Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dsjbd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T09:10:39.372Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

The Idol, Its Worshippers, and the Crisis of Relevance of Historical Scholarship in Nigeria

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 May 2014

J. I. Dibua*
Affiliation:
University of Benin

Extract

In his brief essay on the crisis in modern Nigerian historiography, A.O. Adeoye effectively highlighted the origin and nature of the crisis. However, his work was more of a review of the different perspectives, as well as the existing literature on the issue. But the crisis of relevance that Nigerian historical scholarship is currently facing is so acute that it may not be an exaggeration to say that the discipline of history is being threatened with extinction. This has created a great amount of apprehension and self-doubt among Nigerian historians. Nevertheless, the crisis is manifested in all aspects of historical scholarship in Nigeria.

One major area in which the crisis is manifested is at the apex level of the professional association of Nigerian historians, that is, the Historical Society of Nigeria (H.S.N.), which was formed in 1955. Apart from being the first professional body of academics to be formed in Nigeria, the society was so highly regarded that even up to the early 1980s, its activities were enthusiastically embraced by most Nigerian historians. By the mid 1980s, however, interest in the association had so much waned that majority of Nigerian historians, including very senior academics stopped paying their annual dues and participating in the Congresses. The situation has reached the depressing point where institutions now find it difficult to find enough finance to host the annual Congresses.

The attempts to revive the interest of historians by choosing themes that are relevant to the contemporary Nigerian situation have not being successful.Similarly, the prestigious Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) which was established in 1956, was last published in 1985 (even though there are a number of manuscripts awaiting publication) while Tarikh, which was supposed to popularize history at the tertiary and secondary school levels and among non-historians, has not fared better. In addition, the publication of the Ibadan History Series has long since been discontinued.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © African Studies Association 1997

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1. Adeoye, A. O., “Understanding the Crisis in Modern Nigerian Historiography,” HA, 19(1992), 111.Google Scholar

2. For details, see Swai, B., “The State of African History: Social Responsibility of the Coming Generation of African Historians,” Paper Presented at the 34th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria Held at the University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria, 15-18 May 1989, p.1Google Scholar; also see Ayandele, E.A., “The Task Before Nigerian Historians Today,” JHSN, 9/4 (1979), 34.Google Scholar

3. The themes of some of the recent annual Congresses of the H.S-N. include, “History and Nigeria's Third Republic” (1989); “History, Science, and Technology” (1990); and “History and Development” (1991).

4. Ikime, O., “The Role of the Historian in Nation-Building: The Nigerian Case,” Lecture Delivered Under the Auspices of the Students Historical Society of Nigeria (S.H.S.N.), Bendel (now Edo) State University, Ekpoma Branch, 26 May 1987.Google Scholar

5. In January 1994 history students at the University of Benin demonstrated a similar concern in a memorandum entitled “The Prospects of History in a Changing World,” in which they lamented the state of irrelevance of the discipline and called for the introduction of combined honours degrees (that is, combining History with courses like Diplomacy or Economics) as a way of enhancing their marketability.

6. Swai, , “State of African History,” 34.Google Scholar

7. Jewsiewicki, B., “Introduction: One Historiography or Several? A Requiem for Africanism” in Jewsiewicki, B. and Newbury, D., eds., African Historiographies: What History for Which Africa? (Beverly Hills, 1986), 16.Google Scholar

8. The development of Nigerian historiography has been elaborately treated in many works; see, for example, Kapteijns, L., “African Historiography Written by Africans, 1955-1973: The Nigerian Case” (PhD., University of Leiden, 1977)Google Scholar; and Dike, K. O., “African History Twenty Five Years Ago and Today,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 1322.Google Scholar

9. Some works are Afigbo, A. E., The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in South Eastern Nigeria, 1891-1929 (London, 1972)Google Scholar; Atanda, J. A., The New Oyo Empire (London, 1973)Google Scholar; and Igbafe, P.A., Benin Under British Administration (London, 1979).Google Scholar

10. Adeoye, , “Understanding the Crisis,” 1Google Scholar; and Temu, A. and Swai, B., Historians and Africanist History: A Critique (London, 1981), 63.Google Scholar

11. Hopkins, A. G., An Economic History of West Africa (London, 1973), 10.Google Scholar

12 For details see Afigbo, A. E., The Poverty of African Historiography (Lagos, 1977), 212Google Scholar. It should be noted, however, that as early as 1961, Ade Ajayi had recognized these defects of Nigerian historiography and called for a “radical reform;” see Lovejoy, P.E., “The Ibadan School of Historiography and its Critics,”Google Scholar in Falola, Toyin, ed., African Historiography: Essays in Honour of Jacob Ade Ajayi (Longman, 1993), 198.Google Scholar

13. Olusanya, G. O., “Attempts at Nation-Building in Nigeria: A Study in Poverty of Imagination and Creativity,” Social Science Council of Nigeria Annual Lecture Series, no. 3, 1986, 8Google Scholar; also see Freund, B., The Making of Contemporary Africa (London, 1984), 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14. Ikime, O., Through Changing Scenes: Nigerian History Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow (Ibadan, 1979), 1617.Google Scholar For more on the unsociological character of this kind of history see Peel, J. D. Y., Ijesas and Nigerians: the Incorporation of a Yoruba Kingdom, 1890s-1970 (Cambridge, 1983), 1115.Google Scholar

15. Kapteijns, , “African Historiography,” 122–23.Google Scholar In fact it would appear as if this apparent misreading of the situation in many African countries caused some Western scholars to misunderstand the magnitude of the crisis of historical scholarship in most parts of Africa. See for instance, Hamerow, T. S., Reflections on History and Historians (Madison, 1987), 6.Google Scholar

16. See, for example, Ikime, Through Changing Scenes; Igbafe, P. A., “A Bridge Across Time: The Benin Factor in Nigerian History,” 23rd Inaugural Lecture, University of Benin, Benin City, 1987Google Scholar; G. O. Olusanya, “Attempts at Nation-Building in Nigeria”; and Akinjogbin, I. A., “History and Nation-Building,” Inaugural Lecture, University of Ife, Ile-Ife, 22 November 1977.Google Scholar

17. Igbafe, , “Bridge Across Time,” 34, 36.Google Scholar To Oyegoke, historical scholarship in Nigeria is not experiencing any form of crisis. On the contrary, he argues that, given the sound direction that has been given by the Ibadan School of History, it is waxing stronger. Thus he described critical views from the radical perspective as “aberrant,”“turgid,” and “caustic,” reflecting “a sad commentary on sound historical scholarship.” Oyegoke, B., “Professor Obaro Ikime: The Making of a Historian: A Critical Survey of His Works and Contributions” in Ekoko, A. E. and Agbi, S. O., eds., Perspectives in History: Essays in Honour of Professor Obaro Ikime (Ibadan, 1992), 3.Google Scholar

18. Of course the degree to which these scholars emphasize the defects in historical scholarship varies according to their perceptions of the issue.

19. Ayandele, , “Task Before Nigerian Historians,” 2.Google Scholar

20. Ibid., 3, 5.

21. Omu, F. I. A., “The Living Past: A Historian's Anatomy of the Nigerian Press,” An Inaugural Lecture Delivered at the University of Benin, Benin City, 27 April 1989, 3738.Google Scholar

22. Alagoa, E. J., The Python's Eye: The Past in the Living Present, Inaugural Lecture, University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Nigeria, 1981, 22Google Scholar; also see Alagoa, E. J., “Methodology in Nigerian Historiography,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 133.Google Scholar

23. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “A Critique of Themes Preferred by Nigerian Historians,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 3839.Google Scholar

24. Ibid. See as well J. F. Ade Ajayi, “Problems of Writing Contemporary African History,” Paper Presented at the Joint Seminar: Staff and Postgraduates, Department of History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, 27 November, 1980.

25. Ikime, , Through Changing Scenes, 1617.Google Scholar

26. Olusanya, , “Attempts at Nation-Building in Nigeria,” 5-6, 8.Google Scholar

27. Afigbo, , Poverty of African Historiography, 3Google Scholar; also see Afigbo, A. E., “Reflections on the History Syllabus in Nigerian Universities,” JHSN, 8/1 (1975), 17.Google Scholar

28. Oyedele, E., “History, the Historian and the Third Republic,” Paper Presented at the 34th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at the University of Benin, Benin City, 15-19 May 1989, 9.Google Scholar

29. Temu, /Swai, , Historians and Africanist History, 3.Google Scholar

30. Waterman, P., “On Radicalism in African Studies” in Gutkind, P. W. C. and Waterman, P., eds., African Studies: A Radical Reader (London, 1977), 10, 14Google Scholar; Temu, and Swai, , Historians and Africanist History, 20.Google Scholar

31. Adeoye, , “Understanding the Crisis,” 8.Google Scholar

32. Some of these works are Usman, Y. B., For the Liberation of Nigeria (London, 1979), 34, 224Google Scholar; Mahadi, A., “The State and the Economy: The Sarauta System and its Role in Shaping the Society and Economy of Kano with Particular Reference to the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries” (Ph.D., Ahmadu Bello University, 1982)Google Scholar; Mangvwat, M. Y., “A History of Class Formation in the Plateau Province 1902-1960: The Genesis of a Ruling Class” (PhD., Ahmadu Bello University, 1984)Google Scholar; and Pongri, J. H., “Political Development in Northern Adamawa 1809-1960: A Study in the Historical Development of Inter-Group Relations” (PhD., Ahmadu Bello University, 1987).Google Scholar A work that did attempt to carry out such a critique is Thomas-Emeagwali, Gloria, “Model Building, Explanation, and History: The Marxian Pre-Capitalist Model and Pre-Colonial Socio-Economic Formations in Igboland, Eastern Nigeria” (PhD., Ahmadu Bello University, 1984).Google Scholar

33. Temu and Swai, Historians and Africanist History.

34. It is significant that the limitations of this Western historical tradition resulted in a debate in the late 1970s among American historians over the crisis of relevance confronting the discipline of history in the United States. For a summary of the debate, see Hamerow, , Reflections on History, 2227.Google Scholar

35. See Ikime, O., In Search of Nigerians: Changing Patterns of Inter-Group Relations in An Emerging Nation State (Ibadan, 1985)Google Scholar; Ayandele, , “Task Before Nigerian Historians,” 69Google Scholar; and J. F. Ade Ajayi, “History and the Nation,” in idem, History and the Nation and Other Addresses (Ibadan, 1990), 25-31.

36. Swai, B., “National History Yes. But of What Sort? A Survey of Some Objectivist Positions and Materialist Criticisms of African Nationalist History,” Paper Presented at the 33rd Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at Bayero University, Kano, March 1988.Google Scholar

37. Mangwvat, M. Y., “The Early Phase of Colonial Rule in Nigeria and the Beginnings of New Political Entities, 1885-1913: Some Reflections,” Paper Presented at the Seminar on Historical Roots of the Contemporary Nigerian Nation, held at Durbar Hotel, Kaduna, 4–8 June 1986.Google Scholar

38. See Afigbo, A. E., “The Warrant Chief System in Eastern Nigeria: Direct or Indirect?,” JHSN, 3/4 (1967), 683700Google Scholar; Igbafe, P. A., “British Rule in Benin to 1920: Direct or Indirect?,” JHSN, 3/4 (1967), 701–17Google Scholar; and Ikime, O., “Reconsidering Indirect Rule: The Nigerian Example,” JHSN, 4/3 (1968), 421–38.Google Scholar

39. See Dibua, J. I., “The Political Economy of Colonial Planning in Nigeria,” OYE: Ogun Journal of Arts 2 (1989), 6070Google Scholar; idem., “The Post-Colonial State and Development Planning in Nigeria, 1962-1985,” Journal of Eastern African Research and Development, 24 (1994), 212-28.

40. See, for example, Oyemakinde, W., “A History of Indigenous Labour on the Nigerian Railway, 1895-1945” (Ph D., University of Ibadan, 1970)Google Scholar; and Gavin, R. J. and Oyemakinde, W., “Economic Development in Nigeria Since 1800” in Ikime, O., ed., Groundwork of Nigerian History (Ibadan, 1980), 482517.Google Scholar

41. Dibua, J.I., “History and Economic Development in Nigeria,” Paper Presented to the 10th Annual Congress of the S. H. S. N., held at the University of Ibadan, Ibadan, 11-14 June 1990.Google Scholar

42. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “Colonialism: An Episode in African History” in Gann, L. H. and Duignan, P., eds., Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960 (5 vols.: Cambridge, 1969), 1:497509Google Scholar; idem., “The Continuity of African Institutions Under Colonialism” in T. O. Ranger, ed., Emerging Themes in African History (Nairobi, 1968), 189-200.

43. Ekeh, P. P., Colonialism and the Social Structure (Ibadan, 1983), 10.Google Scholar

44. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “On Being an Africanist,” ASA News, 27 (January/March 1994), 28.Google Scholar

45. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, The Past in the Present: The Factor of Tradition in Development, Nigerian National Merit Award Lecture, Lagos: Nigerian Institute for International Affairs, 1990, 15.Google Scholar

46. Webster, J. B., “Changing Social Formations and a Static Mode of Production,” IRORO, 3 (1990), 1730.Google Scholar

47. Ranger, T. O., “Towards a Usable African Past” in Fyfe, C., ed., African Studies Since 1945 (London, 1976), 1730.Google Scholar

48. Swai, , “State of African History,” 812.Google Scholar

49. Ikime, In Search of Nigerians.

50. Nnoli, O., Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu, 1980).Google Scholar

51. Dibua, J. I., “Ethnicity, Class and Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria, 1960-1983,” ITAN, 2 (1991), 2039Google Scholar; idem., “Conflict Among the Nigerian Bourgeoisie and the Demise of the Second Republic,” Africa Development, 13/4 (1988), 75-87.

52. Ekeh, , Colonialism and the Social Structure, 11.Google Scholar

53. Lovejoy, , “Ibadan School,” 200.Google Scholar

54. Omer-Cooper, J. D., “The Contribution of University of Ibadan to the Spread of the Study and Teaching of African History Within Africa,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 30.Google Scholar

55. Omotoso, K., Just Before Dawn (Ibadan, 1988).Google Scholar

56. Ajayi, , Past in the Present, 14.Google Scholar

57. Dibua, J. I., “‘Just Before Dawn by Kole Omotoso:’ A Review Article,” IRORO, 2 (1989), 127.Google Scholar

58. Hamerow, , Reflections on History, 36.Google Scholar

59. Quoted in ibid., 24.

60. Dike, K. O., Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885 (Oxford, 1956).Google Scholar

61. Williams, Eric, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill, 1944).Google Scholar

62. Afigbo, A. E., K. O. Dike and the African Historical Renascence (Owerri, 1986), 13.Google Scholar

63. This is not to say, however, that Dike belonged to the radical dependency school. While he borrowed elements of the dependency theory, his work initiated the mainstream Africanist “trade and politics” models of the late 1950s and the 1960s which by emphasizing African initiative and adaptiveness in their trading relations with non-Africans, sought to use nationalist historiography to serve the interest of Africa's petty bourgeois politicians and nationalists during the decolonization and immediate post-colonial periods.

64. See, for example, Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “West African States at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century” in Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Espie, Ian, eds., A Thousand Years of West African History (London, 1965), 248–61Google Scholar; and Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Oloruntimehin, B. O., “West Africa in the Anti-Slave Trade Era” in Cambridge History of Africa, 6 (Cambridge, 1976), 200–21.Google Scholar For an analysis of the various arguments on the nature and impact of the commercial transition in West Africa in the nineteenth century see Law, R., “The Historiography of the Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa” in Falola, , African Historiography, 91115.Google Scholar

65. Rodney, W., How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Washington, D. C., 1982).Google Scholar

66. See, for example, Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “History and the Social Sciences” in Ajayi, , History and the Nation and Other Lectures, 5960Google Scholar; and Hopkins, A. G., “Clio-Antics: A Horoscope for African Economic History” in Fyfe, , African Studies Since 1945, 3165Google Scholar

67. See Bernstein, H. and Depelchin, J., “The Object of African History: A Materialist Perspective,” HA, 5 (1978), 119, 6 (1979), 17-43Google Scholar; Depelchin, , “African History and the Ideological Reproduction of Exploitative Relations of Production,” Africa Development, 2/1 (1977), 4360Google Scholar; idem., “Toward a Problematic History of Africa,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 2 (1977), 5-10; and Legassick, M., “Perspectives on African ‘Underdevelopment’,” JAH, 17 (1976), 435–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an incisive response to both liberal and leftist critics of dependency see Bienefeld, M., “Dependency Theory and the Political Economy of Africa's Crisis,” Review of African Political Economy, no. 43 (1988), 6887.Google Scholar

68. Depelchin, , “African History,” 46.Google Scholar

69. See Rodney, , How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, 3370.Google Scholar

70. See Amin, S., Eurocentrism (London, 1988)Google Scholar; Said, E., Orientalism (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; idem., Culture and Imperialism (London, 1993); Feierman, S., “African Histories and the Dissolution of World History” in Africa and the Disciplines: The Contributions of Research in Africa to the Social Sciences and Humanities (Chicago, 1993), 184–85Google Scholar; and Offiong, D. A., Imperialism and Dependency (Enugu, 1982), 2352.Google Scholar

71. Neale, C., “The Idea of Progress in the Revision of African History, 1960-1970” in Jewsiewicki, /Newbury, , African Historiographies, 120–21.Google Scholar

72. Idem., Writing “Independent,” History: African Historiography, 1960-1980 (Westport, 1985), 155.

73. See, for instance, Hindess, B. and Hirst, P., Pre-Capitalist Modes of Production (London, 1975).Google Scholar

74. See for example, Bernstein and Depelchin, “Object of African History.” For a critique of the position of these Althusserian Marxists see Law, R., “For Marx, But With Reservations About Althusser: A Comment on Bernstein and Depelchin,” HA, 8 (1981), 247–51.Google Scholar

75. Onimode, B., A Political Economy of the African Crisis (London, 1988), 288–92.Google Scholar

76. Mangvwat, M. Y., “History as a Search for Social Justice: Karl Marx Revisited,” Paper Presented at the 38th Congress of the H. S. N., held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June 1994, 49Google Scholar; idem., “History of Class Formation,” xiii.

77. Sklar, R. L., “The New Modernization,” Issue, 23/1 (1995), 1921.Google Scholar

78. Neale, , “Idea of Progress,” 121–22Google Scholar; Austen, R. A., “‘Africanist’ Historiography and its Critics: Can There be an Autonomous African History?” in Falola, , African Historiography, 208–13.Google Scholar

79. Sklar, , “New Modernization,” 20.Google Scholar

80. Evans, P., “Class, State, and Dependence in East Asia: Lessons for Latin Americanists” in Deyo, F.C., ed., The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialization (Ithaca, 1987), 203–26.Google Scholar While acknowledging that the experience of East Asia disproves some of the assumptions of dependency, Evans states that it confirmed most of the important claims of the theory. He thus argued that rather than make dependency irrelevant, the East Asian experience provides very important grounds for a more robust dependency theory.

81. Ake, C., Democracy and Development in Africa (Washington, D. C., 1996), 126–29.Google Scholar

82. Mkandawire, T., “The Crisis in Economic Development Theory,” Africa Development, 15 (1990), 209–30.Google Scholar

83. Onimode, B., Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria (London, 1983).Google Scholar

84. As quoted in Hamerow, , Reflections on History, 24.Google Scholar

85. Indeed this should be the goal of all the humanities and social science disciplines; see Olukoshi, A. O., “The Responsibilities of Political Science in Nigeria: Critique of a Debate,” Nigerian Journal of Political Science, 3/1 (1984), 96111Google Scholar; Kwanashie, G. A. and Abba, A., “The Crisis of Relevance and the Teaching of History in Nigerian Universities,” Paper Presented at the 38th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June 1994.Google Scholar

86. Slater, H., “Dar es Salaam and the Postnationalist Historiography of Africa” in Jewsiewicki, /Newbury, , African Historiographies, 249–60.Google Scholar

87. For an interesting analysis of some of these dissertations see Oculi, O., “History and Nigeria's Liberation: A Commentary on Six Doctoral Dissertations at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1979-1987,” Paper Presented at the 38th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria., held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June 1994.Google Scholar

88. Lovejoy, , “Ibadan School,” 200–01.Google Scholar

89. Ibid., 200; cf. Ajayi, “History and the Social Sciences,” 50.

90. Mahadi, A. and Oyedele, E., “Text of the Communiqué of the 38th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June, 1994,” dd 30th June 1994.Google Scholar