Article contents
The Idol, Its Worshippers, and the Crisis of Relevance of Historical Scholarship in Nigeria
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 May 2014
Extract
In his brief essay on the crisis in modern Nigerian historiography, A.O. Adeoye effectively highlighted the origin and nature of the crisis. However, his work was more of a review of the different perspectives, as well as the existing literature on the issue. But the crisis of relevance that Nigerian historical scholarship is currently facing is so acute that it may not be an exaggeration to say that the discipline of history is being threatened with extinction. This has created a great amount of apprehension and self-doubt among Nigerian historians. Nevertheless, the crisis is manifested in all aspects of historical scholarship in Nigeria.
One major area in which the crisis is manifested is at the apex level of the professional association of Nigerian historians, that is, the Historical Society of Nigeria (H.S.N.), which was formed in 1955. Apart from being the first professional body of academics to be formed in Nigeria, the society was so highly regarded that even up to the early 1980s, its activities were enthusiastically embraced by most Nigerian historians. By the mid 1980s, however, interest in the association had so much waned that majority of Nigerian historians, including very senior academics stopped paying their annual dues and participating in the Congresses. The situation has reached the depressing point where institutions now find it difficult to find enough finance to host the annual Congresses.
The attempts to revive the interest of historians by choosing themes that are relevant to the contemporary Nigerian situation have not being successful.Similarly, the prestigious Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria (JHSN) which was established in 1956, was last published in 1985 (even though there are a number of manuscripts awaiting publication) while Tarikh, which was supposed to popularize history at the tertiary and secondary school levels and among non-historians, has not fared better. In addition, the publication of the Ibadan History Series has long since been discontinued.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © African Studies Association 1997
References
Notes
1. Adeoye, A. O., “Understanding the Crisis in Modern Nigerian Historiography,” HA, 19(1992), 1–11.Google Scholar
2. For details, see Swai, B., “The State of African History: Social Responsibility of the Coming Generation of African Historians,” Paper Presented at the 34th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria Held at the University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria, 15-18 May 1989, p.1Google Scholar; also see Ayandele, E.A., “The Task Before Nigerian Historians Today,” JHSN, 9/4 (1979), 3–4.Google Scholar
3. The themes of some of the recent annual Congresses of the H.S-N. include, “History and Nigeria's Third Republic” (1989); “History, Science, and Technology” (1990); and “History and Development” (1991).
4. Ikime, O., “The Role of the Historian in Nation-Building: The Nigerian Case,” Lecture Delivered Under the Auspices of the Students Historical Society of Nigeria (S.H.S.N.), Bendel (now Edo) State University, Ekpoma Branch, 26 May 1987.Google Scholar
5. In January 1994 history students at the University of Benin demonstrated a similar concern in a memorandum entitled “The Prospects of History in a Changing World,” in which they lamented the state of irrelevance of the discipline and called for the introduction of combined honours degrees (that is, combining History with courses like Diplomacy or Economics) as a way of enhancing their marketability.
6. Swai, , “State of African History,” 3–4.Google Scholar
7. Jewsiewicki, B., “Introduction: One Historiography or Several? A Requiem for Africanism” in Jewsiewicki, B. and Newbury, D., eds., African Historiographies: What History for Which Africa? (Beverly Hills, 1986), 16.Google Scholar
8. The development of Nigerian historiography has been elaborately treated in many works; see, for example, Kapteijns, L., “African Historiography Written by Africans, 1955-1973: The Nigerian Case” (PhD., University of Leiden, 1977)Google Scholar; and Dike, K. O., “African History Twenty Five Years Ago and Today,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 13–22.Google Scholar
9. Some works are Afigbo, A. E., The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in South Eastern Nigeria, 1891-1929 (London, 1972)Google Scholar; Atanda, J. A., The New Oyo Empire (London, 1973)Google Scholar; and Igbafe, P.A., Benin Under British Administration (London, 1979).Google Scholar
10. Adeoye, , “Understanding the Crisis,” 1Google Scholar; and Temu, A. and Swai, B., Historians and Africanist History: A Critique (London, 1981), 63.Google Scholar
11. Hopkins, A. G., An Economic History of West Africa (London, 1973), 10.Google Scholar
12 For details see Afigbo, A. E., The Poverty of African Historiography (Lagos, 1977), 2–12Google Scholar. It should be noted, however, that as early as 1961, Ade Ajayi had recognized these defects of Nigerian historiography and called for a “radical reform;” see Lovejoy, P.E., “The Ibadan School of Historiography and its Critics,”Google Scholar in Falola, Toyin, ed., African Historiography: Essays in Honour of Jacob Ade Ajayi (Longman, 1993), 198.Google Scholar
13. Olusanya, G. O., “Attempts at Nation-Building in Nigeria: A Study in Poverty of Imagination and Creativity,” Social Science Council of Nigeria Annual Lecture Series, no. 3, 1986, 8Google Scholar; also see Freund, B., The Making of Contemporary Africa (London, 1984), 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
14. Ikime, O., Through Changing Scenes: Nigerian History Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow (Ibadan, 1979), 16–17.Google Scholar For more on the unsociological character of this kind of history see Peel, J. D. Y., Ijesas and Nigerians: the Incorporation of a Yoruba Kingdom, 1890s-1970 (Cambridge, 1983), 11–15.Google Scholar
15. Kapteijns, , “African Historiography,” 122–23.Google Scholar In fact it would appear as if this apparent misreading of the situation in many African countries caused some Western scholars to misunderstand the magnitude of the crisis of historical scholarship in most parts of Africa. See for instance, Hamerow, T. S., Reflections on History and Historians (Madison, 1987), 6.Google Scholar
16. See, for example, Ikime, Through Changing Scenes; Igbafe, P. A., “A Bridge Across Time: The Benin Factor in Nigerian History,” 23rd Inaugural Lecture, University of Benin, Benin City, 1987Google Scholar; G. O. Olusanya, “Attempts at Nation-Building in Nigeria”; and Akinjogbin, I. A., “History and Nation-Building,” Inaugural Lecture, University of Ife, Ile-Ife, 22 November 1977.Google Scholar
17. Igbafe, , “Bridge Across Time,” 34, 36.Google Scholar To Oyegoke, historical scholarship in Nigeria is not experiencing any form of crisis. On the contrary, he argues that, given the sound direction that has been given by the Ibadan School of History, it is waxing stronger. Thus he described critical views from the radical perspective as “aberrant,”“turgid,” and “caustic,” reflecting “a sad commentary on sound historical scholarship.” Oyegoke, B., “Professor Obaro Ikime: The Making of a Historian: A Critical Survey of His Works and Contributions” in Ekoko, A. E. and Agbi, S. O., eds., Perspectives in History: Essays in Honour of Professor Obaro Ikime (Ibadan, 1992), 3.Google Scholar
18. Of course the degree to which these scholars emphasize the defects in historical scholarship varies according to their perceptions of the issue.
19. Ayandele, , “Task Before Nigerian Historians,” 2.Google Scholar
20. Ibid., 3, 5.
21. Omu, F. I. A., “The Living Past: A Historian's Anatomy of the Nigerian Press,” An Inaugural Lecture Delivered at the University of Benin, Benin City, 27 April 1989, 37–38.Google Scholar
22. Alagoa, E. J., The Python's Eye: The Past in the Living Present, Inaugural Lecture, University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Nigeria, 1981, 22Google Scholar; also see Alagoa, E. J., “Methodology in Nigerian Historiography,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 133.Google Scholar
23. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “A Critique of Themes Preferred by Nigerian Historians,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 38–39.Google Scholar
24. Ibid. See as well J. F. Ade Ajayi, “Problems of Writing Contemporary African History,” Paper Presented at the Joint Seminar: Staff and Postgraduates, Department of History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, 27 November, 1980.
25. Ikime, , Through Changing Scenes, 16–17.Google Scholar
26. Olusanya, , “Attempts at Nation-Building in Nigeria,” 5-6, 8.Google Scholar
27. Afigbo, , Poverty of African Historiography, 3Google Scholar; also see Afigbo, A. E., “Reflections on the History Syllabus in Nigerian Universities,” JHSN, 8/1 (1975), 17.Google Scholar
28. Oyedele, E., “History, the Historian and the Third Republic,” Paper Presented at the 34th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at the University of Benin, Benin City, 15-19 May 1989, 9.Google Scholar
29. Temu, /Swai, , Historians and Africanist History, 3.Google Scholar
30. Waterman, P., “On Radicalism in African Studies” in Gutkind, P. W. C. and Waterman, P., eds., African Studies: A Radical Reader (London, 1977), 10, 14Google Scholar; Temu, and Swai, , Historians and Africanist History, 20.Google Scholar
31. Adeoye, , “Understanding the Crisis,” 8.Google Scholar
32. Some of these works are Usman, Y. B., For the Liberation of Nigeria (London, 1979), 34, 224Google Scholar; Mahadi, A., “The State and the Economy: The Sarauta System and its Role in Shaping the Society and Economy of Kano with Particular Reference to the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries” (Ph.D., Ahmadu Bello University, 1982)Google Scholar; Mangvwat, M. Y., “A History of Class Formation in the Plateau Province 1902-1960: The Genesis of a Ruling Class” (PhD., Ahmadu Bello University, 1984)Google Scholar; and Pongri, J. H., “Political Development in Northern Adamawa 1809-1960: A Study in the Historical Development of Inter-Group Relations” (PhD., Ahmadu Bello University, 1987).Google Scholar A work that did attempt to carry out such a critique is Thomas-Emeagwali, Gloria, “Model Building, Explanation, and History: The Marxian Pre-Capitalist Model and Pre-Colonial Socio-Economic Formations in Igboland, Eastern Nigeria” (PhD., Ahmadu Bello University, 1984).Google Scholar
33. Temu and Swai, Historians and Africanist History.
34. It is significant that the limitations of this Western historical tradition resulted in a debate in the late 1970s among American historians over the crisis of relevance confronting the discipline of history in the United States. For a summary of the debate, see Hamerow, , Reflections on History, 22–27.Google Scholar
35. See Ikime, O., In Search of Nigerians: Changing Patterns of Inter-Group Relations in An Emerging Nation State (Ibadan, 1985)Google Scholar; Ayandele, , “Task Before Nigerian Historians,” 6–9Google Scholar; and J. F. Ade Ajayi, “History and the Nation,” in idem, History and the Nation and Other Addresses (Ibadan, 1990), 25-31.
36. Swai, B., “National History Yes. But of What Sort? A Survey of Some Objectivist Positions and Materialist Criticisms of African Nationalist History,” Paper Presented at the 33rd Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at Bayero University, Kano, March 1988.Google Scholar
37. Mangwvat, M. Y., “The Early Phase of Colonial Rule in Nigeria and the Beginnings of New Political Entities, 1885-1913: Some Reflections,” Paper Presented at the Seminar on Historical Roots of the Contemporary Nigerian Nation, held at Durbar Hotel, Kaduna, 4–8 June 1986.Google Scholar
38. See Afigbo, A. E., “The Warrant Chief System in Eastern Nigeria: Direct or Indirect?,” JHSN, 3/4 (1967), 683–700Google Scholar; Igbafe, P. A., “British Rule in Benin to 1920: Direct or Indirect?,” JHSN, 3/4 (1967), 701–17Google Scholar; and Ikime, O., “Reconsidering Indirect Rule: The Nigerian Example,” JHSN, 4/3 (1968), 421–38.Google Scholar
39. See Dibua, J. I., “The Political Economy of Colonial Planning in Nigeria,” OYE: Ogun Journal of Arts 2 (1989), 60–70Google Scholar; idem., “The Post-Colonial State and Development Planning in Nigeria, 1962-1985,” Journal of Eastern African Research and Development, 24 (1994), 212-28.
40. See, for example, Oyemakinde, W., “A History of Indigenous Labour on the Nigerian Railway, 1895-1945” (Ph D., University of Ibadan, 1970)Google Scholar; and Gavin, R. J. and Oyemakinde, W., “Economic Development in Nigeria Since 1800” in Ikime, O., ed., Groundwork of Nigerian History (Ibadan, 1980), 482–517.Google Scholar
41. Dibua, J.I., “History and Economic Development in Nigeria,” Paper Presented to the 10th Annual Congress of the S. H. S. N., held at the University of Ibadan, Ibadan, 11-14 June 1990.Google Scholar
42. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “Colonialism: An Episode in African History” in Gann, L. H. and Duignan, P., eds., Colonialism in Africa, 1870-1960 (5 vols.: Cambridge, 1969), 1:497–509Google Scholar; idem., “The Continuity of African Institutions Under Colonialism” in T. O. Ranger, ed., Emerging Themes in African History (Nairobi, 1968), 189-200.
43. Ekeh, P. P., Colonialism and the Social Structure (Ibadan, 1983), 10.Google Scholar
44. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “On Being an Africanist,” ASA News, 27 (January/March 1994), 28.Google Scholar
45. Ajayi, J. F. Ade, The Past in the Present: The Factor of Tradition in Development, Nigerian National Merit Award Lecture, Lagos: Nigerian Institute for International Affairs, 1990, 1–5.Google Scholar
46. Webster, J. B., “Changing Social Formations and a Static Mode of Production,” IRORO, 3 (1990), 17–30.Google Scholar
47. Ranger, T. O., “Towards a Usable African Past” in Fyfe, C., ed., African Studies Since 1945 (London, 1976), 17–30.Google Scholar
48. Swai, , “State of African History,” 8–12.Google Scholar
49. Ikime, In Search of Nigerians.
50. Nnoli, O., Ethnic Politics in Nigeria (Enugu, 1980).Google Scholar
51. Dibua, J. I., “Ethnicity, Class and Inter-Group Relations in Nigeria, 1960-1983,” ITAN, 2 (1991), 20–39Google Scholar; idem., “Conflict Among the Nigerian Bourgeoisie and the Demise of the Second Republic,” Africa Development, 13/4 (1988), 75-87.
52. Ekeh, , Colonialism and the Social Structure, 11.Google Scholar
53. Lovejoy, , “Ibadan School,” 200.Google Scholar
54. Omer-Cooper, J. D., “The Contribution of University of Ibadan to the Spread of the Study and Teaching of African History Within Africa,” JHSN, 10/3 (1980), 30.Google Scholar
55. Omotoso, K., Just Before Dawn (Ibadan, 1988).Google Scholar
56. Ajayi, , Past in the Present, 14.Google Scholar
57. Dibua, J. I., “‘Just Before Dawn by Kole Omotoso:’ A Review Article,” IRORO, 2 (1989), 127.Google Scholar
58. Hamerow, , Reflections on History, 36.Google Scholar
59. Quoted in ibid., 24.
60. Dike, K. O., Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885 (Oxford, 1956).Google Scholar
61. Williams, Eric, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill, 1944).Google Scholar
62. Afigbo, A. E., K. O. Dike and the African Historical Renascence (Owerri, 1986), 13.Google Scholar
63. This is not to say, however, that Dike belonged to the radical dependency school. While he borrowed elements of the dependency theory, his work initiated the mainstream Africanist “trade and politics” models of the late 1950s and the 1960s which by emphasizing African initiative and adaptiveness in their trading relations with non-Africans, sought to use nationalist historiography to serve the interest of Africa's petty bourgeois politicians and nationalists during the decolonization and immediate post-colonial periods.
64. See, for example, Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “West African States at the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century” in Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Espie, Ian, eds., A Thousand Years of West African History (London, 1965), 248–61Google Scholar; and Ajayi, J. F. Ade and Oloruntimehin, B. O., “West Africa in the Anti-Slave Trade Era” in Cambridge History of Africa, 6 (Cambridge, 1976), 200–21.Google Scholar For an analysis of the various arguments on the nature and impact of the commercial transition in West Africa in the nineteenth century see Law, R., “The Historiography of the Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa” in Falola, , African Historiography, 91–115.Google Scholar
65. Rodney, W., How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Washington, D. C., 1982).Google Scholar
66. See, for example, Ajayi, J. F. Ade, “History and the Social Sciences” in Ajayi, , History and the Nation and Other Lectures, 59–60Google Scholar; and Hopkins, A. G., “Clio-Antics: A Horoscope for African Economic History” in Fyfe, , African Studies Since 1945, 31–65Google Scholar
67. See Bernstein, H. and Depelchin, J., “The Object of African History: A Materialist Perspective,” HA, 5 (1978), 1–19, 6 (1979), 17-43Google Scholar; Depelchin, , “African History and the Ideological Reproduction of Exploitative Relations of Production,” Africa Development, 2/1 (1977), 43–60Google Scholar; idem., “Toward a Problematic History of Africa,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 2 (1977), 5-10; and Legassick, M., “Perspectives on African ‘Underdevelopment’,” JAH, 17 (1976), 435–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For an incisive response to both liberal and leftist critics of dependency see Bienefeld, M., “Dependency Theory and the Political Economy of Africa's Crisis,” Review of African Political Economy, no. 43 (1988), 68–87.Google Scholar
68. Depelchin, , “African History,” 46.Google Scholar
69. See Rodney, , How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, 33–70.Google Scholar
70. See Amin, S., Eurocentrism (London, 1988)Google Scholar; Said, E., Orientalism (New York, 1978)Google Scholar; idem., Culture and Imperialism (London, 1993); Feierman, S., “African Histories and the Dissolution of World History” in Africa and the Disciplines: The Contributions of Research in Africa to the Social Sciences and Humanities (Chicago, 1993), 184–85Google Scholar; and Offiong, D. A., Imperialism and Dependency (Enugu, 1982), 23–52.Google Scholar
71. Neale, C., “The Idea of Progress in the Revision of African History, 1960-1970” in Jewsiewicki, /Newbury, , African Historiographies, 120–21.Google Scholar
72. Idem., Writing “Independent,” History: African Historiography, 1960-1980 (Westport, 1985), 155.
73. See, for instance, Hindess, B. and Hirst, P., Pre-Capitalist Modes of Production (London, 1975).Google Scholar
74. See for example, Bernstein and Depelchin, “Object of African History.” For a critique of the position of these Althusserian Marxists see Law, R., “For Marx, But With Reservations About Althusser: A Comment on Bernstein and Depelchin,” HA, 8 (1981), 247–51.Google Scholar
75. Onimode, B., A Political Economy of the African Crisis (London, 1988), 288–92.Google Scholar
76. Mangvwat, M. Y., “History as a Search for Social Justice: Karl Marx Revisited,” Paper Presented at the 38th Congress of the H. S. N., held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June 1994, 4–9Google Scholar; idem., “History of Class Formation,” xiii.
77. Sklar, R. L., “The New Modernization,” Issue, 23/1 (1995), 19–21.Google Scholar
78. Neale, , “Idea of Progress,” 121–22Google Scholar; Austen, R. A., “‘Africanist’ Historiography and its Critics: Can There be an Autonomous African History?” in Falola, , African Historiography, 208–13.Google Scholar
79. Sklar, , “New Modernization,” 20.Google Scholar
80. Evans, P., “Class, State, and Dependence in East Asia: Lessons for Latin Americanists” in Deyo, F.C., ed., The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialization (Ithaca, 1987), 203–26.Google Scholar While acknowledging that the experience of East Asia disproves some of the assumptions of dependency, Evans states that it confirmed most of the important claims of the theory. He thus argued that rather than make dependency irrelevant, the East Asian experience provides very important grounds for a more robust dependency theory.
81. Ake, C., Democracy and Development in Africa (Washington, D. C., 1996), 126–29.Google Scholar
82. Mkandawire, T., “The Crisis in Economic Development Theory,” Africa Development, 15 (1990), 209–30.Google Scholar
83. Onimode, B., Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria (London, 1983).Google Scholar
84. As quoted in Hamerow, , Reflections on History, 24.Google Scholar
85. Indeed this should be the goal of all the humanities and social science disciplines; see Olukoshi, A. O., “The Responsibilities of Political Science in Nigeria: Critique of a Debate,” Nigerian Journal of Political Science, 3/1 (1984), 96–111Google Scholar; Kwanashie, G. A. and Abba, A., “The Crisis of Relevance and the Teaching of History in Nigerian Universities,” Paper Presented at the 38th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June 1994.Google Scholar
86. Slater, H., “Dar es Salaam and the Postnationalist Historiography of Africa” in Jewsiewicki, /Newbury, , African Historiographies, 249–60.Google Scholar
87. For an interesting analysis of some of these dissertations see Oculi, O., “History and Nigeria's Liberation: A Commentary on Six Doctoral Dissertations at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 1979-1987,” Paper Presented at the 38th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria., held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June 1994.Google Scholar
88. Lovejoy, , “Ibadan School,” 200–01.Google Scholar
89. Ibid., 200; cf. Ajayi, “History and the Social Sciences,” 50.
90. Mahadi, A. and Oyedele, E., “Text of the Communiqué of the 38th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, held at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 27-30 June, 1994,” dd 30th June 1994.Google Scholar
- 2
- Cited by