¹ “The Medical Professional and the Bedside Manner,” South African Medical Journal (hereafter SAMJ) 7/1 (May 1899), 14.Google Scholar

² “The First Medical Peer,” SAMJ, 4/12 (April 1897), 255.Google Scholar

³ For a criticism of David Arnold's analysis of perspectives on the Indian plague see Das, Veena, “Subaltern as Perspective,” Subaltern Studies VI (Delhi, 1989), 317.Google Scholar Das suggests that colonial medicine is often studied in terms of its consequences rather than “the forms through which its authority is established.”

⁴ For an example of this approach see Burrows, Edmund H., A History of Medicine in South Africa: Up to the End of the Nineteenth Century (Cape Town, 1958).Google Scholar

⁵ van Heyningen, Elizabeth, “Public Health and Society in Cape Town 1880-1910” (Ph.D., University of Cape Town, 1989).Google Scholar This study builds on Maynard Swanson's earlier examination of the sanitation syndrome and urban segregation. See Swanson, M., “The Sanitation Syndrome: Bubonic Plague and Urban Native Policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-09,” JAH, 18 (1977), 387–410.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Dubow, Saul, Scientific Racism in Modern South Africa (Cambridge, 1995).Google Scholar

⁷ These studies also draw on other medical sources such as the South African Medical Record. Dubow's study draws on the SAMJ mainly for the period after 1902.

⁸ In this essay, I am employing the word “native” neither in the derogatory manner in which it was used by colonialists nor in the way it is used by racists in contemporary South Africa. While conscious of the pitfalls of nativism, I am instead contesting a strand of postcolonial theory which only sees the native as a product of colonialism. In reading colonial medical documents I have seldom included the names of local medicines or the names of subaltern healers. To that extent I am aware that the production of knowledge is stacked against me. The designations “kaffir,” “native,” “Hottentot,” “Bushman,” and “coloured” are both symptoms of a colonial discourse and constitutive of the rules of that discourse. Basically, I am interested in the ways in which race and sex articulate with discourses of medicine. I therefore seriously consider the racial signifiers deployed in the medical journals as an effect of medical discourses.

⁹ Michel Foucault as cited in Stoler, Anne, Race and the Education of Desire (London, 1995), 3.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Burrows, , History of Medicine, 354.Google Scholar

¹¹ The formation of the SAMA was proposed at the Fourth South African Medical Congress held in Graham's Town in December 1896. “Editorial,” SAMJ, 4/9 (January 1897), 224.Google Scholar

¹² The BMA only accounted for one third of the total of about 800 doctors in South Africa (including Rhodesia). In 1896 its total membership was 102. “Annual Report of the BMA,” SAMJ, 4/7 (November 1896), 175.Google Scholar

¹³ Beck cited in Burrows, , History of Medicine, 354.Google Scholar

¹⁴ “On the Formation of the South African Medical Association,” SAMJ, 4/6 (October 1896), 145–48.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See for example “Notes,” SAMJ, 4/7 (November 1896), 175Google Scholar, which carries a notice from the Natal Branch of the BMA, rejecting the motion to form a South African Medical Association.

¹⁶ “The First South African Medical Association Conference, Johannesburg,” SAMJ, 6/7 (November 1898), 154.Google Scholar

¹⁷ “Editorial: The Fourth South African Medical Congress,” SAMJ, 4/8 (December 1896), 199.Google Scholar

¹⁸ DrAnderson, G.E., “Presidential Address to the Cape of Good Hope Branch of the BMA,” SAMJ, 4/7 (November 1896), 149.Google Scholar

¹⁹ “The First Reading of the Draft Constitution of the South African Medical Association,” SAMJ, 6/7 (November 1898), 154.Google Scholar

²⁰ DrFernandez, H. E., “The Extraordinary Vitality of the Native Under Serious Injuries,” SAMJ, 4/2 (June 1896), 34.Google Scholar

²¹ Long, E.C., “A Wonderful Cure in Basutoland,” SAMJ, 4/8 (December 1896), 198–99.Google Scholar

²² DrDarley-Hartley, W., “Medical Ethics in South Africa,” SAMJ, 5/2 (June 1897) 31.Google Scholar

²³ “Debate on Medical Ethics,” SAMJ, 5/2 (June 1897), 32.Google Scholar

²⁴ DrHeath, T.H.L., “Medical Ethics,” SAMJ, 5/5 (September 1897), 115–16.Google Scholar

²⁵ Ibid.

²⁶ Andrew Smith was attached to the Native Institute at Lovedale in the Eastern Cape, where he conducted his research on locally used drugs.

²⁷ See for example “Matters of Current Interest,” SAMJ, 4/2 (June 1896), 41.Google Scholar

²⁸ Railing, Ernest, “Review of Smith's Contribution,” SAMJ, 4/1 (May 1896), 22–24.Google Scholar

²⁹ Pappe was a Professor of Botany at the South African College.

³⁰ Railing, , “Review,” 23.Google Scholar

³¹ For a synthesis of this view see Dr.Maberly, John, “Notes on the Pharmacology of Some South African Drugs,” SAMJ, 7/6 (October 1899), 123.Google Scholar

³² Railing, , “Review,” 22.Google Scholar

³³ Ibid.

³⁴ “Reports of Medical Meetings,” SAMJ, 4/1 (May 1896), 27.Google Scholar

³⁵ Dr.Scholtz, W.C., “London Notes,” SAMJ, 5/3(July 1897), 67.Google Scholar

³⁶ Dr.Maberly, J., “Notes on the Pharmacology of Some South African Drugs,” SAMJ, 7/6 (October 1899), 123.Google Scholar

³⁷ Ibid.

³⁸ Dr.Blaine, Ben, “A Case of Anthrax Treated by Blepharis Capensis,” SAMJ, 5/5 (September 1897), 122.Google Scholar

³⁹ Maberly, , “Notes on the Pharmacology,” 123.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ “Proposed South African Addendum to the British Pharmacopoeia,” SAMJ, 7/1 (May 1899), 18.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Ibid.

⁴² Railing, Ernest, “Suggested Colonial Addendum to the British Pharmacopoeia,” SAMJ, 7/1 (May 1899), 19.Google Scholar

⁴³ An alternative account of the dispersed nature of South African pharmacology should consider other strategies by which black practitioners denied white practitioners access to their knowledge. The examples provided here are the only ones that I have been able to glean from the SAMJ.

⁴⁴ Maberly, , “Notes on the Pharmacology,” 123.Google Scholar For a discussion on Jane Waterston as an “agent of empire” see van Heyningen, E., “Agents of Empire: The Medical Profession in the Cape Colony, 1880-1910,” Medical History 33 (1989), 450–71.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed See also Bean, Lucy and van Heyningen, E., eds., The Letters of Jane Elizabeth Waterston, 1866-1905 (Cape Town, 1983).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Burrows, , History of Medicine, 234Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Dr.Casalis, G., “The Phenomena of Menstruation and Parturition Among the Native Women of Basutoland,” SAMJ, 4/2(June 1896), 29.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Ibid., 30.

⁴⁸ Ibid.

⁴⁹ Ibid.

⁵⁰ Ibid.

⁵¹ Ibid.

⁵² Ibid.

⁵³ See “Editorial,” SAMJ, 4/3 (July 1896)Google Scholar, for a vote of thanks to Casalis for his insightful research.

⁵⁴ George Casalis was the son of Eugene Casalis of the Société des Missions Evangéliques, the person often credited with being the first to “write a full account of the customs and beliefs of the Basuto.” Ashton, Hugh, The Basuto (London, 1952), vii.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Eugene Casalis cited in ibid., 55.

⁵⁶ Casalis, , “Phenomena of Menstruation,” 31.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Ibid.

⁵⁸ Chidester, David, “Mutilating Meaning: European Interpretations of Khoisan Languages of the Body,” in Skotnes, Pippa, ed., Miscast: Negotiating the Presence of the Bushman (Cape Town, 1996), 8.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Stoler, Anne and Cooper, Fred, “Between Metropole and Colony: Rethinking a Research Agenda,” in Cooper, and Stoler, , eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Los Angeles, 1997), 7.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Casalis, , “Phenomena of Menstruation,” 32.Google Scholar

⁶¹ “Responses to Dr. Wilson's Paper on Phthisical Resorts,” SAMJ, 4/7 (November 1896), 177.Google Scholar

⁶² Ibid.

⁶³ Ibid.

⁶⁴ See Swanson, “Sanitation Syndrome,” and Van Heyningen, “Public Health.”

⁶⁵ “Annual Presidential Address to the Cape of Good Hope Branch of the BMA,” SAMJ, 4/7 (November 1896), 149.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ “The Fourth South African Medical Congress,” SAMJ, 4/9 (January 1897), 224.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ “Report on Natal Medical Council Meeting of 10 September 1897,” SAMJ, 5/7 (November 1897), 172.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Dr.Egan, C.J., “Presidential Address to the Fourth Medical Congress,” SAMJ, 5/1 (May 1897), 4.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Ibid.

⁷⁰ Dr.Greenlees, D., “Remarks on Lunacy Legislation in the Cape Colony,” SAMJ, 5/9 (January 1898), 228.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Ibid.

⁷² MOH 1/2, Doc 516, State Archives, Cape Town, South Africa.

⁷³ MOH 1/2, Doc 524 (no. 142 H), State Archives, Cape Town, South Africa.

⁷⁴ Greenlees, , “Remarks,” 228.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Ibid.

⁷⁶ Ibid., 229.

⁷⁷ Dr.Fuller, , “An Original Research into the Causes of Death from Infantile Diarrhoea,” SAMJ, 5/3(July 1897), 57.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Dr.Dodds, , “Presidential Address to the Cape of Good Hope Branch of the BMA,” SAMJ, 7/8 (December 1899), 167.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Ibid.

⁸⁰ Ibid.

⁸¹ “Review of Report of the Medical Officer of Health for the Cape Colony, Dr. Turner, for the year 1895,” SAMJ, 4/8 (December 1896), 209.Google Scholar

⁸² “Minutes of Meeting of Cape Medical Council: 3 March 1899,” SAMJ, 6/12 (April 1899), 255.Google Scholar

⁸³ Ibid.

⁸⁴ “The Medical and Pharmacy Act: Prosecution at Wynberg,” SAMJ, 7/1 (May 1899), 2.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ “The Case of False Death Certificates: Dr. Anthony Accused,” SAMJ, 7/2 (June 1899), 22.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ibid.

⁸⁷ Ibid.

⁸⁸ “Report of the Registrar of Births and Deaths,” SAMJ, 7/5 (September 1899), 111.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Dodds, , “Presidential Address,” 167.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Gramsci, Antonio, Selections from the Prison Notebooks (New York, 1992), 416.Google Scholar