 9 October 1887;” Hist. Mss. SP 1/2/1, ‘Account.’

15. Muzvngu (singular), vazungu (plural): “Portuguese.”

16. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 25 and 31 July 1887;” N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to Acting C[hief] NC, 27 October 1898.

17. Muslims.

18. Beach, D. N., The Shona and Zimbabwe, 900-1850 (Gweru, 1980), map 4.Google Scholar

19. MLG/DDA, Delineation Report, Mazoe, revised, May 1967. However, one of the vazungu recalled was confused with “Chimbangu,” Vicente José Ribeiro da Fonseca of the late nineteenth century.

20. Nyungwe: Tete.

21. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 474Google Scholar; Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 2, 5, and 11 October 1887,”

22. Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 11 October 1887;” Hist. Mss. SP 1/2/1, “Account.”

23. Kerr, , Far Interior, 1: 225, 229, 242, 247Google Scholar; Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 25 and 31 July 1887;” Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 11 October 1887;” Hist. Mss. SP 1/2/1, “Account.”

24. N 9/3/3, Quarterly Report of NC North Mazoe, 31 December 1900. In this case the people had sold too much grain to people in “Portuguese” territory and were short of food themselves.

25. Murungu (singular), varungu (plural): English-speaking foreigners.

26. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, JO 3/3/2 and SP 1/2/1,

27. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 2 August 1887.”

28. Beach, , Shona and Zimbabwe, 100.Google Scholar

29. By this I mean that those deeply-rooted and sincerely-held beliefs that governed peoples' actions in matters such as magic, witchcraft, and ‘medicine’ were not based on scientifically proven facts. Thus no one has ever been able to prove that ‘war medicine’ charms can actually stop bullets, but people continued to believe in this up to the 1980s.

30. Beach, , Shona and Zimbabwe, 137.Google Scholar

31. Ibid, 143, 254-56.

32. Abraham, D. P., “The Roles of ‘Chaminuka’ and the Cults in Shona Political History” in Stokes, E. and Brown, R., eds. The Zambesian Past (Manchester, 1966), 42 n 1, 43 nn 1, 3.Google Scholar

33. Alpers, E. A., “Dynasties of the Mutapa-Rozwi Complex” JAH, 11(1970), 211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

34. Isaacman, Allen F., The Tradition of Resistance in Mozambique. Anti-Colonial Activity in the Zambezi Valley, 1850-1921 (London, 1976), 111.Google Scholar

35. Beach, , Shona and Zimbabwe, 62–64.Google Scholar

36. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, “Negomo Chieftainship,” n.d.

37. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera; AOH/13, Interview with Alexander Gotora Mapondera by D. Munjeri, 24 June 1977. A. G. Mapondera's version is more inclined to date the episode to the period of the foundation of the Mutapa state and to stress Makope linkages. The two versions also differ on the names of the first ancestors. See “The Negomo Genealogy” in Appendix.

38. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, “Negomo Chieftainship,” n.d.; AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera; AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera.

39. Ibid.

40. Beach, , Shona and Zimbabwe, 276.Google Scholar

41. Appendix below.

42. E. M. Mapondera (AOH/16) claimed that the title originated with Gorejena, but this is improbable, as otherwise the descendants of Zhenjeni would have been unlikely to be called 'Negomo,' as they clearly were from at least the 1880s.

43. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography,” appendix to the interview.

44. Ibid. It is also available in Hist. Mss. Misc. MA 40.

45. AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera.

46. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, “Negomo Chieftainship,” n.d.

47. Ibid.; AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography;” AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera.

48. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography,” The story that Zhenjeni attempted not only his own death but that of his whole house by walling himself and them into a cave resembles the Hera myth of the death of Mbiru.

49. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography.”

50. D 3/5/10, 940/03, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 5 April 1904.

51. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, “Negomo Chieftainship,” n.d.

52. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, NC Mazoe to CNC, 14 April 1932.

53. Appendix. If the last of Gorejena's sons died shortly after 1942, then Gorejena probably died shortly before 1882, but certainly not before 1865. If Gorejena was an elder son of Dandara then if the latter had died naturally it would have been about 1856±20, and if Muroro had died naturally it would have been about 1828±24. If Mukungurutse died in 1902 as an elder son of Chipiro, the latter would have died about 1874±20. If Chipiro was the youngest of Zhenjeni's sons, the latter would have died about 1814±24. But only three sons of Zhenjeni are recorded, so the use of a sixty-year ‘gap’ in this case is even more tentative than usual, and if Chipiro was a son of Muguse then it becomes easier to see Zhenjeni and Muroro as contemporaries. The dating of Shona dynasties depends on the genealogies available, and the Negomo genealogies are skimpy and complicated by murders. Pending the completion of a major discussion of Shona chronology see Beach, D. N., “The Shona Generation,” The Central African Journal of Medicine, 25 (1979), 45–51.Google ScholarPubMed

54. Thus, as we will see in 1884 Kerr was carefully prevented from going east of Nyota; Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 28 July 4 August 1887;” N 9/2/2, Map attached to A[ssistant] NC South Mazoe to CNC, 5 November 1901.

55. Kerr made it clear in 1884 that Mapondera (“Chivaura”) was not Negomo himself, but that a “Negomo” lived slightly to the east. Presumably if Gorejena had still been alive, he would have been at Nyota and Kerr would have realized his presence.

56. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, NC Mazoe to CNC 14 April 1932 and genealogy dated 16 May 1942; EC 3/1/2, Appointment of Negomo, 30 January 1912.

57. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, genealogy dated 16 May 1942.

58. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 31 July 1887,” N 9/1/4, Annual Report of NC Mazoe, “The Nygomo Tribe,” 31 March 1898.

59. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 31 July 1887.”

60. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography.”

61. Ibid.

62. The order of birth is difficult to ascertain because E. M. Mapondera in AOH/16 arranged the children according to the “seniority” of Gorejena's wives. Mapondera was also called Chivaura and Kadungure: AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M5(1), Residencia de M'Chesa, 1889, 10, Guinaldo Martins Madeira to Governor of Tete, Tete, 23 December 1889.

63. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera.

64. AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera. The interviewer queried the point but A. G. Mapondera was adamant that Mapondera was a son of Nyahunzvi and was still claiming this in early 1987, according to a note in the current MLG/DDA PER/5 Negomo file.

65. E. M. Mapondera was the last-born son of Mapondera and must have been born in 1903 rather than 1905 as he thought. A. G. Mapondera was born in about 1911.

66. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera. This implies that Gorejena was Negomo before Nyahunzvi and thus runs counter to traditions that Gorejena succeeded Nyahunzvi to the title. According to Langworthy, H. W., ed., Expedition in East-Central Africa, 1888-1891. A Report by Carl Wiese (London, 1983), 294Google Scholar, in the late nineteenth century in the Zambezi valley a person found wandering in 'foreign' lands without protection could be legally enslaved as an mpondwa.

67. AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera. This implies that Nyahunzvi was Negomo and fathered Mapondera by Mwera shortly before his death. The question of roora (brideprice) may reflect an aspect of Shona inheritance and marriage that has now vanished because mhondwa no longer occur. Nowadays a demand for roora by one man of a cousin of the same patrilineage would presumably be impossible. What A. G. Mapondera seems to have meant was that having treated Mwera as a wife and fathered Mapondera, Nyahunzvi left her to Gorejena and then Nyahunzvi's house demanded roora as though she had been a daughter of that house. Twentieth-century works on inheritance (e.g. Holleman, J. F., Shona Customary Law [Manchester, 1952], 234–38Google Scholar) suggest that if a woman was inherited by her late husband's kinsmen as a wife, the new husband had to pay certain presents to his new wife and her kin, but not roora. But in this case Mwera's kin were not involved since she had been enslaved. A. G. Mapondera's claim that Mapondera and Chikuwa had the same mother of no known kinship group, but different fathers who were cousins, raises the question of the effect of the ending of raiding and enslavement on ‘traditional’ law and custom.

68. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, genealogy of 16 May 1942. At this time after the death of Negomo Mako of Zhenjeni house, the government was expecting to appoint someone from the house of Gorejena: CNC to NC Concession, 19 June 1942.

69. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, NC Mazoe to P[rovincial] NC Mashonaland North, 24 April 1953.

70. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, NC Mazoe to CNC 14 April 1932.

71. AOH/16 E. M. Mapondera “My biography.” This “Kanyemba” house should not be confused with the son of Rwanga or the Rosário Andrade family of praso-holders.

72. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, CNC to NC Concession, 19 June 1942.

73. Because his son Chirawu would have been at least a teenager by 1894, as will be seen below.

74. S.401/336, Preliminary examination of Mtemaringa, 28 May 1898.

75. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, NC Mazoe to CNC 14 April 1932. Mupfunya died in 1925 and was one of the first of Gorejena's sons.

76. In 1904 he claimed that he was 60 at his trial (see note 50)

77. Beach, , Shona and Zimbabwe, 290–91.Google Scholar

78. Selous, , Travel and Adventvre 295Google Scholar; Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 8 October 1887;” Hist. Mss. SP 1/2/1, “Account.” In Shona and Zimbabwe I mistakenly assumed that Hwata was in his later area above the Iron Mask Range and the Mazowe Dam before the 1860s. Johnson underestimated the distance from the Mazowe to “Hwata's mountain,” which was still called that in 1891-92.

79. Beach, , Shona and Zimbabwe, 290–91.Google Scholar

80. Beach, D. N., War and Politics in Zimbabwe, 1840-1900 (Gweru, 1986), 26, 29.Google Scholar

81. Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 8 October 1887” claims that Hwata's son was then living on the Mhanyame headwters, but all other sources put the dynasty itself on and east of the Iron Mask Range.

82. CT 1/1/6, J. H. Hudson to A. R. Colquhoun, 21 March 1891; MLG/DDA, PER/5 Hwata, genealogies of 27 March 1936 and 26 January 1959.

83. DS 1/1/1 Sub-Inspector Bodle to J. N. Nesbitt, 7 May 1893.

84. Beach, , War and Politics, 23.Google Scholar

85. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera.

86. Ibid; AOH/13 A.G. Mapondera; AOH/9 Interview with Simbamba Maravanyika by D. Munjeri, 19 May 1977.

87. Beach, , War and Politics, 29.Google Scholar

88. Ibid., 33-34; CT 1/6/8, F. C. Selous to Selous Explorations Syndicate, 12 September 1889 and “Agreement for mineral concession in the Makorikori country, Inyota, Makorikoriland, 25 September 1889,” Article X. Selous denied that the Ndebele had reached Nyota in the former, but claimed it in the latter. Kerr's account of 1884 did not suggest that the Negomo people had suffered at all: Far Interior, 1:217–54.Google Scholar

89. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography.”

90. Ibid.

91. Beach, , War and Politics, 28.Google Scholar

92. See repeated references in the NC Hartley reports from 1897 until well into the 1900s.

93. MLG/DDA, Delineation Report, Lomagundi, 1965, Zvimba, mentions an attempted conquest of Zvimba by Mashayamombe.

94. Ibid.; MLG/DDA, PER/5 Zvimba, genealogy dated ca. 1950-51. The suggestion that Mushayapokuvaka was a usurper has been confirmed by his descendant: Samkange, S., Oral History: the Zvimba People of Zimbabwe (Harare, 1986), 54–58.Google Scholar

95. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography.”

96. See reference 65.

97. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography.” Note the care with which E. M. Mapondera specified the roora paid to the Zvimba communities.

98. Ibid.

99. AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera.

100. A son of Gorejena, Katena, was still alive in 1942, though too old to be the next Negomo: MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, CNC to NC Concession 19 June 1942 and genealogy of 16 May 1942. As will be shown below, the fairly reliable Shawasha chronology dates the event to before 1883. Assuming that the Katena of the 1940s was the same as the one in the “Domboshava” war and that he would have had to be at least in his mid-twenties to have led a war before 1883, he would have been in his eighties in the 1940s, which is quite possible. But AOH/16 E. M. Mapondera, “My biography,” states that the Katena of the 1880s was older than Mapondera and thus he would have had to be well over 100 in 1942, rather less likely. It is possible that the Katena of the 1940s inherited the name from a much older brother. So I arbitrarily refer to the Katena of the pre-1880s as Katena I and to the later one as Katena II.

101. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, “My biography.”

102. Chidziwa, J., “History of the Vashawasha,” NADA, 9/1(1964), 28–29.Google Scholar

103. Ibid.

104. Chidziwa's chronology of the Shawasha themselves is fairly consistent for the nineteenth century (except where he repeats events to make his ancestor Chidziwa a ruling Chinamhora) and he places the event between the big Ndebele raids against Hwata in the 1860s and the death of the Chaminuka mhondoro medium in 1883. But Chidziwa's account makes the origin of the quarrel date back to the origin of the Masembura dynasty, which would have been at least a century earlier.

105. Chidziwa, , “Vashawasha,” 28.Google Scholar

106. AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera.

107. L 2/2/106, “Story of native sent in by Hoste,” enclosed in H. F. Hoste to A. H. F. Duncan, Chimoona Mountain, Mazoe River, 18 October 1893. No action seems to have been taken. Hoste, who knew little Shona, thought that the informant was “a bit of a liar” because he thought the man was complaining about the Portuguese, but the statement itself was taken by an adequate interpreter. The plain upon which Salisbury was situated was known as “Harare” (Brown, , On the South African Frontier, 201Google Scholar; NB 6/1/1, Annual Report of NC Selukwe 31 May 1898) but the fort itself was said to be near “Dzivaresekwa:” AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caiza 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das terras de Macome, 1891, 12, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete, 2 July 1891.

108. The AOH versions refer to the mahiya as “Nyembani,” from Inhambane.

109. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 47.Google Scholar The varungu were G. Westbeech and G. Phillips.

110. F. C. Selous.

111. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 82–90.Google Scholar

112. W. M. Kerr.

113. Kerr, , Far Interior, 1: 216–53.Google Scholar

114. Windvogel the slave might have disappeared for a number of reasons: he might have been taken by a wild animal or hav egot lost in the bush; he might have decided to desert and rejoin a lady friend; or he might have been murdered, especially if he was carrying Kerr's shotgun (Kerr, , Interior, 1:122Google Scholar).

115. Kerr, , Far Interior, 1:254–77.Google Scholar

116. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 182, 288.Google Scholar

117. Ibid., 195-96.

118. Hist. Mss. JO 3/3/2, “Diary, 8 October 1887.” Johnson confused the Murowodzi with the Garamapudzi.

119. Hist. Mss. WO 1/3/2, “Reminiscences, 31 July 1887.”

120. Matthews, T. I., “Portuguese, Chikunda and Peoples of the Gwembe Valley: the Impact of the ‘Lower Zambezi Complex’ on Southern Zambia,” JAH, 22(1981), 23–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

121. Ignacio de Jesus Xavier.

122. Vicente José Ribeiro de Fonseca.

123. Vicente Ribeiro de Fonseca.

124. Sebastião Moraes Almeida.

125. José de Araújo Lobo.

126. José do Rosario Andrade.

127. Valligy Mussagy Couto. The African name for this Muslim from Damao comes from AOH/16 E. M. Mapondera, but this may be a feedback from Selous, whose book the Rev. Mapondera had read at the Archives.

128. Couto was normally based at Inhamecute on the Zambezi (e Solla, Augusto de Ronseca de Magalhães, “Apontamentos sobre o Zumbo (Zambézia),” Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 25/7-12 (1907), 386.Google Scholar This chronicle uses (389) the name Magalhães e Solla but “Mesquita e Solla” was evidently a common other name for the same man: Pélissier, René, Naissance du Mozambique. Résistance et révoltes anticolonialistes 1854-1918(2 vols.: Orgeval, 1984), 2:805Google Scholar). Couto regularly complained of poverty to the Governor of Tete, but the fact that he had to beg for an escort of four men suggests that he had no chikunda force (AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1890-91, Vallig Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete, 2 June 1890). On 20 March 1890 Couto was appointed Sargento-môr of Macomo, a post that carried a salary of 120$000 a year (Solla, , “Apontamentos,” 386Google Scholar; AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 12, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete, 2 July 1891). Newitt, M. D. D., Portuguese Settlement on the Zambezi (London, 1973), 385Google Scholar, make s one real equal to about 1/16 of one British penny in the 19th. century, so 120$000 (120 milreis) was about £31/5/0d. In 1892. the local rate of exchange made 120$000 equal to about 26/12/0d (Décle, L., Three Years in Savage Africa [London, 1900[, 225).Google Scholar The total income for the District of Zumbo in the last nine months of 1890 was 18,727$554 (Ignacio, Luiz, “O Zumbo (antes os ultimos tratados),” BSGL 10/6-7(1891), 303.Google Scholar

129. AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 12, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete, 2 July 1891; Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 288–89.Google Scholar Couto's house was not in Mapondera's part of the Nyota complex, but at the village of a ruler he called “Mingueli” in another part of the mountain. This “Mingueli” cannot yet be identified, but Couto equated him with Mapondera and Kanyemba (CT 1/1/6 and and A 1/6/1, V. M. Couto to F. C. Selous, 23 November 1890. CT 1/1/6 is the original, and A 1/1/6 is an incomplete and inaccurate copy. I am indebted to the Department of Modern Languages of the University of Zimbabwe for correcting my first translation of this difficult document).

130. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 288–89.Google Scholar

131. CT 1/1/6, V. M. Couto to F. C. Selous, 23 November 1890. Couto wrote of “um conto e 700 e tantos milreis,” presumably an improbably high figure of 1 700$000 (£442/14/0d) rather than 1$700 (8/10d). In July 1891 Couto told the Tete authorities that he had spent 1 539$800 on the local rulers (AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 12, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete, 2 July 1891.)

132. Nowell, C. E., The Rose Colored Map (Lisbon, 1982), 196–66.Google Scholar Nowell used documents written by J. C. Paiva de Andrada not yet relocated, and gives a much more detailed itinerary of Andrada than any so far available, but he dates Andrada's main move into the central plateau to September 1889. It is clear that Andrada and Sousa arrived at Mangwende's on 18 August: AHM, Governo Geral, Caixa 3. M1(2), Joaquim Carlos Paiva de Andrada e A. de Sá Pereira do Lago, 1889, Série extraordinaria, 26, Joaquim Carlos Paiva de Andrada to Minister of Marine, Nhowe, 19 August 1889 and 27, Andrada to Governor General, Nhowe, 19 August 1889. I am indebted to Dr. G. J. Liesegang for these references.

133. The traveler Cherry met four Portuguese and 700 Africa. troops in the upper Mazowe valley at this time. CT 1/13/6, L. S. Jameson to F. R. Harris, 21 November and 12 December 1889.

134. Johnson, F., Great Bays (London, 1940), 87.Google Scholar Johnson had heard about Negomo from Wood on his way back from the Mazowe in 1887.

135. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 286–88.Google Scholar Mutemaringa was close to the Mazowe later, in the 1890s (N 3/1/13, NC South Mazoe to CNC, 11 May 1901) but from the way in which Selous, (Travel and Adventure, 296Google Scholar) described this stretch of the river, he did not see it until his return from Nyota, so Mutemaringa must have been east of Nyota, closer to the Ruya, in the late 1880s. From Selous1s dates, he spent about two days at Mutemaringa's, and it was probably then that he learned that Couto had a base at Nyota. This may be why he decided not to visit Negomo.

136. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 228Google Scholar; CT 1/1/6, V. M. Couto to F. C. Selous, 23 November 1890.

137. Couto claimed that he made it clear to Selous that Nyota was in Portuguese territory and that he only authorized Mapondera to sign Selous's paper to prove to Johnson that he had in fact arrived at Nyota. Selous claimed that he got the concession without Couto's help.

138. CT 1/6/8, “Agreement for mineral concession in the Makorikori country, Inyota, Makorikori Land, 25 September 1889;” Hist. Mss. WI 6/2/1, “Journal of B. Wilson, 20 December 1890.” I am indebted to the late W. F. Rea for this reference.

139. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 291Google Scholar; AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M5(1), Residencia de M'Chesa, 1889, 4, Guinaldo Martins Madeira to Governor of Tete, Tete, 16 December 1889.

140. AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1890-91, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Inhamecuta, 15 October 1891; AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 Ml(5), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 14, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Messungué, 10 August 1891. According to Solla (“Apontamentos,” 386) Ribeiro was jealous of the fact that Couto had been granted a salary and he had not, but it is probable that the quarrel was more fundamental than that: if Couto succeeded in his enterprises, he would be taking over a great deal of what Ribeiro regarded as his hinterland.

141. S. 142/2/6, The Cape Times, 19 June 1891, citing Selous, F. C.Google Scholar

142. AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 12, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete, 2 July 1891; Dèclé, , Three Years, 217.Google Scholar

143. Solla, , “Apontamentos,” 387Google Scholar: “que esta regulo tinha roubado;” Hist. Mss. WI 6/2/1, “Journal of B. Wilson, 20 December 1890;” AOH/ 16 E. M. Mapondera, “My biography,” recalls fighting between the Portuguese and Mapondera, but denied it in the interview, but he may have been influenced by reading Selous.

144. See note 107.

145. CT 1/6/8, “Agreement for mineral concession…,” addition dated 13 September 1890, signed by H. Jarvis and M. N. Durrant and “sealed” by Mapondera. This date is one day after the arrival of the BSAC at Salisbury seventy kilometers to the south, and both date and ‘seal’ may be forgeries. Couto mistakenly thought that S. Thomas from the 1889 party was with this one.

146. CT 1/1/6, V. M. Couto to F. C. Selous, 23 November 1890.

147. A 1/6/1, Protest of Governor of Zumbo, 4 November 1890; CT 1/1/6, A. R. Colquhoun to F. R. Harris, 30 March 1891; Solla, , “Apontamentos,” 387Google Scholar; AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(4), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 12, Valligy Mussgy Couto to Governor of Tete, Tete. 2 July 1891; AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 5 M1(5), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, 1891, 14, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Messingué, 10 August 1891; AHM, Governo do Distrito de Tete, Caixa 11 M2(10), Capitania-môr das Terras de Macome, Valligy Mussagy Couto to Governor of Tete, Inhamecute, 15 October 1891. Couto's letters of 1891 should be read sceptically: it is highly unlikely, for example, that the BSAC offered him £2000 to withdraw from the area.

148. Much more research needs to be done on the exact locations of mines, farms, and stores in the Mazowe valley at that time.

149. CT 1/1/6, J. H. Hudson to A. R. Colquhoun, 21 March 1891.

150. A 1/9/1, M. D. Graham to L. S. Jameson, 12 February 1892. Early 1892 is a rough estimate, as the trader Guerolt's body had no flesh left on its bones by early February.

151. Chirumzimba in the text.

152. A 1/9/1, M. D. Graham to L. S. Jameson, 12 February 1892. Mufuka claimed to be under “Washewechi,” a ruler living twenty miles to the east. The location would fit the Shawasha country, but Chiweshe to the south is another possibility, as MLG/DDA, PER/5 Chiweshe chara, genealogy of 18 November 1947 notes a “Mufuka” as an elder son of Chiweshe Mukanganise.

153. A 1/9/1, M. D. Graham to L. S. Jameson, 12 February 1892.

154. DS 1/1/1, J. M. Nesbitt to R[esident] M[agistrate] Salisbury, 8 and 16 March 1893 and Sub-Inspector Bodle to Nesbitt, 7 March 1893.

155. Misionaries. The word is derived from Nguni and was in use by 1894.

156. Hist. Mss. ANG 1/1/6, F. Balfour to Canon Tucker, 15 September 1891; Canon Balfour to his mother, 7 July 1891, Mashonaland Paper, 1(June 1892), 5–6.Google Scholar

157. Neighboring rulers who accepted missionaries were Chidamba of the Hwata dynasty, Seke and Nyamweda (Anglican), Chinamhora (Catholic), and Seke and Chinamhor (Methodist).

158. Often misspelled Yadzi in the Mashonaland Paper.

159. Letter from Canon Upcher, 7 December 1893, Mashonaland Paper, 8(April 1894), 6.Google Scholar

160. Letter from Canon Upcher, 20 April 1894, Mashonaland Paper, 9(July 1894), 10.Google Scholar

161. D. R. Pelly to Editor, 27 August 1895, Mashonaland Paper, 14(October 1895), 16–17.Google Scholar

162. Letter from Canon Upcher, 9 June 1894, Mashonaland Paper, 10(October 1894), 9–10.Google Scholar

163. There seem to have been no contacts at all between the whites and Negomo between 1887 and 1895.

164. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera and “My biography;” Chivanda, C. G., “The Mashona Rebellion in Oral Tradition: Mazoe District,” University College of Rhodesia Honours Seminar Paper, 23 June 1966Google Scholar; JG 3/3/21, Report on death of Henry Austin by Trooper M. Allen, 25 August 1894; The Rhodesia Herald 24 August 1894. Chimukwasha-Austin, a U.S. citizen,-had a farm, Yarrowdale, below the present Mazowe dam. The very few effects that he left confirm the traditions about his poverty.

165. Rhodesia Herald 25 August 1894. I am indebted to Mr. T. loshikuni for many of the Herald references in this article.

166. Ibid.; N 1/1/5, NC Lomagundi to Chief Clerk of Natives, Salisbury, 9 October 1894. Researchers should not be misled by a report in A 2/1/5, G. Candler for Acting Secretary, Salisbury, to RM Umtali, 13 August 1894, to the effect that four “punishment expeditions” were on hand in the Lomagundi and Victoria Districts. At this time Austin's body had not yet been found.

167. Letters of Canon Upcher, 18 September and 4 October 1894, Mashonaland Paper, 11 (January 1895), 8–9.Google Scholar By September the area was quieting down and church attendances had, risen.

168. D 4/7/1/326: “Kunyanga” (Rwanga) was first entered on this register on 10 September 1895 and is unlikely to have been held for verylong before being registered. “Kunyanga” should not be confused with “Rozanda” No. 224, first registered on 13 July 1895, a completely different case.

169. L 4/1/8, Annual Report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1901; AOH/16 E. M. Mapondera and “My biography.”

170. N 1/1/6, NC Mazoe to Secretary of Natives, 22 and 29 October 1895, and 2, 6, and 14 December 1895; DS 1/1/2, RM Salisbury to Public Prosecutor, 28 November 1895; D 4/7/1/393, “Discharge of ‘Kunyanga’.” It should be noted that NC Kenny's account in LO 4/1/8 is inaccurate on dates, has no evidence for Mapondera's involvement and gets the facts of Mutemaringa's death wrong.

171. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, CNC to NC Concession, 19 June 1942. In 1942 Rwanga's involvement in the Austin killing was still vaguely remembered by the administration, but it was his age that prevented him from being appointed as the next Negomo.

172. magoni; white policemen. From English “Johnny,” and may not have been used quite as early as this.

173. The Guerolt case of early 1892.

174. The Field Cornets.

175. J. S. Brabant, CNC Mashonaland, September 1894-14 November 1895.

176. The CNCs.

177. H. M. Taberer, CNC Mashonaland 1 November 1895-31 May 1902 and W. S. Taberer, CNC Mashonaland 1 November 1901-31 October 1913.

178. P. O. Norton, NC Mazoe pre-December 1894-31 March 1895.

179. T. B. Hulley, NC Mazoe 1-10 April 1895.

180. H. H. Pollard, NC Mazoe 23 April 1895-ca. 18 June 1896.

181. A 15/1/1, Hut tax return to end of December 1894.

182. F 4/1/1, M. Lingard to Statist, 21 September 1895.

183. A 15/1/1, Hut tax return 1 August 1894-30 June 1895.

184. S.401/252, Preliminary examination of Gutsa, 12 January 1898; preliminary examination of Hwata, 12 February 1898; Chivanda, , “Mashona rebellion,” 8–9.Google Scholar

185. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 21 October 1896.

186. Chivanda, , “Mashona rebellion,” 8–9.Google Scholar

187. LO 5/2/41, Acting Administrator to Secretary, Cape Town, 11 March 1895, summary of report from NC Mazoe.

188. D. R. Pelly to Editor, 27 August 1895, Mashonaland Paper, 14(10 1895), 17.Google Scholar

189. AOH/9, S. Maravanyika.

190. Isaacman, , Tradition of Resistance, 112–13Google Scholar; Isaacman, , “Social Banditry in Zimbabwe (Rhodesia) and Mozambique, 1894-1907, An Expression of Early Peasant Protest,” Journal of Southern African Studies, (1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ranger, T. O., “The Last Days of the Empire of Mwene Mutapa, 1898 to 1917,” History of Central African Peoples Conference, (Lusaka, 1963), 10Google Scholar; Chivanda “Mashona rebellion.”

191. Isaacman, , Tradition of Resistance, 113–13Google Scholar; Isaacman, , “Social Banditry,” 11–12Google Scholar; Ranger, , “Last days,” 10.Google Scholar

192. See note 67.

193. The Rhodesia Herald, 24 August 1894, noted that Austin was killed in Mapondera's “province” but did not blame Mapondera, or even hint that he was in the area by that time. Nor did the missionaries reporting shortly afterwards in the Mashonaland Paper.

194. NC Kenny in N 9/1/4, Annual Report of NC Mazoe, “The Nygomo tribe,” 31 March 1898, accused Mapondera of having refused to pay tax but did not then mention the Austin killing. In 1901 Kenny, in LO 4/1/8, Annual Report of NC North Mazoe, “A short history of the outlaw chief Mapondera,” 31 March 1901, referred to the Austin killing, wrongly dating it at 1893, and noted that Mapondera was “implicated in some way or other,” but quite obviously had no definite accusation to make.

195. N 9/1/4, Annual Report of NC Mazoe, “The Nygomo Tribe,” 31 March 1898.

196. Isaacman, , “Social Banditry,” 12n37Google Scholar, notes that “the only discrepancy is whether Rwanga committed suicide as tradiitons claim, or was subsequently released from prison,” although he had cited 10) the 1901 “Short history” (note 194) which made it quite clear that Rwanga had survived three suicide attempts and was still alive. Nevertheless, Isaacman (Tradition of Resistance, 112)Google Scholar noted Rwanga's death by suicide.

197. N 9/1/4, Annual Report of NC Mazoe, “The Nygomo tribe,” 31 March 1898; LO 4/1/8, Annual Report of NC North Mazoe, “A short history of the outlaw chief Mapondera,” 31 March 1901. Both reports claim this, but both were written by Kenny, who did not take over the district until long after Mapondera had left it. Kenny was not even accurate on the events of 1899, stating that Matemaringa was killed by one of his own sons.

198. See note 241 and 242 below.

199. According to F 4/1/1, M. Lingard to Statist, 21 September 1895, return by NC Pollard, 31 July 1895, Pollard had counted 215 cattle, 5 sheep, and 822 goats belonging to the entire Negomo group, according to A 15/1/1. Hut tax returns to 30 June 1895, 34 cattle and 165 goats had been taken as tax from the entire Mazoe District.

200. For Mapondera's post-1894 career, see below.

201. N 1/1/6, passim.

202. This depends on negative evidence, but so far there is nothing in the A, EC, or LO files of 894-95 to show that Maponder opposed the hut tax, though cases of such opposition led by others appear quite frequently.

203. The last definite reference is in the letter of Canon Upcher, 9 June 1894, Mashonaland Paper, 10(10 1894).Google Scholar

204. Mashonaland Paper from June 1894, N 1/1/6 passim and Alderson, E. A. H., With the Mounted Infantry and Mashonald Field Force 1896, (London, 1898), 209, 217, 241, 249, 293.Google Scholar All refer to the stronghold and settlement as “Mapondera's” but make no reference to the man.

205. F 4/1/1, M. Lingard to Statist, 21 September 1895, return by NC Pollard 31 July 1895, gave the name of the territory and the ruler's title for 29 units as far away as the Dande and the lower Ruya, but did not mention Mapondera, giving “Negomo” and “Simoona” (a mountain in the eastern part of Negomo's territory). Mapondera did state at his trial that he had once paid tax to the government, but much of what he said then was untre, as will be shown below: Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904.

206. Ibid. The dead man was Gatsi Chivarange, AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera. The killing of Chivarange was probably in November 1895: N 1/1/6, NC Mazoe to Secretary, Native Department, 14 November 1895.

207. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904.

208. N 1/1/5 passim.

209. The only comparable migration of this kind at this time seems to have been that of Chimbadzwa of Manyika to Barwe

210. See section III above.

211. Kerr, , Far Interior, 1:285.Google Scholar

212. LO 5/2/43, Monthly Report of M[ining] C Lomagundi, 4 May 1895.

213. N 1/1/5 passim for the period October 1894 to May 1896 shows that most Native Department work was to the south of Chipuriro; RC 3/7/2 and n 3/14/7, Inspector C. L. D. Monro, OC C Troop BSAP and Acting NC Lomagundi to Commandant, 7 and 15 June 1900, indicated that he had not penetrated north of Chipuriro before the clash in 1900.

214. RC 3/7/2 and N 3/14/7, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC 16 June 1900, and OC 3 Divison BSAP to R[esident] C, 4 August 1900, and map attached, and Orders of Flint's patrol, 16 and 20 July 1900; N 3/14/7 Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 6 August 1900.

215. RC 3/7/2, CNC to Chief Secretary, 17 July 1900. This report by Taberer, who was trying to explain Monro's defeat, contains a good deal of hearsay and is not corroborated by the reports sent to him before the clash. There is nothing to indicate that Monro knew much about Mapondera before June 1900.

216. Isaacman, , “Social Banditry,” 12–13Google Scholar; Isaacman, , Tradition of Resistance, 112–13.Google Scholar

217. See Appendix for the actual composition of Mapondera's band compared with Isaacman's version.

218. Isaacman, , “Social Banditry,” 14Google Scholar, and similar phrasing, apparently referring to the 1894-1900 period in “Social Banditry,” 12-13 and 15-16, and Tradition of Resistance, 113. These statements are grossly misleading and Isaacman's references do not in fact show any such antigovernment actions by Mapondera between his alleged resistance to the Native Department in 1895 (for which, as we have seen, there is no proof) and his action against Monro in June 1900, which Monro provoked. Nor do any other sources, although Kenny in Mazoe District at least knew where Mapondera was during this period and would have been willing and able to accuse him if any such actions had occurred. See note 219.

219. N 9/1/4, Annual report of NC Mazoe, “The Nygomo tribe,” 31 March 1898; LO 4/1/8, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1901; Ukeni: E. T. Kenny, ANC Mazoe 8 October 1897-31 March 1898, NC North Mazoe 1 April 1898-19 November 1901; references to Mapondera being in “Portuguese” territory in this period mean no more than that he was on the Dande, which was in its lower part far more under the control of the Afro-Portuguese warlords than the BSAC, regardless of where the border ran on paper. The final delimitations of the border in the early 1900s led to the Portuguese ceding control of the Dande to the BSAC, while gaining much of the lower Ruya.

220. N 3/14/7, C. L. D. Monro, OC C Troop BSAP to Lt. Col. Flint, OC 3 Division, 15 August 1900, “List of women and children captured and surrendered, Mapondera patrol, No. 7.”

221. RC 3/7/2. Lt. Col. Flint, OC 3 Division BSAP to RC, 4 August 1900. Flint's orders of 19 July 1900 claimed that at least three villages gave Mapondera grain, but Flint was using this as a justification for burning them.

222. Chipuriro had made no complaint to Monro, and Monro arrested Chipuriro on suspicion of having aided Mapondera, RC 3/7/2, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 16 June 1900. Taberer's spy Maswe also claimed to have heard Chipuriro state that since there were so few whites left in the country and since those at Salisbury had been killed by the Afrikaners, “we can fight now, Mapondera will start, he has a lot of people and guns:” RC 3/7/2, “Notes taken from Marswe, 23 June 1900.” Chipuriro's sons were in hiding earlier in the year: N 9/4/6, Monthly Report of NC Lomagundi, 31 March 1900.

223. N 3/14/7, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 6 August 1900; RC 3/7/2, Lt. Col. Flint OC 3 Division BSAP to RC, 4 August 1900.

224. See note 30.

225. Isaacman, , “Social Banditry,” 16.Google Scholar There is no record of any attempt whatever by the BSAC to arrest Mapondera before June 1900.

226. Probably not out of mercy (others of Mapondera's band wanted to kill them) as Isaacman implies (“Social Banditry”, 26) but because Mapondera was about to visit Negomo Mukungurutse in an attempt to get his aid. See note 227.

227. N 3/14/7, NC South Mazoe to CNC, 23 April 1900 and CNC to Chief Secretary, 24 April 1900. One would not guess from Isaacman, “Social Banditry,” 26, where the aim was said to be a raid on a “loyalist” chief, nor from Ranger, “Last Days,” 11, that the real purpose of the raid was entirely connected with this quarrel over a woman, though Ranger does mention “private scores.”

228. RC 3/7/2, Taberer to Flint, 10 June 1900 and “Notes taken from Marswe, 23 June 1900.”

229. N 3/14/7, “List of women and children captured and surrendered, Mapondera patrol, No. 15.”

230. RC 3/7/2, Insp. Monro to Commandant, 7 June 1900, CNC to Chief Secretary, 17 June 1900, “Notes taken from Marswe, 23 June 1900,” Lt. Col. Flint to RC, n.d. but after 23 June 1900. Flint thought that Mapondera was married to Mavuri's daughter. N 3/14/7, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 7 June 1900.

231. RC 3/7/2, CNC to Chief Secretary, 17 June 1900.

232. RC 3/7/2, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 16 June 1900.

233. N 9/1/6, Statistical report of NC Lomagundi, 31 March 1900.

234. RC 3/7/2, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 16 June 1900.

235. RC 3/7/2, Lt. Col. Flint, OC 3 Division BSAP to RC, 4 August 1900, Orders of Lt. Col. Flint, 14, 16-17, 19-20, 24, 26 July 1900.

236. See notes 222 and 223.

237. Vabhunu: Afrikaners; RC 3/7/2, “Notes taken from Marswe, 23 June 1900.”

238. N 3/14/7, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 6 August 1900; RC 3/7/2, Flint to RC, n.d. but after 23 June 1900.

239. See note 235. Some local villages had established friendly relations with Mapondera: RC 3/7/2, “Notes taken from Marswe, 23 June 1900.” On the other hand, at least one village head who was supposed to have supplied Mapondera with grain, Woza, later turned up with a pass from the ANC South Mazoe and was judged to be unconnected with Mapondera: RC 3/7/2, Gilson's report on patrol against Zuni, 27 July 1900 and N 3/14/7, “List of women and children captured and surrendered, Mapondera patrol, No. 1.”

240. RC 3/7/2, Gilson's patrol against Zuni, 27 July 1900 and attached “Secret patrol report.”

241. RC 3/7/2, “Notes taken from Marswe, 23 June 1900.” The precise dating of this depends on the meaning of the term “last” as in “when he last went there.”

242. RC 3/7/2, Gilson's report on patrol against Zuni, 25 July 190 and “Secret patrol report.”

243. N 9/4/1, Monthly report of NC Lomagundi, 30 November 1898; N 9/4/5, Monthly report of NC Lomagundi, 31 December 1899.

244. RC 3/7/2, Gilson to Flint, 19 July 1900.

245. Ibid.

246. N 3/14/7 and RC 3/3/2, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 30 July 1900.

247. N 3/14/7 and RC 3/3/3, TSM MacMillan to Commandant, 10 November 1900.

248. RC 3/3/3, Sgt. Lidderdale to OC BSAP Sinoia, n.d., received Salisbury 27 December 1900.

249. Beach, War and Politics, chapters 4 and 5.

250. e.g. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 1 May 1900.

251. These sub-houses of Gorejena's house are grouped according to E. M. Mapondera's list by the seniority of Gorejena's wives. See Appendix and N 9/1/4, Annual report of NC Mazoe, “The Nygomo tribe,” 31 March 1898.

252. See section III above.

253. N 3/14/7, Acting NC Lomagundi to CNC, 13 September 1900.

254. N 9/1/4, Annual report of NC Mazoe, 31 March 1898.

255. Ibid.; N 1/1/6, ANC Mazoe to CNC 20 October 1897.

256. Ibid.

257. S.401/336, Regina verus Mtemaringa, 27 August 1898, preliminary examination of Mtemaringa, 28 May 1898. Mutemaringa said that he got the guns from Captain Roach.

258. Ibid.

259. N 1/1/6, NC Mazoe to CNC, 21 March 1898.

260. Ibid.

261. S.401/336, Regina versus Mtemaringa, 27 August 1898, preliminary examination of Mtemaringa, 28 May and 28 June 1898.

263. Selous, , Travel and Adventure, 281.Google Scholar

264. See notes 266 and 383 for slaving. For guns see N 3/1/12 NC North Mazoe to CNC, 4 June 1900, in which Kenny estimated that “far more than two thirds of the male population are armed.”

265. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 30 November 1904.

266. RC 3/3/1, CNC to Chief Secretary, 6 July 1899: Statement of Gupo.

267. Pfura: Mount Darwin in colonial terms. The NC1s and BSAP camps were about eight kilometers from the peak near the modern village.

268. LO 5/4/4, OC Mount Darwin expedition to CSO Salisbury, 8 and 26 June 1897.

269. N 9/4/1, Monthly reports of NC Mtoko, September and October 1898.

270. Ibid.

271. N 9/1/6, Statistical report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1900.

272. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 10 July 1900 and Acting NC North Mazoe to NC South Mazoe, 1 February 1907 and NC South Mazoe to CNC 20 March 1907.

273. Beach, Shona and Zimbabwe, chapter 4.

274. Isaacman, , Tradition of Resistance, 138–39.Google Scholar

275. Ranger, , “Last days,” 2–3.Google Scholar

276. Bourdillon, M. F. C., “Some Aspects of the Religion of the Eastern Korekore,” (D. Phil. Oxford, 1972), 17–18.Google Scholar

277. Ranger, , “Last Days,” 2–3.Google Scholar

278. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 4 August 1898; N 9/4/1, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 October 1898.

279. RC 3/3/3, Tracing by H. C. K. Fynn of plan enclosed with CNC's Report, 15 June 1899; see also the 1:1,000,000 Carta de Moçambique, Ministério da Marinha e Colonias, Commissão de Cartografia, 1911, Folha 4, “Zumbo-Tete.”

280. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 25 April 1899.

281. Bourdillon, M. F. C., “Peoples of Darwin, An Ethnographic Survey of the Darwin District,” NADA, 10/2,(1970), 106–07.Google Scholar

282. N 9/3/2, Quarterly report of NC North Mazoe, 30 June 1898.

283. Ibid.

284. N 3/1/12, CNC to NC North Mazoe, 1 May 1899 and NC North Mazoe to CNC, 4 August 1898.

285. N 3/33/8, “History of Native Tribes, North Mazoe District;” N 3/1/13, NC South Mazoe to CNC, 13 April 1900. Only four guns were recorded as having been seized in the latter report, presumably being the last ones left.

286. N 3/14/7, ANC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, enclosing statements by Chimanda.

287. N 9/1/5, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1899; n 9/4/2, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 January 1899; N 3/14/7, CNC to Chief Secretary, 24 October 1900; LO 4/1/8, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1901. The anti-smallpox moves were intended to keep the disease out of the mine compounds of the south, not primarily to safeguard the people of the frontier.

288. N 9/4/1, Monthly report of NC Mtoko, 31 October 1898.

289. Ibid.; N 9/1/5, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1899; N 9/4/3, Monthly reports of NC North Mazoe, 31 May and 30 June 1899.

290. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 28 January 1899, N 9/1/5, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1899; RC 3/3/1, RC to H[igh] C, 5 May 1899.

291. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 27 February 1899. My emphasis.

292. N 9/4/4, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 August 1899; N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 30 May 1899; RC 3/3/1, CNC to Acting CNC, 26 June 1899; RC 2/4/2, RC to HC, 14 February 1898 [sic for 1899.

293. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 3 June 1901, statement of Rusambo; also see note 300.

294. N 9/4/5, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 December 1899.

295. N 3/1/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 April 1900.

296. N 9/4/2, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1899.

297. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 12 June 1900.

298. At least the valley was the most likely market for the grain: N 9/3/3, Quarterly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 December 1900.

299. N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 10 July 1900.

300. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 6 October 1900.

301. RC 3/3/1, CNC to Chief Secretary, 6 July 1899, Statement of Corpl. Jacob.

302. Ibid.

303. Wiri: W. Edwards, NC Marandellas 23 May 1895-29 September 1896, ANC and NC Mrewa 1 September 1897-1932.

304. N 9/1/5, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1899; N 3/1/15 NC Mrewa to CNC, 10 May 1899 and 15 December 1900.

305. N 9/4/6, Monthly report of NC Mtoko, 31 October 1900.

306. N 3/14/7, CNC to Chief Secretary, 30 January 1901.

307. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 30 September 1900 and CNC to Chief Secretary, 6 October 1900.

308. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 8 November 1900. This was the first hint that Mapondera had moved to Chioko, and subsequent reports confirmed it.

309. N 9/4/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 10 February 1902; N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 24 January 1902; D 3/5/10, 940/103, Rex versus Mapondera, 17 February, 14 and 28 March 1904, evidence of E. T. Kenny. In June 1901 Mapondera's people were in temporary shelters near the river, but in the summer they were in their main village near the crops. I note that they “probably” planted crops in the 1900-01 summer partly because they took care to recover their hoes from the Dande and partly because they did plant crops in the 1901-02 summer. But the 1900-01 crop had suffered badly from locusts by June.

310. Rc 3/3/3, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 30 July 1900 and 21 January 1901. Kenny claimed that in 1898 he had refused the offer of a wife by Chimbangu (Ribeiro) to perpetuate the relationship between Ribeiro and Pollard, who had accepted such a wife (N 3/1/12, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 21 October 1898). I suspect that in fact Kenny did not refuse, partly bacause Ribeiro made a similar offer to one of Kenny's successors, T. A. Raikes, who accepted: RC 353/7, “Proceedings of enquiry…charge of misconduct versus T. A. Raikes, 30 April 1903.”

311. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 30 July 1900.

312. Pélissier, , Naissanae du Mozambique, 2:422, 483.Google Scholar

313. RC 3/3/2, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 25 November 1900.

314. Ibid.; RC 3/3/3, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 21 January 1901.

315. Ibid.

316. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 27 December 1900; RC 3/3/3, Sgt. R. Lidderdale to OC BSAP Sinoia, n.d. but received Salisbury 27 December 1900. Kenny later claimed that Mapondera took the loot from the “Gomi” killing and sent it to Chioko. This does not seem to be confirmed by anything that he wrote at the time: LO 4/1/8, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1901: “A short history of the outlaw chief Mapondera.”

317. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 28 January 1901.

318. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904: Mapondera and his son Muchenje claimed that “Mpimpo,” presumably Chioko, organized the 1901 war and together with Chivusi forced Mapondera to join in by seizing his wives.

319. Ibid.

320. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda 18 March 1901.

321. Ibid.

322. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904, evidence of Munyepere.

323. N 3/33/8, “History of Native Tribes, North Mazoe District.”

324. N 3/1/16, Acting NC Mtoko to CNC, 3 May 1902.

325. A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 18 March 1901; N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901; RC 3/3/6, H. M. Taberer to M. Clarke, 18 June 1901.

326. Ibid.

327. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901; A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 18 March 1901.

328. LO 4/1/8, Annual report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1901; N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 3 June 1901, Statement of Rusambo; Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901; D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Evidence of Rusambo, 17 February 1904; Rhodesia Herald, 26 February 1904.

329. A 11/2/12/13 and N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 21 February 1901; N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901.

330. N 9/4/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 28 February 1902.

331. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 25 February 1901; RC 3/3/2, Lt. Col. Flint to RC, 1 March 1901; A 11/2/12/13 and N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 1 March 1901.

332. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901; D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Gujaravanza; Rhodesia Herald, 2 May 1904.

333. A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 21 February 1901.

334. D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Myimu, Mademutsa, Benhura, and Matemashinga; Rhodesia Herald. 2 May 1904; A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 6 March 1901.

335. These were the ones that Chimanda actually named. Naturally they were mainly those who lived closest to him.

336. These were the estimates of Gilson and Kenny iramdiately after the battle.

337. Because the larger Mapondera's force was claimed to be, the less blame could be attached to Gilson and Kenny for the near disaster.

338. A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 15, 16, 18, and 21 February 1901, OC Mount Darwin to DSO, 18 February 1901; N 9/4/7, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 28 February 1901.

339. The exact date of the second attack upon Chimanda's is fairly certain. Chimanda recalled that it was three days after the first, thus the 18th, and thought that Mapondera's men were five days at his village and two at Magaranehwe's, which would have meant that Mapondera arrived on the Matitima on the 24th. This agrees with the date given by Kenny.

340. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statements of Chimanda, 18 March 1901 adn 2 June 1902.

341. Ibid.

342. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 21 February 1901.

343. A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 March 1901; N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 3 June 1901.

344. A 11/2/12/13 and N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 24 February 1901.

345. RC 3/3/3, Commandant to RC, 2 March 1901; A 11/2/12/13 and N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 1 March 1901.

346. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 6 March 1901.

347. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 25 February 1901.

348. A 11/2/12/13, Gilson to Commandant, 6 March 1901.

349. Ibid.; N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 6 March 1901.

350. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statements of Chimanda, 18 March 1901 and 2 June 1902.

351. A 11/2/12/13, Gilson to Flint, 10 March 1901, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 9 March 1901; RC 3/3/3, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 20 March 1901.

352. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901.

353. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904.

354. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901.

355. Ibid.

356. N 9/4/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 28 February 1902.

357. Ibid.

358. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 2 June 1902. Muroyi: wizard. It is just possible that this reflected Makuni1s envy of chimanda in that the latter held a better-watered territory than his own.

359. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statement of Chimanda, 18 March 1901, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 18 March 1901.

360. As Mapondera put it to Chimanda, Kenny was his “white chief.”

361. A 11/2/12/13, NC Mrewa to CNC, 9 March 1901; RC 3/3/3, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 22 March 1901; N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 18 March 1901.

362. N 9/4/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 28 February 1902.

363. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 3 June 1901; D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904. Manyozi had his chance to kill Rusambo just before the war opened, but told him to go and join Kenny. Presumably he thought that Rusambo would be unlikely to survive the war in any case.

364. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904.

365. D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Wyemo; A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 6 March 1901.

366. D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Mademutsa, Benhura, and Matemashinga.

367. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 6 March 1901.

368. N 3/14/7, “In re. native chiefs at Kanyera's joining Mapondera in rebellion, Statement of Kanyera, 11 March 1901.”

369. D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 March 1904, Evidence of Mademutsa.

370. D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Gujaravanza; Rhodesia Herald, 18 February 1904.

371. N 3/14/7, “In re.…rebellion, Statement of Kanamwe, 16 May 1901'; A 11/2/12/13, OC Darwin to DSO, 18 February 1901.

372. A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 18 February 1901.

373. A 11.2/12/13 and N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 23 February 1901; RC 3/3/3, Flint to RC, 23 February 1901.

374. Ibid.

375. See note 370.

376. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904; D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Evidence of Mapondera, 5 April 1904. Mapondera's evidence during his trial is difficult to assess as it mixed probably genuine reflections of his views with obvious lies.

377. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 13 November 1903, Statements of Chimanda, 18 March 1901 and 2 June 1902. These stated that Mapondera intended to kill the whites at Mazoe and then await an attack from Salisbury. The prosecutor at the trial claimed that Mapondera also intended to take Salisbury, and Gujaravanza repeated this: Rhodesia Herald, 2 May 1904 and D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Gujaravanza.

378. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 18 March 1901.

379. Ibid.

380. RC 3/3/3, Gilson to Flint, 6 April 1901.

381. N 9/4/8, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 30 April 1901.

382. N 9/4/8, Monthly report of NC Mrewa, 30 April and 31 May 1901.

383. N 9/4/2, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 30 June 1902: Manyozi's men raided Gozva in “Portuguese” territory and took three women, two children, and five goats. Gumbeze, previously noted as a raider and thief in Nyombwe in 1899 (see note 297) raided the disarmed and unguarded villge of Chimanda in November 1901. It was claimed that Chimanda had let one of his men elope with Gumbeze's wife and so Gumbeze joined with Chinyerere (not the Pfungwe ruler) to borrow men and guns from Mapondera to avenge this: LO 5/5/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 December 1901; N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 26 November 1901. Chimanda was furious with the government for not protecting him after having disarmed him, and with some reason. Gumbeze (who was then living near his birthplace in the Mtoko District) and Chinyerere (who axed Chimanda's mother to death because she was too old to walk fast) took nineteen women. They kept some and sold the rest as slaves to their neighbors: D 3/5/10, 1193/03, Rex vs. Gumbeze, 21 November 1903 passim; Rhodesia Herald, May 1904; N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 15 December 1901 (which incorrectly claimed that Gumbeze was one of Mapondera's men); N 3/1/16, Acting NC Mtoko to CNC, 3 May 1902 and Acting NC North Mazoe to Acting CNC, 20 February 1902; RC 3/3/6, NC Mtoko to CNC, 22 July 1902 (which incorrectly claimed that Gumbeze was Mapondera's son). In spite of the alleged borrowing of men and guns from Mapondera and the linkages made above, none of which were confirmed at the trial, it is clear that Gumbeze's band was independent. Isaacman, “Social Banditry,” 14, made Gumbeze a regular member of Mapondera's band. The contrast between the version of Gumbeze's career in Isaacman and that in D 3/5/10, a file also consulted by Isaacman, is striking.

384. A 11/2/12/13 and RC 3/3/3, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 22 March 1901.

385. A 11/2/12/13, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 20 March 1901 and Gilson to Flint, 20 March 1901.

386. RC 3/3/3, Gilson to Flint, 3 May 1901, enclosing Barclay to Moore, 2 May 1901; D 3/5/10, 940/03, Rex vs. Mapondera, Preliminary examination of Mapondera, 17 February 1904, Evidence of Magaranehwe.

387. RC 3/3/4, Taberer to Clarke, 18 June 1901; Martini was probably António Martins de Velez Andrade: Pélissier, , Naissance du Mozambique, 2:484.Google Scholar

388. RC 3/3/4, Moore to Commandant, 2 July 1901; N 9/4/9, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 30 June 1901.

389. N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 17 October 1901; RC 2/4/3, RC to HC, 21 September 1901; RC 3/3/5, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 26 August 1901; Joaquim Vareta, a baptized African ivory hunter from Tete, had taken possession of a fertile part of the Dande and become prosperous, attracting followers from poorer areas: Langworthy, , Expedition in East-Central Africa, 95–96.Google Scholar

390. N 3/14/7, Acting NC Mrewa to CNC, 2 October 1901, H. Newman Smith and J. Maguire to Acting NC Mrewa, 23 September 1901, Acting NC Mrewa to CNC, n.d., Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 24 January 1902. Isaacman, “Social Banditry,” 15 made Newman Smith's mining camp with two Europeans into a “Rhodesian military camp.” In fact, it was a very small-scale mining operation that was ended, and Newman Smith bankrupted, by Mapondera's raid: N 3/14/7, H. Newman Smith to Acting NC South Mazoe, 15 January 1904.

391. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 24 January 1902.

392. Grain is a guess, but Newman Smith must have had some on hand to feed his laborers. In the course of the raid Mapondera's men demanded “tribute” from Rukosa, a house head under Nyakusengwa: N 3/14/7, NC North Mazoe to Acting CNC, n.d., Statement of Rukosa, 15 June 1902.

393. N 3/14/7, Acting NC Mrewa to CNC, 1 October 1901.

394. N 3/14/7, Acting NC North Mazoe to CNC, 24 January 1902.

395. N 9/4/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 28 February 1902.

396. Isaacman, , Tradition o f Resistance, 139Google Scholar; Pélissier, , Naissance du Mozambique, 2:484.Google Scholar

397. Ibid., 2:488-501.

398. Ranger (“Last Days,” 10-11, 24) has Mapondera in Barwe from 1894 to 1900 and from June 1902 for a short time. Isaacman (“Social Banditry“ 12-13, 16-17, 20) tends to be vague on Mapondera's whereabouts from 1894 to 1900, but doubts (17n63) whether he was in Barwe for long, and on the whole implies that he was inside the “Rhodesian” border for this period, before locating him in Barwe in early 1902. In Tradition ofResistance 112-13, he locates Mapondera in Mazoe for the early part of 1894-1900, then in “Portuguese“ territory, including Barwe, but definitely locates him (63) in Barwe in 1902. But this was based on Ranger, and neither Chapters 5 nor 6 of Tradition of Resistance in fact give any real discussion of Mapondera's role in the 1902 Barwe war (73n110), a point noted by Pélissier, (Naissance du Mozambique, 2:504).Google Scholar Why did Ranger and Isaacman claim that Mapondera took part in the Barwe war on Makombe's side? Because the Mapondera family traditions said that he had visited Barwe and had been an ally of a Makombe. But the traditions were vague as to exactly when this had occurred: AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera, put it before 1901 in that he had already got his magic nyembe tail by then. Chidziwa, , “Vashawasha,” 28–29Google Scholar, put this link much earlier, as did AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera, who by implication put the Makombe connection before 1894. The Rhodesian authorities often assumed that Mapondera would go to Barwe: A 1/2/12/13, CNC to Administrator, 6 March 1901, Flint to Milton, 10/11 March 1901, although this was contradicted later in RC 3/3/5, NC North Mazoe to CNC, 26 August 1901. Another such unfounded assumption was in the Rhodesia Herald, 10 August 1900. Part of the confusion was caused by the fact that references to “Portuguese” territory could mean anywhere from the Dande to Barwe. The first writer to question the Mapondera-Makombe alliance was Warhurst, P. R., “A Troubled Frontier: North Eastern Mashonaland, 1898-1906,” African Affairs, 77(1978), 219CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who used the sources cited hereafter to show that Mapondera was actually hostile to Makombe in 1902. There are sources that suggest that Mapondera was on Makombe's side in 1902, though oddly enough they are not cited to this effect by Isaacman: de Azevedo Coutinho, Joao, A Companhia do Barué em 1902 (Lisbon, 1904), 45, 47Google Scholar and idem., Memórias de um Velho Marinheiro e Soldado de África (Lisbon, 1941), 566. These note a “M'pondera” as one of the commanders of an aringa (stronghold) in the southern part of Barwe near Tawungwena, who was supposed to attack the railway line near Macequece as part of the Barwe ‘war plan.’ But this fairly obviously comes from ‘intelligence’ gathered at Sena before the campaign opened and used by Coutinho to make up a Barwe (‘order of battle.“ There was no subsequent reference to any fighting between this “M'pondera” and the Portuguese, and it seems that Coutinho's intelligence was incorrect.

399. N 9/4/11, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 March 1902.

400. For “spies” in the original read “cypaes.” The original information must have been sent by word of mouth, as very few BSAC officials could read Portuguese.

401. N 9/4/12, Monthly report ofNC North Mazoe, 4 June 1902. See also RC 3/3/6, Acting Administrator to RC, 8 July 1902, Acting Administrator to HC, 18 July 1902. These reports, originating in that of 4 June, in turn almot certianly came from Ribeiro. They should not be confused with a rumor, later denied, that Mapondera had been captured by the Portuguese: RC 3/7/7, HC to RC, 16 October 1902, RC 3/3/6, Consul-General, Lourenco Marques to HC, 6 December 1902. This rumor probably came from Coutinho's forces. It should be remembered that the Portuguese of Tete and Sena probably did not know much of what was going on at Cachomba.

402. RC 3/7/5, NCO Darwin to DSO Salisbury, 30 July 1902. This also claimed that Chioko was ready to move to Rhodesian territory. It appears to be the first dated link between Mapondera and Dambakushamba.

403. Murukutira: H. C. K. Fynn, ANC North Mazoe 19 November 1901-July 1902.

404. N 9/4/12, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 July 1902.

405. RC 3/7/5, OC Darwin to Acting Commandant, 13 August 1902.

406. N 9/4/12, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 August 1902.

407. N 9/4/14, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 January 1903.

408. RC 3/7/8, Cpl. Baines to OC Darwin, 11 May 1903.

409. N 9/4/13, Monthly report of NC South Mazoe, 30 November 1902; N 9/1/8, Annual report of NC South Mazoe, 31 March 1903.

410. N 9/4/5, Monthly report of NC South Mazoe, 31 May and 30 June 1903.

411. N 3/1/13, ANC South Mazoe to CNC, 12 May 1903.

412. Shumba: M. D.Fynn, ANC South Mazoe, 11 October 1899-May 1904.

413. N 3/1/13, ANC South mazoe to CNC, 12 May 1903; RC 3/7/9, Acting CNC to Chief Secretary, 20 May 1903.

414. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904.

415. N 9/4/16, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 31 August 1903.

416. Ibid.; Rhodesia Herald, 2 September 1903.

417. N 9/4/16, Monthly report of NC North Mazoe, 30 September 1903.

418. Afrioan Review, 38/571(31 October 1903), 172Google Scholar; Rhodesia Herald, 2 September 1903.

419. Rhodesia Herald, 3 May 1904.

420. Rhodesia Herald, 10 September 1903, 18 February 1904, 3 May 1904; S. 1717/1, No. 5460, “Discharge” of Mapondera, 20 June 1904; AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera.

421. See note 64. On presenting this paper for the first time in November 1986, I learned to my surprise that A. G. and E. M. Mapondera were still alive. I seriously considered interviewing them but in the end decided not to, because: they had already been interviewed repeatedly in the 1960s and 1970s and their memories were not likely to have improved in the decade since they were last interviewed; what is really needed is a thorough program of research into the traditions retained by members of every house and dynasty outside that of Mapondera and Negomo; and the Ministry of Local Government is currently dealing with the Mapondera claim to a separate Chiefainship: see note 441.

422. Mutswairo, S., Mapondera: Soldier of Zimbabwe (Harare, 1983).Google Scholar

423. Ranger, “Last Days;” Ranger, , Revolt in Southern Rhodesia, 1896-7 (London, 1967 and in paperback with new preface, 1979)Google Scholar; Ranger, , The African Voice in Southern Rhodesia, 1898-199O (London, 1970).Google Scholar

424. Ranger, , Revolt, 358–59.Google Scholar

425. See note 227.

426. Isaacman, “Social Banditry;” Isaacman, Tradition of Resistance

427. See Appendix and notes 196, 218, 225, 227, 383, 390, 398. Some of Isaacman's errors can be put down to carelessness, as when he makes the Mapondera-Selous concession of 1889 occur in 1891 (“Social Banditry,” 11). In other cases the vagueness on issues such as just where Mapondera was at what time may be coincidental, but some of the errors and omissions cannot be explained so easily.

428. Ranger, , Revolt (1979), xvii.Google Scholar

429. As I indicate below, I think that Mapondera was trying to found a new dynasty, first at Nyota, then on the Dande, and finally on the Ruya. In this he was only doing what his own ancestors and those of his contemporaries had done before, and if he had not raided Mavuri in 1900 his dynasty might still be ruling on the Dande.

430. AOH/16, E. M. Mapondera.

431. AOH/9, S. Maravanyika. See also AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera: “Rupondera - ‘one who murders people’ - wherever he got to murder was the order of the day.” A. G. Mapondera then went on to qualify this with the claim that Mapondera never started a fight, but fought on behalf of defeated people in return for payment.

432. My emphasis.

433. MLG/DDA, PER/5 Negomo, NC Concession to PNC, 24 April 1953.

434. N )/1/4, Annual report of NC Mazoe, 31 March 1898. This-- virtually the only good thing Kenny had to say about Mapondera--is outweighed by almost every other source.

435. RC 3/3/6, Taberer to Clarke, 18 June 1901.

436. Rhodesia Herald, 1-2 May 1904.

437. Hist. Mss. ANG 1/1/6, F. Balfour to Canon Tucker, 15 September 1891.

438. The Negomo dynasty lay roughly on the linguistic frontier between the Zezuru and Korekore dialect clusters. Negomo's people were often referred to as “Korekore” as though they were in some way different from their southern neighbors.

439. AOH/13, A. G. Mapondera.

440. AOH/9, S. Maravanyika. Mr. D. Munjeri has since informed me that Mr. Maravanyika was a rather reluctant informant, who preferred not to have some details recorded on tape.

441. And this, of course, lies behind a lot of what the Mapondera family has said to interviewers: it is trying to get the Zimbabwean government to recognize and finance a new Mapondera Chieftaincy, independent of that of Negomo: The Herald, 10 September 1984 and MLG/DDA, PER/5 negomo, “Re. claim of Mapondera's Chieftainship, n.d.” In its early stages this claim is reflected in Isaacman, , “Social Banditry,” 10–11Google Scholar, where he writes as though Mapondera was the ruler of an independent “Nyota chieftaincy,” though in Tradition of Resistance, 113-13 he refers to the Negomo dynasty. The distinction is crucial to this paper. The question illustrates the delicacy of research into the history of precolonial Zimbabwe: in a sense, this paper does substantiate the Mapondera family's claim to a chieftaincy, but in the inhospitable Dande valley in the Kachuta and Bakasa Communal areas, not around Nyota, and I doubt if this is what the family had in mind when it advanced its claim.