² In particular de Calonne-Beaufaict, Adolphe, Les Azande: Introduction à une Ethnographie générale des Bassins de l'Ubangi-Uele et de l'Aruwimi (Brussels, 1921)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hutereau, Armand, Histoire des peuplades de l'Uele et de l'Ubangi (Brussels, 1922)Google Scholar; Evans-Pritchard, Edward E., The Azande: History and Political Institutions (Oxford, 1971).Google Scholar

³ Cf. the summary of this discussion by Pénel, Jean-Dominique, Caudatus, Homo. Les hommes à queue d'Afrique Centrale: un avatar de l'imaginaire occidental (Paris, 1982).Google Scholar

⁴ On para-ethnographic Wandermotive see Vajda, László, “Traditionelle Konzeption und Realität in der Ethnologie” in Haberland, Eikeet al., eds., Festschrift für Ad. E. Jensen (2 vols.: Munich, 1964), 2:760–65.Google Scholar

⁵ Other variants of the term occasionally found in the sources are Dahdam, Tamnam, Tamim, and possibly Yamyam. Although all these forms represent the same general collective term for infidel cannibals, corresponding to the modern variants Niam-Niam, Yam-Yam, etc., the etymology is extremely problematical for several reasons, starting with the extreme variability of the graphic representation. Cf. Marquart, J., Die Benin-Sammlung des Reichsmuseums für Völkerkunde in Leiden. Beschriehen und mit ausführlichen Prolegomena zur Geschichte der Handelswege und Völkerbewegungen in Nordafrika (Leiden, 1913), lxxvi, cclxivn4Google Scholar; Monteil, Charles, “Les empires du Mali,” Bulletin du comité d'études historiques et scientifiques de l'Afrique occidentale française 1929, 331Google Scholar; Cuoq, Joseph M., Recueil des sources arabes concernant l'Afrique occidentale du Ville au XVIe siècle (Bilad al-Sudan) (Paris, 1975), 6, 13–14, 108n1, 130n2, 205n3, 241n3Google Scholar; Mauny, Raymond, Tableau géographique de l'ouest africain au Moyen Age d'après les sources écrites, la tradition et l'archéologie (Dakar, 1961), 447, 459Google Scholar; idem, “Lamlam” Encyclopaedia of Islam, 5:651. For the transcription of the variants I have followed Cuoq, Recueil. The uniform spelling “Niam-Niam” which I use is a European standardization of the term.

⁶ Akhbar al-zaman (Universal History) in Cuoq, Recueil, § 47. This passage is also found in al-Bakri (460/1068) and al-Harrani (732/1332): cf. ibid., § 162, § 411. In Muruj al-dhahab al-Mas^cudi sometimes clearly uses the name Damadim as a collective term, like Sudan (black people of West Africa) and Zanj (inhabitants of East Africa). Les prairies d'or, transl. Barbier de Meynard and Pavet de Courteille, rev. by Charles Pellat (5 vols.: Paris, 1962-97), 1: $ 170, 2: § 844.

⁷ Cf. Mauny, , Tableau géographique, 337, 459Google Scholar, and Cuoq, Recueil, § 202, § 203, § 207, § 214, § 249.

⁸ Ibn Sa^cid (before 685/1286) in Cuoq, Recueil, § 339; Khaldun, Ibn, Muqaddima (776–84/1375-82)Google Scholar, ibid., § 595. It is noticeable that although Ibn Battuta, the fourteenth-century traveler, also heard of cannibals in Mali, he did not mention the name Lamlam: cf. ibid., § 527-28 and Mauny, Tableau géographique, 519.

⁹ Ibn Sa^cid in Cuoq, Recueil, § 344, also repeated by Abu'l-Fida' (721/1321); cf. Géographie d'Aboulféda, transl. Reinaud, J.T. and Guyard, Stanislas (2 vols.: Paris, 1848–1883), 2/1:209–11.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Kramers, J. H., “Al-Nil” The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 8:37–43.Google Scholar

¹¹ Abu'l-Fida', , Géographie, 2/1: 225Google Scholar (cf. ibid., 213n4), and Khaldun, Ibn, Kitab al ^cIbar (776–84/1375-82)Google Scholar, transl, de Slane, , Histoire des Berbères et des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale (^2d ed.: 4 vols.: Paris, 1925–1956), 2:105–07Google Scholar, which reproduce Ibn Sa^cid's information, also al-Dimashqi (before 727/1327) in Cuoq, Recueil, § 401, $ 404. Ibn Khaldun's information is also used by al-Maqrizi (846/1442) (ibid., S 657). Al-Dimashqi is the only one to mention Lamlam belonging to the Zanj, whom he also locates on the Nile of Maqdishu (cf. also Tolmacheva, Marina, “Toward a Definition of the Term Zanj,” Azania 21[1986], 108CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

¹² Ibn Sa^cid in Cuoq, Recueil, § 352-57; Ibn Khaldun, ibid., § 578bis (also used by al-Maqrizi, ibid., § 660); al-Dimashqi, ibid., § 401, § 408-09; on the reading Namnam, see Marquart, , Benin-Sammlung, xciv.Google Scholar The lake thought to be the source of the “three Niles” is located by these authors south of Kanem, i.e., it is associated with Lake Chad; but the idea of the existence of such a lake is considerably older.

¹³ Also in the European sources with different variants and localizations. For example, Leo Africanus mentioned a kingdom of Temiam south of the Niger kingdoms (ed. Épaulard, A., Description de l'Afrique [2 vols.: Paris, 1956, transl, of the Italian Ramusio edition: Venice, 1500], 1:10Google Scholar), the Calabrian scholar Giovanni Lorenzo d'Anania mentioned a “Iamiam” area in the interior of West Africa (L'universale fabrica del mondo, overo costnografia [2nd ed.: Venice, 1576; 1st ed. Naples, 1573], 286Google Scholar). In d'Anvilles map of Africa (1749) there are “Lem-Lem” south of the Niger on a “Lem-Lem river” (Fage, J. D., An Atlas of African History [London, 1963], 34Google Scholar).

¹⁴ Browne, William George, Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria, from the Year 1792 to 1798 (London, 1799), 310.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Cf. among others Thuriaux-Hennebert, Arlette, Les Zande dans l'histoire du Bahr el Ghazal et de l'Equatoria (Brussels, 1964), 21Google Scholar; de Dampierre, Éric, Un ancien royaume Bandia du Haut-Oubangui (Paris, 1967), 59–61Google Scholar; Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 70, 110Google Scholar; and Cordell, Dennis D., Dar al-Kuti and the Last Years of the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade (Madison, 1985), 16.Google Scholar

¹⁶ König, Carl, ed., Fr. Hornemanns Tagebuch seiner Reise von Cairo nach Murzuck der Hauptstad des Königreichs Fessan in Afrika in den Jahren 1797 und 1798 (Weimar, 1802), 140, 144.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Denham, Dixon, Clapperton, Hugh, and Oudney, Walter, Narrative of Travels and Discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the Years 1822, 1823, and 1824 (2 vols.: London, 1826), 2:248.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Narrative of a Mission to Central Africa Performed in the Years 1850-51, under the Orders and at the Expense of Her Majesty's Government (2 vols.: London, 1853), 2:323.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Clapperton, Hugh, Journal of a Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa from the Bight of Benin to Soccatoo: To which is added, The Journal of Richard Lander from Kano to the Sea-Coast, Partly by a more Eastern Route (London, 1829), 250–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁰ In Clapperton, , Journal of a Second Expedition, 284–85.Google Scholar In his later, more detailed report of the journey, Lander includes “the Yam Yam” in a general list of the peoples known to him in addition to the Arabs and the Fulbe (Records of Captain Clapperton's Last Expedition to Africa [2 vols.: London, 1830], 2:19, 97Google Scholar). See also Lander, Richard and Lander, John, Journal of an Expedition to Explore the Course and Termination of the Niger (2d ed.: 2 vols.: London, 1838), 2:193.Google Scholar

²¹ Wagner, Hermann, ed., Schilderung der Reisen und Entdeckungen des Dr. Eduard Vogel in Centrai-Afrika (Leipzig, 1860), 280–82.Google Scholar Although in the itineraries which he put together on the basis of information from traders Heinrich Barth mentioned the province of “Bautschi” with “Yackoba” as its capital town, he said nothing about Yem-Yem cannibals (Reisen und Entdeckungen in Nord- und Centrai-Afrika in den Jahren 1849 bis 1855 [5 vols.: Gotha, 1857–1858], 2:672–74, 685-87Google Scholar); a place called “Jemjem Maymeramo” is only indicated on his general map in volume 5, without any further information.

²² Tremearne, A. J. N., The Tailed Head-Hunters of Nigeria (London, 1912)Google Scholar; Meek, C. K., The Northern Tribes of Nigeria (2 vols.: London, 1925), 2:48–58Google Scholar; Gunn, Harold G., Peoples of the Plateau Area of Northern Nigeria (London, 1953)Google Scholar, passim.

²³ Lewis, John [Ludwig, Johann] Burckhardt, , Travels in Nubia (2nd ed.: London, 1822), 441–43.Google Scholar

²⁴ Reisen in Europa, Asien und Afrika, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die naturwissenschaftlichen Verhältnisse der betreffenden Länder, unternommen in den Jahren 1835 bis 1841 (4 vols.: Stuttgart, 1841–1849), 2/2:84, 353-55.Google Scholar

²⁵ See Nachtigal, Gustav, Sahara und Sudan. Ergebnisse sechsjähriger Reisen in Afrika (3 vols.: Leipzig, 1879–1989), 3:103, 179–83.Google Scholar On the history of relations between the Muslim sultanates of Dar Fur and Wadai and the non-Muslim peoples of the south, including the Banda, see Cordell, , Dar al-Kuti, 14–48Google Scholar; O'Fahey, R. S., “Slavery and the Slave Trade in Dar Fur,” JAH 14(1973), 29–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and idem, “Fur and Fartit: The History of a Frontier” in John Mack and Peter Robertshaw, eds., Culture History in the Southern Sudan: Archaeology, Linguistic and Ethnohistory (Nairobi, 1982), 75-87.

²⁶ Mohammed ibn Omar el-Tounsy (Muhammad Ibn ^cUlnar Ibn Sulayman al-Tunisi), Voyage au Darfour, ed. Jomard, Edme-François, transl. Perron, Nicolas (Paris, 1845), mapGoogle Scholar; idem, Voyage au Ouadây, ed. Edme-François Jomard and Nicolas Perron, transl. Nicolas Perron (Paris, 1851), 276, 280-81. On al-Tunisi and his works cf. O'Fahey, R. S., The Writings of Eastern Sudanic Africa to c. 1900 (Leiden, New York, Cologne, 1994), 67–70.Google Scholar

²⁷ El-Tounsy, , Voyage au Ouadây, 278.Google Scholar The word juku for “loin-cloth” was also used by the Kresh, the most important group in the Dar Fartit (Santandrea, , Ethno-Geography of the Bahr el Ghazal (Sudan) [Bologna, 1981], 83n22Google Scholar). There is still a Banda subgroup today called Dukpu, which is said to have lived in the region of the headwaters of the Chinko river in the early nineteenth century (“j” and “d” are interchangeable in Banda). Cf. Santandrea, Stefano, A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el Ghazal (Bologna, 1964), 249, 258.Google Scholar

²⁸ Pallme, Ignaz, Beschreibung von Kordofan und einigen angrenzenden Ländern, nebst einen Überblick über den dasigen Handel, die Sitten und Gebräuche der Einwohner und die unter der Regierung Mehemed Ali's stattgefundenen Sklavenjagden (Stuttgart, 1843), 215.Google Scholar

²⁹ Cf. among others el-Tounsy, , Voyage au Darfur, 128–34Google Scholar and map; Jomard, ibid., xli-xliii; Perron, ibid., 478; idem, Voyage au Ouadây, 276, 280-81; Burckhardt, , Travels in Nubia, 441–42Google Scholar; Pallme, , Beschreibung von Kordofan, 181, 214–17Google Scholar; see also O'Fahey, R. S., State and Society in Dar Fur (London, 1980), 137Google Scholar, 182n21 and Cordell, , Dar al-Kuti, 15–16.Google Scholar

³⁰ El-Tounsy, , Voyage au Ouadây, 275–77Google Scholar; Barth, Heinrich, “Account of Two Expeditions in Central Africa by the Furanys,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 23(1853), 120–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Cf. also O'Fahey, , “Slavery,” 35–36Google Scholar; idem, State and Society, 138; Cordell, , Dar al-Kuti, 15–18, 190-91nn21, 26.Google Scholar

³¹ Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 201-08, 256–58.Google Scholar

³² General accounts of the development of this trade in the southern Sudan can be found in Gray, Richard, A History of the Southern Sudan 1839-1899 (London, 1961)Google Scholar; Mire, Lawrence, “Al-Zubayr Pasha and the Zariba Based Slave Trade in the Bahr al-Ghazal 1855-1879” in Willis, John Ralph, ed., Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, 2, The Servile Estate (London, 1985), 83–100Google Scholar; Ewald, Janet, Soldiers, Traders, and Slaves: State Formation and Economic Transformation in the Greater Nile Valley, 1700-1885 (Madison, 1990), 143–78.Google Scholar

³³ Gray, , History, 48.Google Scholar

³⁴ Werne, Ferdinand, Expedition zur Entdeckung der Quellen des Weißen Nil (1840-1841) (Berlin, 1848), 324–26.Google Scholar

³⁵ von Heuglin, Theodor, Reise in das Gebiet des Weissen Nil und seiner westlichen Zuflüsse in den Jahren 1862-1864 (Leipzig, 1869), 206.Google Scholar

³⁶ On Couret and his publications see Hill, Richard, “Louis Du Couret,” French Studies 9(1955), 143–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 145.

³⁷ Cf. Wittkower, Rudolf, “Marvels of the East: A Study in the History of Monsters,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5(1942), 159–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁸ Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 43-83. Cf. Polo, Marco, Il Milione, ed. Olivieri, Dante (Bari, 1928)Google Scholar, chapter cxlvi (“Del reame di Lambri”).

³⁹ Cf. Frank, Erwin, “‘Sie fressen Menschen, wie ihr scheußliches Aussehen beweist …’ Kritische Überlegungen zu Zeugen und Quellen der Menschenfresserei” in Duerr, Hans Peter, ed., Authentizität und Betrug in der Ethnologie (Frankfurt, 1987), 208.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 58-59, 70-71; Marquart, , Benin-Sammlung, cxliv, cc–ccxixGoogle Scholar; Jones, Adam, Zur Quellenproblematik der Geschichte Westafrikas 1450-1900 (Stuttgart, 1990), 67.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Among the fantastic creatures that figured in the reports of the northern Sudanese were people with eyes in their armpits, who had to raise their arms to be able to see; dwarves with huge ears reaching to the ground, so that when they lay down to sleep they could lie on one ear and cover themselves with the other— these are the classical “men with long ears” mixed up with the pygmies; and not only dog-headed but also monkey-faced people with “tails a yard long.” See Petherick, John, Egypt, the Soudan and Central Africa: With Explorations from Khartoum on the White Nile to the Regions of the Equator (Edinburgh, 1861).Google Scholar Although Petherick attributes these details to a much-traveled old Dinka man, Gray, (History, 58–59)Google Scholar shows that Petherick could not have undertaken this journey himself, so that all this most probably came from tales told by his employees. Regarding the ideas of the northern Sudanese about fabulous creatures, see also Schweinfurth, Georg, Im Herzen von Afrika. Reisen und Entdeckungen im zentralen Äquatorial-Afrika während der Jahre 1868-1871. Ein Beitrag zur Entdeckungsgeschichte von Afrika (3d rev. ed.: Leipzig, 1918), 355Google Scholar; and Wilson, Charles Thomas and Felkin, Robert William, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (2 vols.: London, 1882), 2:177Google Scholar on large monkeys “who speak and fight.”

⁴² See the summary of this debate in Pénel, Homo caudatus, 133-91; and Trémaux, P., Soudan (2d ed.: Paris, n.d.), 351–53.Google Scholar For one of the most determined supporters of the tailed “Niam-Niam,” see Aucapitaine, Henri, “Les Yem-Yem: Tribu anthropophage de l'Afrique centrale,” Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1857/1864), 58–66.Google Scholar

⁴³ Herrmann, Joachim and Ullrich, Herbert, Menschwerdung: Eine Gesamtdarstellung (Berlin, 1991), 531Google Scholar; Lewin, Roger, Spuren der Menschwerdung: Die Evolution des Homo sapiens (Heidelberg, 1992), 13.Google Scholar Linné's Systema naturae appeared in 1735, followed by an expanded version in 1758.

⁴⁴ See, e.g., Poncet, Jules, “Notice géographique et ethnologique sur la région du Fleuve Blanc et sur ses habitants,” Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1863/1864), 36–39.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Lejean, Guillaume, “Les Nyamnyam ou cannibales du Soudan,” Nouvelles Annales des Voyages (1860/1864), 7Google Scholar; Oratio (Orazio) Antinori, , “Reise vom Bahr el Gazai zum Lande der Djur, Dezember 1860 und Januar 1861” in Petermann, August and Hassenstein, Bruno, eds., Innerafrika nach dem Stande der geographischen Kenntniss in den Jahren 1861 bis 1863, Nach den Quellen bearbeitet von A. Petermann and B. Hassenstein (Gotha, 1862–1863)Google Scholar (=Petermanns Mitteilungen, supplementary volume 2) [83]-[84]; Theodor von Heuglin, “Th. v. Heuglin's Berichte und Arbeiten über den Ägyptischen Sudan und die Länder westlich und südlich von Chartum” in ibid., [108]; idem, Die Tinne'sche Expedition im westlichen Nil-Quellengebiet 1863 und 1864. Aus dem Tagebuche von Th. von Heuglin (Gotha, 1865) (=Petermanns Mitteilungen supplemenary issue 15, supplementary volume 3, 1863-64), 12; idem, Reise, 207, 211; Gessi, Romolo, in Zaghi, Carlo, Gordon, Gessi e la riconquista del Sudan (Florence, 1947), 417, 419, 423-24, 429, 470–71.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Brun-Rollet, Antoine, “Brun-Rollet's Reise in den Sumpfregionen des Nam Aith westlich vom No-See und dem Bahr el Abiad, 1856” in Petermann, and Hassenstein, , eds., Innerafrika, (19)Google Scholar; Lejean, “Les Nyamnyam,” 8n1, who related Information given by the trader and elephant hunter Jules Poncet.

⁴⁷ Antinori, , “Reise vom Bahr el Gazai,” 82–83Google Scholar; Heuglin, , Reise, 158.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Lejean, Guillaume, “La queue des Nyams-Nyams,” Le Tour du Monde (1861/1861), 187–88Google Scholar; Antinori, Orazio, “Viaggi di O. Antinori e C. Piaggia nell'Africa Centrale,” Bollettino delta Società Geografica ltaliana 1(1868), 107Google Scholar; cf. also Mamo, Ernst, Reise in der egyptischen Aequatorial-Provinz und in Kordofan in den Jahren 1874-1876 (Vienna, 1879), 79, 113.Google Scholar The “Niambara” of the northern Sudanese included the Bari-speaking Pöjulti, Kakwa, Keliko and Kuku, and the Moru-Madi-speaking Madi, Morn and Avukaya: Huber, Otto and Dellagiacoma, Vittorino, eds., Francesco Morlang. Missione in Africa Centrale: Diario 18SS-1863 (Bologna, 1973), 217n39.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ See Brun-Rollet, Antoine, Le Nil Blanc et le Soudan: Etudes sur l'Afrique Centrale. Moeurs et coutumes des sauvages (Paris, 1855)Google Scholar and Almagià, Roberto, “Angelo Vinco: Relazione délie sue esplorazioni sull'Alto Nilo (1849-1853),” An-uali Lateranensi 4(1940), 283–328.Google Scholar Cf. also the writings of the missionaries Knoblecher, Pedemonte, and Kaufmann, in Toniolo, Elias and Hill, Richard, eds., The Opening of the Nile Basin: Writings by Members of the Catholic Mission to Central Africa on the Geography and Ethnography of the Sudan 1842-1881 (London, 1974).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Huber, /Dellagiacoma, , Francesco Morlang, 174-75, 211, 218, 222.Google Scholar

⁵¹ See information related by traders Andrea De Bono (“Voyage au Fleuve Blanc, en 1861,” Nouvelles Annales des Voyages [1862/1863], 7, 17Google Scholar), and Petherick, John (John and Mrs. Petherick), Travels in Central Africa, and Explorations of the Western Nile Tributaries (2 vols.: London, 1869), 1:141, 210-11, 280CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 2:114; travelers Giovanni Miani: Rossi-Osmida, Gabriele, ed., Diari e carteggi (1858-1872) di Giovanni Miani (Milan, 1973), 222, 225–27Google Scholar; Theodor von Heuglin “Berichte und Arbeiten,” 105-06; and the doctor resident in Khartoum A. Peney (Bruno Hassenstein, “Mémoire zur Karte von Inner-Afrika” in idem and Petermann, Innerafrika, 34).

⁵² For instance, by the missionary Giovanni Beltrame (author of one of the earliest Dinka grammars), “Sulla parola Niam-Niam,” Bollettino delta società geografica italiana 1(1868), 302–04.Google Scholar

⁵³ Schweinfurth, Georg, Im Herzen, 138, 287Google Scholar; the explanation is even given by a Dinka brought up in the mission, Daniel Deng Farim Sortir (in Toniolo and Hill, Opening of the Nile, 197-98). In view of this transfer of the Arabic term “Niam-Niam,” it is also questionable whether “Makaraka” really is a local name.

⁵⁴ It is striking that as soon as the traders had developed a closer relationship to the northwestern Azande of Mukpoi's principality, they also introduced a specific name for it, “Dar Dika” (derived from the name for the Azande used by Ndogo-Sere speakers): Heuglin, , Reise, 207, 210.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ “Schweinfurth, Im Herzen, 288.

⁵⁶ See also Eco's, Umberto comments on the “Protocols of the Elders of Zion” in Sei passeggiate net boscbi narrativi (Milan, 1994)Google Scholar, translated as Six Walks in the Fictional Woods (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), esp. 161–63.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See Frank, Erwin, “‘Sie fressen Menschen’,” 210–13Google Scholar, and Höllmann, Thomas O., “A la mode des cannibales? Anmerkungen zur Anthropophagie im westlichen Afrika (16.-18. Jahrhundert),” Münchner Beiträge zur Völkerkunde 4(1994), 15–17.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ritter, Carl, Die Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen, oder allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie. 1. Theil, Erstes Buch. Afrika (2d rev. ed.: Berlin, 1822), 327Google Scholar; cf. Bowdich, Thomas Edward, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, with a Statistical Account ofthat Kingdom, and Geographical Notices of other Parts of the Interior of Africa (London, 1819), 202-03, 427, 431.Google Scholarvon Heuglin, Theodor, Tinne'sche Expedition, 9Google Scholar, was also of the opinion that the Niam-Niam occupied “the biggest part of central Africa.”

⁵⁹ See the collected evidence in Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 153-59.

⁶⁰ Cf. Frank, Louis, Collection d'opuscules de médecine-pratique, avec un mémoire sur le commerce des nègres au Kaire (Paris, 1812), 210.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 158-59; Antinori, , “Reise vom Bahr el Gazai,” 83.Google Scholar

⁶² Frank, , Collection d'opuscules, 209Google Scholar; Burckhart, , Travels in Nubia, 292-93, 301Google Scholar; el-Tounsy, , Voyage au Ouadây, 271–74.Google Scholar

⁶³ Cf., for instance, Kremser, Manfred, “Das Bild der ‘menschenfressenden Niam-Niam’ in den Berichten deutscher Forschungsreisender des 19. Jahrhunderts,” Wiener ethnohistoriscbe Blätter 21(1981), 89–91.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Höllmann, , “A la mode des cannibales?” 16Google Scholar; Jones, Adam, “Cannibales et bons sauvages: Stéréotypes européens concernant les habitants de la Côte d'Ivoire, 1600-1750” in Droixhe, Daniel and Kiefer, Klaus H., eds., Images de l'Africain, de l'antiquité au XXe siècle (Frankfurt, 1987), 36Google Scholar; Heintze, Beatrix, “Ethnographie Appropriations: German Exploration and Fieldwork in West-Central Africa,” HA 26(1999), 101–03Google Scholar; on the function of horror stories in long-distance trade, cf. Vajda, László, “Greuelmärchen und Wunderland: Geschichten im Dienste des Fernhandels in vorindustrteller Zeit” in Breuninger, Helga and Sicferle, Rolf Peter, eds., Markt und Macht in der Geschichte (Stuttgart, 1995), 20–44.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Cf. Heuglin, , Tinne'sche Expedition, 6f, 10–11Google Scholar; idem, Reise in das Gebiet des Weissen Nil, 225; Gray, , History, 52–57.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ John Ralph Willis, “Introduction: The Ideology of Enslavement in Islam” in idem, ed., Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, 1, Islam and the Ideology of Enslavement (London, 1985), 1-15; specifically on the ideology of enslavement in Dar Fur see O'Fahey, “Fur and Fartit,” 77-78, 83.

⁶⁷ Zyhlarz, Ernst, “Eine Auslese aus Max Müller's Kondjara-Werk,” Zeitschrift für Eingeborenen-Sprachen 32/3(1941/1942), 177Google Scholar (translated by O'Fahey, , “Fur and Fartit,” 78Google Scholar).

⁶⁸ Zyhlarz, , “Auslese,” 174.Google Scholar On the lack of graves in the land of the cannibals, cf. Jackson, H. C., Black Ivory and White, or The Story of El Zubeir Pasha Slaver and Sultan as told by Himself (Oxford, 1913), 14Google Scholar; specifically on the Azande and their neighbors, see Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 226Google Scholar; Pasha, Emin, Die Tagebücher von Dr. Emin Pascha, ed. Stuhlmann, Franz (5 vols.: Hamburg, 1916–1927), 2:454.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ On the methods used by the Avungara to gain power over foreign peoples, cf. Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschiebte, 564–91.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Huber, /Dellagiacoma, , Francesco Morlang, 174-75, 211, 218, 222.Google Scholar For historical details see Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 365-67, 494–95.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Petherick, , Egypt, 455–56Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 453–54.Google Scholar

⁷² See also Jones, , “Cannibales,” 38.Google Scholar

⁷³ See al-Tunisi's account of the Banda above, and, among others: Ibn Sa^cid in Cuoq, Recueil, § 352-54; d'Anania, , Universale fabrica, 286Google Scholar; Aucapitaine, . “Yem-Yem,” 63–64Google Scholar; Nachtigal, , Sahara und Sudan, 3:183Google Scholar; Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 155.

⁷⁴ Jones, Adam, “Cannibales,” 33–44Google Scholar, and idem, Quellenproblematik, 61-67. Cf. also in repect of the so-called Zanj in East Africa al-Mas^cudi (Prairies d'or, 2: § 323) and al-^cUmari in Cuoq, Recueil, § 471.

⁷⁵ Cf., for instance, Heuglin, , Reise, 206.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Pierre-Henri-Stanislas, de Lauture, Comte d'Escayrac, Mémoire sur le Soudan (Paris, 1855–1856), 53Google Scholar; Trémaux, , Soudan, 352Google Scholar; Brun-Rollet, , “Brun-Rollet's Reise,” 19Google Scholar; Castelbolognesi, Angelo, “Voyage au Fleuve des Gazelles (Nil Blanc),” Le Tour du Monde (1862/1871), 391Google Scholar; Miani, in Rossi-Osmida, , Diari e carteggi, 183–84Google Scholar; Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 184-89. The most widely accepted explanation is that given by Lejean, “La queue,” but it refers to a form of clothing characteristic only of the Avukaya-Ojilä, to the west of the Yei, whom the traders considered to be “Niambara” (=“Niam-Niam”); cf. Marno, , Reise, 115, figure 120.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Lafitau, Joseph François, Customs of the American Indians Compared with the Customs of Primitive Times (Moeurs des sauvages ameriquains, comparées aux múurs des premiers temps) (2 vols.: Paris, 1724)Google Scholar, ed. and trans, by William N. Fenton and Elizabeth L. Moore (2 vols.: Toronto, 1974-77), 2:5, 23-24 and plate I.

⁷⁸ Pénel, Homo Caudatus, 73-76. I believe it is not a coincidence that it was Hornemann who reported about tailed “Yam-Yam;” for he was in contact with Blumenbach, who had also recommended him to the African Association for the planned journey to the Sudan: Essner, Cornelia, Deutsche Afrikareisende im 19. Jahrhundert: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Reisens (Stuttgart, 1985), 62.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Petherick, , Egypt, 456–74Google Scholar; cf. also idem and Mrs.Petherick, , Travels, 1: 62–63.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Antinori, “Viaggi,” 147n; Heuglin, , Tinne'sche Expedition, 44Google Scholar; Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 96.Google Scholar As noted above, Petherick had already invented an earlier journey.

⁸¹ Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 60–62 and table 18.Google Scholar

⁸² Cf. also John, and Mrs.Petherick, , Travels, 1:132-33, 141, 209-10, 279–80Google Scholar; 2:114-15.

⁸³ See, for example, the map in Heuglin, Reise, and idem, Tinne'sche Expedition, together with Hassenstein's remarks (“Bemerkungen zu den Karten,” Petermanns Mitteilungen supplementary volume issue 13, supplementary volume 3(1863/64), 44-45.

⁸⁴ Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 71Google Scholar (in contrast to the correct location, ibid., 294n2); Schildkrout, Enid and Keim, Curtis A., African Reflections: Art from Northeastern Zaire (New York, 1990)Google Scholar, figures 2.5. and 11.12; John Mack, “Art, Culture, and Tribute among the Azande,” in ibid., 218.

⁸⁵ Heuglin's most westerly point was the river Pongo (“Bahr Dembo or Kosanga”). On Heuglin's biography see also Essner, , Deutsche Afrikareisende, 21–24.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ The Barambu (“Berembo”), the Sere (“Scheri” or “Schera”), and the Apambia (“Bambia”) can be definitely identified: cf. Heuglin, , Reise, 207.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ See especially idem., Tinne'sche Expedition, 9 and idem., Reise, 212-13, 224-25. Heuglin was the first to mention the function of the abanyaki (“Beqi”), subordinate provincial chiefs of non-Avungara origin (as against Evans-Pritchard, who believed, Azande, 147, the term was first used by Schweinfurth.

⁸⁸ Cf. Heuglin, , “Berichte und Arbeiten,” 106, 163–64Google Scholar; idem., Tinne'sche Expedition, 9; idem., Reise, 208-12

⁸⁹ Petermann/Hassenstein, Innerafrika, frontispiece. Cf. Éric, de Dampierre, Harpes zandé (Paris, 1991), 81–88.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Heuglin, , “Berichte und Arbeiten,” 105–07.Google Scholar

⁹¹ For biographical details see Bassani, Ezio, ed., Carlo Piaggia nella terra del Niam-Niam (1863-1865) (Lucca, 1978), xiv–xxxvi.Google Scholar

⁹² Antinori, “Reise vom Bahr el Gazai” and idem, “Viaggi,” 93-103. Research usually tends to neglect the fact that in addition to the famous travelers, most of whom came from socially privileged backgrounds, there were also a large number of European emigrants in Egypt at that time, especially Italians, with more lowly social origins. They included craftsmen, petty traders, hunters, and taxidermists who were employed by collectors and naturalists. For example, a collecting trip into western Azande country was undertaken in 1876-79 by Friedrich Bohndorff, a former goldsmith's apprentice (later employed as a taxidermist by Wilhelm Junker), reported by Schweinfurth, Georg, ed., “F. Bohndorff's Reise nach Dar Abu Dinga,” Das Ausland (1884), 541–45Google Scholar, and Hassenstein, Bruno, “Friedrich Bohndorffs Reisen in Zentralafrika, 1874 bis 1883,” Petermanns Mitteilungen 31(1885), 339–50.Google Scholar

⁹³ Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 4.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ The term badia was generally used for friendly northern Sudanese traders (Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 290Google Scholar).

⁹⁵ Apart from two long visits to Italy Piaggia spent the rest of his life in the Sudan, but never ranked among the highly esteemed and popular explorers. His travels included trips up the Blue Nile, the Bahr al-Jabal and the Victoria Nile, and to Ethiopia; he died in 1882 in Karkoj (Sinnar).

⁹⁶ Piaggia, Carlo, Dell'arrivo fra i Niam-Niam e del soggiomo sul lago Tzaua in Abissinia (Lucca, 1877).Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Antinori, “Viaggi.”

⁹⁸ Pellegrinetti, Alfonso, ed., Le memorie di Carlo Piaggia (Florence, 1941).Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Bassani, Carlo Piaggia.

¹⁰⁰ Letter dd 15 April 1875, quoted in ibid., xxxvii.

¹⁰¹ In general reflections on the best way to travel, Piaggia argued in favor of spending some time among the people and sharing their way of life: “Alcune lettere del Cav. Carlo Piaggia,” Atti R. Accademia Lucchese 22(1883)Google Scholar, quoted in Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, xxv.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Ibid., 80, 104, 121-22, and Antinori, , “Viaggi,” 126, 128Google Scholar; cf. Evans-Pritchard, “Zande State” in idem, The Position of Women in Primitive Societies and Other Essays in Social Anthropology (London, 1965), 121-22. A remark in Antinori's report that no bride price is paid and that the bride is presented by the prince was rejected by Evans-Pritchard as an error by Piaggia: cf. “Zande Cannibalism” in ibid., 140. On the giving of wives by the princes, which could also follow the principle of delayed exchange, see Lagae, C.-R., Les Azande ou Niam-Niam (Brussels, 1926), 193Google Scholar; Lagae, C.-R. and Pias, V.H. Vanden, La Langue des Azande (3 vols.: Brussels, 1921–1925)Google Scholar, 2:s.v. harem; Émile, Leynaud, “Ligwa: Un village zande de la R.C.A.,” Cahiers d'études africaines 3(1963), 363Google Scholar; De Jonghe, E., Les formes d'asservissement dans les sociétés indigènes du Congo belge (Brussels, 1949), 76.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Cf. Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 71.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ For the exact details, see Ivanov, Vorkoloniale Geschichte, table 1.

¹⁰⁵ Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 290–300Google Scholar; Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 37.Google Scholar This battle was already mentioned in Pellegrinetti's edition (Le memorie di Carlo Piaggia, 217).

¹⁰⁶ Azande, 295-96; cf. Piaggia, , Dell'arrivo fra i Niam-Niam, 7–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ Azande, 297.

¹⁰⁸ “Viaggi,” 109, 112-13.

¹⁰⁹ There are discrepancies both in the route and in the duration of the stay of the traders (a little over five months according to Antinori, a little over two in Piaggia's travel account). Evans-Pritchard only had Pellegrinetti's edited text at his disposal, which adopted the chronology of the second version, but the publisher does give a summary of the contents of the first version.

¹¹⁰ Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, xxviii.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 66, 71Google Scholar (first version of Piaggia's); Pellegrinetti, , Memorie, 267, 269 (second version of same).Google Scholar

¹¹² Antinori, , “Viaggi,” 121Google Scholar and map; Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 37-38, 40, 56, 58, 63, 69–71.Google Scholar For details from the second version see also Pellegrinetti, , Memorie, 203-04, 252–54.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Percke and Ngindo, brothers of Tombo and not his sons; Wando, son of Bazingbi and not a “small, independent chief”; Ezo, son of Bazingbi, and not his “administrator” (i.e., subordinate provincial chief). For full details see Ivanov, Vorkoloniale Geschichte, table 2.

¹¹⁴ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 318, 323.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 56, 113Google Scholar; ibid., 114: he did reach Kipa (second version).

¹¹⁶ Calonne-Beaufaict, , Azande, 73Google Scholar; Hutereau, , Histoire des peuplades, 164–66Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 660 (table 18).Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Evans-Pritchard, , “Zande Cannibalism,” 156Google Scholar; idem, Azande, 82, 86; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 391-404, 463–79.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Antinori, , “Viaggi,” 105–06.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Ibid., 124.

¹²⁰ Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 90Google Scholar; cf. Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 257–58.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Cf. Evans-Pritchard, “Zande Cannibalism.”

¹²² Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 91, 135–37.Google Scholar In other ways too Piaggia showed a greater tendency toward sensationalism in the later accounts of his experiences. Especially in the lecture and in the second version of his travel account he showed a preference for spicy stories and makes unlikely claims about his own role among the Azande. Cf. ibid., 52, 61, 139-40, and Dell'arrivo fra i Niam-Niam, 15.

¹²³ Anonymous (probably August Petermann), “Das Land der Niamniam und die südwestliche Wasserscheide des Nil. Nach den Berichten von C. Piaggia und den Brüdern Poncet,” Petermanns Mitteilungen 14(1868), 413.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ For biographical details, see the obituary by Busse, W., “Georg Schweinfurth,” Berichte der deutschen botanischen Gesellschaft 43(1925), 74–111Google Scholar; the biography by Schweinfurth's great-nephew, Guenther, Konrad, Georg Schweinfurth. Lebensbild eines Afrikaforschers. Briefe von 1857-1925 (Stuttgart, 1954)Google Scholar; and Essner, , Deutsche Afrikareisende, 81–85.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Cf. among others Lejean, “Les Nyamnyam,” 6Google Scholar; Antinori, , “Viaggi,” 113Google Scholar; Ori, Leopoldo, “Comunicazioni del Dott. Ori sopra le spedizioni dei fratelli Poncet all'Ovest del Fiume Bianco,” Bollettino délia Società Geografica ltaliana 1(1868), 167–91Google Scholar; Anonymous, “Das Land der Niamniam und die südwestliche Wasserscheide des Nil,” 412-26. The Uele was mostly called “Babura” or “Bahar [Bahr] Monbuttu” by the ivory hunters.

¹²⁶ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 358.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ I refer here to the third, revised edition of Schweinfurth's book; where there are important differences, the first German edition (2 vols.: Leipzig, 1874) is also referred to.

¹²⁸ In 1886 he was made an honorary member of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, he was one of the instigators of Carl Peters' “Emin Pasha relief expedition,” and he became the chairman of the Peters Foundation, which supported colonial endeavors in East Africa. He was almost ninety years old when he died in 1925.

¹²⁹ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 174-75, 184, 218–19Google Scholar; at the beginning of the journey he mentioned being accompanied by two slave girls, who served “as living mills:” ibid., 23.

¹³⁰ Ibid., 242-45.

¹³¹ “Dr. G. Schweinfurth's Reise nach den oberen Nil-Ländern. IV. Reise in das Land der Niam Niam und Monbuttu, 1870,” Petermanns Mitteilungen 17(1871), 15.Google Scholar

¹³² Schweinfurth, Georg, Linguistische Ergebnisse einer Reise nach Centralafrika (Berlin, 1873), 36–53Google Scholar; on the genesis of the vocabulary, cf. Im Herzen, 455. Most of the words he gave are right, if one discounts his attempts at reproducing them phonetically, where errors occurred, which Evans-Pritchard pointed out: “Sources, with Particular Reference to the Southern Sudan,” Cahiers d'études africaines 41(1971), 138–39.Google Scholar The example given by Evans-Pritchard, in which he claims that Schweinfurth had understood the name given to him by the Azande, ‘leaf-eater,’ wrongly as Mbarik-pah instead of barikpe, is due to a misleading spelling in the English edition. In the vocabulary the word “leaf” is given correctly as pè; in the German edition of the travel account this is rendered with a popularized spelling as Mbarik-päh.

¹³³ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 174.Google Scholar When the expedition ended, Jabir remained in the Bahr al-Ghazal, after Schweinfurth had “secured his freedom.” Amber accompanied Schweinfurth to Cairo, where he found employment with a physician friend of Schweinfurth (ibid., 529, 537; for a portrait of Jabir see ibid., 264).

¹³⁴ “Sources,” 137.

¹³⁵ According to Schweinfurth's own statement, the loss included travel journals, itineraries, vocabularies, body measurements, and metereological records, plus a large part of his collections, especially the ethnographical, entomological, and zoological collections. See Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 444, 446, 455Google Scholar, Guenther, , Georg Schweinfurth, 234–38Google Scholar, and a letter from Schweinfurth to a fellow traveler and friend Miani, Giovanni in Camperio, Manfredo, ed., Il viaggio di Giovanni Miani al Monbuttu. Note coordinate dalla Società geografica italiana (Rome, 1875), 39–40.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ For instance, Evans-Pritchard, , “Zande Cannibalism,” 140Google Scholar; Kremser, , “Das Bild der ‘menschenfressenden Niam-Niam,’” 95Google Scholar; Essner, Cornelia, “Some Aspects of German Travellers' Accounts from the Second Half of the 19th Century” in Heintze, Beatrix and Jones, Adam, eds., European Sources for Sub-Saharan Africa before 1900: Use and Abuse (Stuttgart, 1987), 203.Google Scholar

¹³⁷ On this type of source material see Roy C. Bridges, “Nineteenth-Century East African Travel Records, with an Appendix on ‘Armchair Geographers’ and Cartography” in ibid., 186-88.

¹³⁸ Im Herzen, 433.

¹³⁹ Cf. ibid., 308-16 and the letter in Guenther, Georg Schweinfurth, 205-10.

¹⁴⁰ “Dr. G. Schweinfurth's Reise nach den oberen Nil-Ländern. IV. Reise in das Land der Niam Niam und Monbuttu, 1870” and “V. Bemerkungen zur Karte seiner Reisen im oberen Nil-Gebiete, 1869 und 1870,” Petermanns Mitteilungen 17(1871), 11-16, 131–39.Google Scholar This journal published five short reports by Schweinfurth, in part with the respective maps, based on letters written before the loss of his records (apart from the reports already mentioned: “I. Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Reise bis Chartum, August bis November 1868” and “Skizze eines neuen Weges von Suakin nach Berber, zurückgelegt im September 1868 von Dr. G. Schweinfurth,” Petermanns Mitteilungen 15[1869]: 53-57, 281–91Google Scholar; “III. Aufenthalt im Djur-Gebiet, Sommer 1869,” Petermanns Mitteilungen 16[1870], 18–20.).Google Scholar Schweinfurth's observations from this period appeared in journal form, with maps and itineraries, in the Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin. As the date of writing is not given, it remains unclear whether these are extracts from the journal that was destroyed in the fire. “Tagebuch einer Reise zu den Niam-Niam und Monbuttu 1870,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 7(1872), 385–475Google Scholar, is a particular problem: it was published only in 1872, after Schweinfurth's return from Africa and could therefore have been written in retrospect. Complete references for other letters and especially botanical reports sent from Africa can be found in the bibliography of Schweinfurth's writings in the third edition of his travel account, published in 1918.

¹⁴¹ Essner, , Deutsche Afrikareisende, 112.Google Scholar The young Bongo slave who was presented to Schweinfurth as a gift seems to have accompanied him during the whole expedition. Unfortunately, Allagabo did not have a “kind fate” in the “places of culture,” as Schweinfurth prophesied he would: entrusted by Schweinfurth to the explorer Gerhard Rohlfs, who was married to his niece, he ended up as the “wild man” in a circus, after a number of failed attempts at gaining an education, and he finally died of pneumonia. For more details, see ibid., 112, 179n30, Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 523-24, 529Google Scholar, and Guenther, , Georg Schweinfurth, 162, 248–49.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Evans-Pritchard, , “Zande Cannibalism,” 139–40Google Scholar; idem., “Sources,” 135-40. Evans-Pritchard also criticized Schweinfurth for not noticing that among the Azande alone, of all the peoples he visited, pottery was a craft practiced by men and not women. However, this is a problematical criticism, for female potters are mentioned by witnesses who knew the Azande well: Larken, P. M., “Impressions of the Azande,” Sudan Notes and Records 10(1927), 129Google Scholar; Lagae, C.-R., Azande, 157.Google Scholar

¹⁴³ To the examples given by Evans-Pritchard of borrowings from Piaggia (“Zande Cannibalism,” 139-40; cf. Antinori, , “Viaggi,” 123, 126Google Scholar, and Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 298, 302Google Scholar) can be added the description of the elephant hunt among the Azande (Schweinfurth's journey did not coincide with the hunting season), which is similar to a description by Petherick (ibid., 300; Petherick, , Egypt, 470–71).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Guenther, , Georg Schweinfurth, 255–58Google Scholar; Essner, , Deutsche Afrikareisende, 108–12Google Scholar and idem, “Some Aspects,” 201-03. The first edition of his book appeared in 1873 in an English translation by Ellen E. Frewer because better conditions were offered.

¹⁴⁵ This seems to be Essner's opinion: “Some Aspects,” 203.

¹⁴⁶ As a European, i.e., “as a being of the superior kind” (Im Herzen, 244), Schweinfurth continually strove to set himself apart from the “Negroes” and the “Nubian rabble” (ibid., 183). Derogatory remarks are common, for instance concerning the northern Sudanese traders and soldiers, who were his companions for many months (e.g., ibid., 55, 456-60). Schweinfurth's description of the pygmies (ibid., 358-61), not far removed from a description of anthropomorphic monkeys, also influenced the way they were perceived by subsequent observers.

¹⁴⁷ With “free commerce” as a slogan, he, like most of his contemporaries, favored European intervention in Africa (cf. ibid., 511-12). For an analysis of Schweinfurth's colonial intentions see Marx, Christoph, “Völker ohne Schrift und Geschichte:” Zur historischen Erfassung des vorkolonialen Schwarzafrika in der deutschen Forschung des 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1988), 69–70.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 447.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Ibid., 100.

¹⁵⁰ Pratt, Marie Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992), 202–05.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 120.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Ibid., 2.

¹⁵³ Cf. ibid., 136. The Africans were referred to as “savages” in the original edition of the travel report; in the edition of 1918, Schweinfurth put the term in inverted commas, following a warning issued by the Berlin museum ethnologist, Felix von Luschan. For details of his evolutionist approach, based on the principles of natural science, cf. Henn, Alexander, Reisen in vergangene Gegenwart: Geschichte und Geschichtlichkeit der Nicht-Europäer im Denken des 19. Jahrhunderts (Mainz, 1988), 62-63, 85–86.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 295.Google Scholar Schweinfurth was following the ideas of Adolf Bastian, who belonged to his circle of friends. Bastian believed in the existence of universal basic elements in human life (Elementargedanken), which can be found in its supposedly most uncomplicated form among “primitive” peoples.

¹⁵⁵ On this attitude see Schweinfurth's, Artes Africanae: Illustrations and Descriptions of Productions of the Industrial Arts of Central African Tribes (London, 1875) vii–ixGoogle Scholar, and Marx, “Völker ohne Schrift und Geschichte,” 74–76.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ Cf. also the analysis of Schildkrout and Keim, , African Reflections, 29–30.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 355.Google Scholar The “discovery” of the pygmies enabled Schweinfurth to surround his journey with an epic aura (ibid., 355-58). But there is also no lack of allusions to those “classical” barbarians, the Scythians, and to Herodotus' description (ibid., 299, 380).

¹⁵⁸ Ibid., 49, 218.

¹⁵⁹ Letter from Schweinfurth to a German publisher interested in his travel account, quoted in Essner, , Deutsche Afrikareisende, 112.Google Scholar Schweinfurth's original drawings are preserved in the archives of the Frobenius Institute in Frankfurt. His sketches of the Bongo were published in Waltraud and Andreas Kronenberg, Die Bongo: Bauern und Jäger im Südsudan (Wiesbaden, 1981), chapter 14.2.Google Scholar There are some others in Schildkrout/Keim, African Reflections, figures 8.2 and 12.5, and in Geary, Christraud M., “Nineteenth-century Images of the Mangbetu in Explorers' Accounts” in Schildkrout, Enid and Keim, Curtis A., eds., The Scramble for Art in Central Africa (Cambridge, 1998), 133–68Google Scholar, where Geary also offers an analysis of Schweinfurth's visual representation of the Mangbetu.

¹⁶⁰ (London, 1875); German title: Artes Africanae: Abbildungen und Beschreibungen von Erzeugnissen des Kunstfleißes centralafrikanischer Völker.

¹⁶¹ Artes Africanae, ix (original translation).

¹⁶² Keim, Curtis A., “Artes Africanae: The Western Discovery of ‘Art’ in Northeastern Congo,” in Schildkrout, /Keim, , Scramble, 111-18, 130.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Keim, , “Western Discovery,” 109–11.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁴ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 311–13.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁵ Im Herzen, 343 figure; cf. Geary, , “Nineteenth-Century Images,” 159–63.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Schweinfurth, Im Herzen, 312n.

¹⁶⁷ (12 vols: Berlin, 1849-59).

¹⁶⁸ Im Herzen, 318, 341-42. However, Schweinfurth did not commit himself on the question of an “Asian” origin of the Mangbetu rulers. There was a theoretical conception among certain German-speaking ethnologists at the time that stressed the unity of Egyptian culture and that of the sub-Saharan African state formations, without actually claiming that they originated from Asia. The defenders of this theory included Schweinfurth's influential friend, Hartmann, Robert, who wrote “Untersuchungen über die Völkerschaften Nord-Ost-Afrikas I,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 1(1869), 23–45Google Scholar; cf. also Zitelmann, Thomas, “Formen und Institutionen politischer Herrschaft” in Deutsch, Jan-Georg and Wirz, Albert, eds., Geschichte in Afrika: Einführung in Probleme und Debatten (Berlin, 1997), 204–05.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁹ Schildkrout, /Keim, , African Reflections, 24-25, 32–34.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Schweinfurth's knowledge of the “Jaga” appears to be based on Dapper (cf. Im Herzen [1st ed.: 1874], 2:143). Adolf Bastian had also compared the Jaga with the Fang (E/M Besuch in San Salvador der Hauptstadt des Königreichs Congo [Bremen, 1859], 150nGoogle Scholar) and the Niam-Niam (“Die Loango-Küste,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin 8[1873], 132Google Scholar). On the stereotypical image of the Fang see Vansina, Jan, “Knowledge and Perceptions of the African Past” in Jewsiewicki, Bogumil and Newbury, David, eds., African Historiographies: What History for Which Africa? (Beverly Hills, 1986), 29–31.Google Scholar

¹⁷¹ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 238, 296–97.Google Scholar

¹⁷² Ibid., 287.

¹⁷³ Ibid., 292; there are many other similar passages, e.g., ibid., 227, 253, 288-89.

¹⁷⁴ Amber's photographs are preserved today in the Ethnologisches Museum in Berlin.

¹⁷⁵ Ibid., 242, 298, 418.

¹⁷⁶ Ibid., 298. The same claim was made in the Piaggia-Antinori report (“Viaggi,” 123) but is not confirmed by other sources.

¹⁷⁷ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 242, 298Google Scholar; cf. “Viaggi,” 123.

¹⁷⁸ Cf., for instance, Im Herzen, 229-30, 292, 297-98, 346, 349-51.

¹⁷⁹ Reisen in Afrika 1875-1886 (3 vols.: Vienna, 1889–1891), 2:203–04.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁰ Schildkrout/Keim, African Reflections.

¹⁸¹ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 184.Google Scholar

¹⁸² Apart from the Amadi, the “Azande” population also included Barambu and Bantu-speaking Abangbinda. Cf. Evans-Pritchard, “Zande Cannibalism,” 156–58Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 463-80.Google Scholar

¹⁸³ “Bemerkungen zur Karte,” 137-38. The two Zande words which express an individual's group membership, ngbatunga and (ngba)rika can be used for both “clan” and “ethnic group.” Their meaning is closer to genus/species/kind/breed, etc.: Gore, Edward Clive, Zande and English Dictionary (2nd ed.: London, 1952 [1931])Google Scholar, s.v. ngbarika, ngbatunga; cf. Pias, Lagae Vanden, Langue des Azande, 2Google Scholar:s.v. espèce, tribu; 3:s.v. ngbwatunga, lika.

¹⁸⁴ Im Herzen, 269-79. Cf. Costermans, B. J., Mosaïque Bangba (Brussels, 1953), 5, 18–19Google Scholar; Lotar, L., “Souvenirs de l'Uele: Schweinfurth (1836-1926),” Congo 11/2(1930), 171n10.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁵ “Bemerkungen zur Karte,” 138-39; Im Herzen, 266.

¹⁸⁶ Zande Cannibalism,” 137-41.

¹⁸⁷ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 234, 266, 296.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Im Herzen, 266.

¹⁸⁹ “Bemerkungen zur Karte,” 138-39; Camperio, , Viaggio, 38–39.Google Scholar It is not clear whether these “trophy trees” were ancestral shrines of the Amadi and “Amiangba” (Barambu), who were integrated in the Azande cluster (as Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 99Google Scholar, and idem., “Zande Cannibalism,” 156-57; similarly Giorgetti, Filiberto, Cannibalism in Zandeland: Truth and Falsehood [Bologna, n.d.], 58–59)Google Scholar, or really trees for hunting trophies, such as are also confirmed (against Evans-Pritchard) by other travelers and for the Bongo as late as the 1950s (without human skulls). Cf. for the region south of the Uele, Gaetano Casati, Died anni in Equatoria e ritorno con Emin Pascia (2 vols.: Milan, 1891), 1:129Google Scholar; for the Azande Adio, Emin, Tagebücher, 2:419Google Scholar, and for their Mundu neighbors, Nalder, L. F., A Tribal Survey of Mongalla Province (London, 1937), 226Google Scholar; for the Bongo, Castelbolognesi, “Voyage,” 390–91Google Scholar, Petherick, , Egypt, 401, 405–97Google Scholar, and Kronenberg, , Bongo, 96–97Google Scholar, figures 106 and 108.

¹⁹⁰ “Bemerkungen zur Karte,” 139.

¹⁹¹ Ibid.; Im Herzen, 410-11.

¹⁹² The Albert N'yanza, Great Basin of the Nile, and Explorations of the Nile Sources (2 vols.: London, 1866).Google Scholar

¹⁹³ (Edinburgh, 1863).

¹⁹⁴ Schweinfurth, Im Herzen, 280, 313, 323, 357 et passim.

¹⁹⁵ Ibid., 166-67.

¹⁹⁶ Albert N'yanza, 1:215.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁷ Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, 233, 514-15.

¹⁹⁸ “Bemerkungen zur Karte,” 138-39.

¹⁹⁹ Im Herzen, 212, 226, 230, 259, 311.

²⁰⁰ Im Herzen, 295, 385. This could be understood in a figurative sense, as referring to the enemy as animals, if it were not for the fact that all credible witnesses agree in their reports that the cry was vura, “war” (Bassani, , Carlo Piaggia, 71Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 3:218Google Scholar). The alleged call of the cannibals for meat is found in so many sources that it would be worth investigating whether this could be a Wandermotiv: cf. among others, Heuglin, , Reise, 219Google Scholar; Stanley, Henry M., Through the Dark Continent (2 vols.: London, 1878), 2:201, 210, 223-24, 262-66, 274Google Scholar; Monteil, , “Empires du Mali,” 331.Google Scholar

²⁰¹ Evans-Pritchard, , Witchcraft, Oracles and Magic among the Azande (Oxford, 1937), 33–35.Google Scholar

²⁰² On Miani's biography and his journeys see Camperio, Viaggio; Rossi-Osmida, Diari e carteggi; Battaglia, Roberto, La prima guerra d'Africa (Turin, 1958), 28–39.Google Scholar The report published by Miani on his journey up the Nile (Le spedizioni alle origini del Nilo [Venice, 1865]) is virtually unobtainable.

²⁰³ Cf. Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 295–97 and genealogy 9.Google Scholar

²⁰⁴ Camperio, Viaggio. The original notes taken during the journey have been lost.

²⁰⁵ This confusion can be attributed to Schweinfurth, who reconstructed the course of the Uele and the location of the territories of the sons of Kipa on the basis of information culled from the traders: cf. the first edition of Im Herzen (1874), 2:518–22Google Scholar and map.

²⁰⁶ Cf. Casati, , Died anni, 1:91–94Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 2:308-09, 331Google Scholar; 3:44; Lotar, , “Souvenirs de l'Uele: Giovanni Miani (1810-1872),” Congo 11/2(1930), 635–61Google Scholar; 12/1(1931), 493-514, 671-86. In his reconstruction Junker mistook the route of the outward journey with that of the return journey, which indicates that he did not have Miani's published, very clear itineraries. Probably he relied here on (misunderstood) information from Casati.

²⁰⁷ Usually referred to in the sources as Danaqla, although Sulayman and the majority of his followers were Ja^caliyin.

²⁰⁸ Junker, , Reisen, 1:560–66Google Scholar; Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:229-30, 254-56, 259-60, 264–65Google Scholar; Ewald, , Soldiers, 174Google Scholar; Gray, , History, 102, 110-15, 125, 137-38, 145–50Google Scholar; Thuriaux-Hennebert, , Zande, 76-79, 82, 100-05, 153–54.Google Scholar

²⁰⁹ Cf. Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 110-11, 209-12, 290–92Google Scholar, with more references; Junker, , Reisen, 2:128-29, 190, 249-50, 455Google Scholar; 3:157-63, 206-07, 211, 221-22, 276, 280-81, 295-96; de Dampierre, Eric, Des ennemis, des Arabes, des histoires (Paris, 1983), 48–50.Google Scholar

²¹⁰ Junker, , Reisen, 2:133, 160-61, 191.Google Scholar Contrary to the claims of all other authors, this attack did not take place while Rifaci was in the service of the Bahr al-Ghazal traders but, as Junker stated in a much-neglected remark in 1879, when Rifa^ci had already gone over to Gessi, who was fighting against Sulayman: Wilhelm Junker, Adolf Schmidt, and Bruno Hassenstein, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse von Dr. W. Junkers Reisen in Zentral-Afrika 1880-85 (Gotha, 1889) (=Petermanns Mitteilungen supplementary volume 20), 32; cf. Zaghi, Riconquista, 269n310, 293, 302. This shows the absurdity of ideological claims that Ndoruma had been persuaded by Gessi's “peaceful” policy to recognize the administration (as Gessi in ibid., 468, 471, 540; Casati, , Died anni, 1:50–51).Google Scholar

^{211 c}Abd al-Samad was killed in 1874 in a revolt of his Azande allies that was most likely led by Ngangi, the son of Muduba, whom Schweinfurth visited. It was probably instigated by Gbudwe, who then defeated Ngangi in his turn and incorporated his territory into his own principality ca. 1875). Cf. Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 321–32.Google Scholar

²¹² Zaghi, , Riconquista, 540Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 2:188, 201-02, 224, 346-47, 351-52, 354.Google Scholar

²¹³ Ibid., 2:192; 3:153, 356-57; Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 332–38.Google Scholar

²¹⁴ Gambali belonged to the Mabadi, a clan of the Bantu-speaking Gbote who lived among the Bangba.

²¹⁵ Cf. Keim, Curtis A., “Precolonial Mangbetu Rule: Political and Economic Factors in Nineteenth-Century Mangbetu History (Northeast Zaire)” (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1979), 230–73Google Scholar; also Casati, Died antti, 1:102-03, 212-16, 244; Junker, , Reisen, 3:46-54, 133–36Google Scholar; Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:166, 227, 412, 467–71.Google Scholar

²¹⁶ Selected letters and reports sent by Gessi to L'Esploratore on his stay in the Sudan were published posthumously by his son, Gessi, Felice, and Camperio, Manfredo as Seite antii net Sudan egiziano: Memorie di Romolo Gessi (Milan, 1891)Google Scholar, but mixed arbitrarily with additional texts from other authors (including Camperio). Very informative are Zaghi's, Vita di Romolo Gessi (Milan, 1939)Google Scholar and especially his large, richly annotated collection of mainly unpublished documents from Gessi's time in the Sudan, Riconquista. But Zaghi took a fundamentally positive view of his countryman, which affected his judgement of Gessi's work in the Bahr al-Ghazal.

²¹⁷ Sette anni, 380-82; Riconquista, 424, 428, 430, 468, 540, 542-43.

²¹⁸ On the Mangbetu see in particular Zaghi, , Riconquista, 453–58Google Scholar; on the Azande, , Sette anni, 238-39, 379-82, 402-03, 408–11Google Scholar; Riconquista, 468, 471-72, 540.

²¹⁹ Cf. Chaillé-Long, Charles, Central Africa: Naked Truths of Naked People. An Account of Expeditions to the Lake Victoria Nyanza and the Makraka Niam-Niam, West of the Bahr-el-Abiad (White Nile) (London, 1876), 244–89Google Scholar; Marno, , Reise, 71–139.Google Scholar

²²⁰ Gray, , History, 55-56, 147-48, 159–60Google Scholar; Petherick, , Travels, 1:62-63, 65, 316Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 1:353-56, 373-75, 499, 509, 534, 544–45Google Scholar; 2:109, 528, 543; 3:373-74; Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:376.Google Scholar Contrary to the unanimous statements of European observers, one of Evans-Pritchard's informants said that Ringio belonged to the non-aristocratic Aboro clan: Evans-Pritchard, “Zande Kings and Princes” in idem, Essays in Social Anthropology (London, 1962), 110-11.

²²¹ Marno, , Reise, 117–31.Google Scholar

²²² Chaillé-Long, , Central Africa, 273, 287Google Scholar; Gessi, , “Sette anni nel Sudan egizi'ano. Memorie inédite di Gessi-Bascia,” Esploratore 8(1884), 337–38Google Scholar (reproduced in Zaghi, , Riconquista, 568, 570Google Scholar) and “La guerra contro i negrieri del Fiume delle Gazzelle,” Esploratore 3, supplementary issue 2(1879), 23Google Scholar (also in Sette anni, 279 and in Zaghi, Riconquista, 290n355). It is clear from the descriptions, for instance, that the administrator of the main Khartoum zariba in Makaraka, Ahmad Agha, served as informant for both of them. The culinary preference for bodily extremities handed down by the northern Sudanese can already be found in Poncet, “Notice géographique et ethnologique,” 38-39). This may also be the origin of the ubiquity of hands and feet in Schweinfurth's “proofs” of cannibalism. Evans-Pritchard's informants also said that the bodies of slain enemies were mutilated, although they claim that the ears and genitals were brought as trophies to the Avungara courts: Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 265.Google Scholar

²²³ Cf. Zaghi, , Riconquista, 271-74, 290.Google Scholar

²²⁴ Marno, , Reise, 130, 134Google Scholar; Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda, 2:168, 187–88.Google Scholar

²²⁵ Buchta, Richard, “Meine Reise nach den Nil-Quellseen im Jahr 1878,” Peternianns Mitteilungen 27(1881), 81–89Google Scholar; cf. also Thomas, H. B., “Richard Buchta and Early Photography in Uganda,” Uganda Journal 24(1960), 114–19.Google Scholar

²²⁶ The photographs by Buchta purchased in 1881 are preserved in the Museum für Völkerkunde in Vienna. Other works by Buchta treat the political history of the Turco-Egyptian Sudan and the Mahdiyya: Der Sudan und der Mahdi (Stuttgart, 1884),Google Scholar and Der Sudan unter ägyptischer Herrschaft (Leipzig, 1888).Google Scholar

²²⁷ Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:50, 53Google Scholar; cf. also Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda, 2:86.Google Scholar

²²⁸ “Reise nach den Nil-Quellseen,” 84, 89; on these Bamboy groups see also Junker, , Reisen, 1:354Google Scholar and plate 6.

²²⁹ Die oberen Nil-Länder, plate 86; Reisen, 1:429.

²³⁰ Die oberen Nil-Länder, plates 93, 96, 97.

²³¹ Wilson, /Felkin, , Uganda, 2:139.Google Scholar

²³² Many letters sent from Emin to Junker were published with his journals and in Buchta, Der Sudan unter ägyptischer Herrscleft. Junker lived with Emin in Lado and informed him of his observations (Reisen, 3:387, 404Google Scholar). Casati accompanied Emin on his tour of inspection to Monbuttu, procured ethnographical and zoological items for his collection (Casati, , Died anni, 1:xii, 136Google Scholar; Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:463Google Scholar; 3:40, 54), and also seems to have imparted ethnographical information to him. Thus a list of the Meje clans comes from Casati (Emin, , Tagebücher 2:468Google Scholar); the statement that the lances of the “Akka” (pygmies) really came from the Mabodo, can be found both in Casati (letter published in Esploratore 7[1883], 281Google Scholar) and in Emin, (Tagebücher, 2:464).Google Scholar Casati and Junker had also met in 1881 and 1882 in the area south of the Uele. As already mentioned, Junker's misunderstanding of the route followed by Miani might also originate from Casati.

²³³ Cf. Junker, , Reisen, 2:1-2, 271Google Scholar; Hevesi, Ludwig, Wilhelm Junker. Lebensbild eines Afrikaforschers (Berlin, 1896), 2, 35-37, 63-83, 98.Google Scholar Junker's biographer Hevesi knew the traveler and was given his private letters and other documents by the family.

²³⁴ Junker, , Reisen, 2:208–09Google Scholar; 3:72, 169.

²³⁵ Junker/Schmidt/Hassenstein, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse: Hassenstein's general map can be found there in four sheets, and in Reisen, l:plate 9. The account also contains several detailed maps.

²³⁶ As the name suggests, the goal of this geographical society and of the journal, which followed the line of popular science, was to promote commercial colonialism. It was supported by important personalities in the Milanese financial and industrial worlds, and had close links with Romolo Gessi, who was the representative in Africa of the pharmaceutical industrialist Carlo Erba. Cf. Battaglia, , Prima guerra, 103–06Google Scholar, and Surdich, Francesco, ed., L'esptorazione italiana dell'Africa (Milan, 1982), 10–11.Google Scholar

²³⁷ Camperio in the introduction to Casati's letters in Esploratore 7(1883), 263.Google Scholar

²³⁸ For the problem of equipment see Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:410Google Scholar, and Casati's letters (in Esploratore 5[1881], 67Google Scholar and Esplorazione commerciale in Africa 2(1887], 173-74, 182Google Scholar).

²³⁹ Cf. Junker's and Emin's remarks on Casati's great household (Junker, , Reisen, 3:490Google Scholar; Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:436Google Scholar) and those of Jephson on Casati's “oriental” lifestyle: Jephson, A. J. Mounteney and Stanley, Henry M., Emin Pasha and the Rebellion at the Equator (London, 1890), 196.Google Scholar

²⁴⁰ Emin, , Tagebücher, 3:40, 54Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 3:469, 490Google Scholar; Casati, , Died anni, 1:266.Google Scholar

²⁴¹ Evans-Pritchard, , “Zande Cannibalism,” 143Google Scholar; idem, “Sources,” 143.

²⁴² Three letters, (7 September 1880 to 13 November 1880), Esploratore 5(1881), 66-67, 91-94, 124–25Google Scholar; “Dal Bahr-el-Gazàll all'Uelle” 6 letters (6 March 1881 to 29 December 1881), Esploratore 6(1882), 253–61Google Scholar; eight letters (10 September 1881 to 13 April 1883), Esploratore 7(1883), 263-65, 277–92Google Scholar; ten letters, Esplorazione commerciale in Africa 2(1887), 168–87.Google Scholar

²⁴³ Errors in the text of his travel account regarding the descent of two princes, which were critically remarked on by Evans-Pritchard (“Sources,” 141; cf. Junker, , Reisen, 2:172Google Scholar; 3:39), can be considered as oversights. The line of descent is given correctly in the genealogical table (ibid., volume 3).

²⁴⁴ Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse, 30.

²⁴⁵ See the maps of the Uele in the travel account and in Esplorazione commerciale in Africa 2(1887).Google Scholar

²⁴⁶ Cf. Evans-Pritchard, , “Sources,” 143–45.Google Scholar

²⁴⁷ Ibid.; Casati, , Died anni, 1:109.Google Scholar

²⁴⁸ In his travel account Casati only hinted at having lived in Yangala's territory (Died anni, 1:254Google Scholar), but the dates of his letters (Esplorazione commerciale in Africa 2([1887], 168–87Google Scholar) and of his metereological observations (Died anni, 1:299–311Google Scholar), as well as a remark by Emin, (Tagebücher, 2:474)Google Scholar furnish the proof.

²⁴⁹ Cf. for instance Casati, , Died anni, 1:42, 47-48, 165-68, 246–49.Google Scholar As a soldier himself, Casati especially praised the “black soldier,” to whom he attributed “moral superiority” (probably in contrast to Egyptian and Turkish soldiers, who were considered to be corrupt), “physical strength,” “bravery,” and “obedience,” although he still thought that “education” was required (ibid., 1:54-56). Casati saw the social system of the peoples he visited as one of “equity and justice” (ibid., 1:251). Casati's positive opinions, which were in harmony with the commercial orientation of early Italian colonialism, naturally had an ideological bias, just like Junker's negative ones, but in contrast to Junker they seem to have enhanced his receptiveness for the cultures he observed.

²⁵⁰ E.g. Died anni, 1:106-12, 133-35, 153-55, 161–62.Google Scholar

²⁵¹ Cf. ibid., 1:102. See also Keim, , “Precolonial Mangbetu Rule,” 41-42, 53, 56, 72–76.Google Scholar

²⁵² For remarks or behavior illustrating this attitude of Junker see Reisen, 1:297, 381, 444Google Scholar; 2:42, 85-86, 109, 127, 160, 183-85, 197-99, 225, 321, 329-30, 477-78, 545; 3:292, 348, 449, 666-67. For an analysis see Marx, , “Völker ohne Schrift und Geschichte,” 89–100.Google Scholar

²⁵³ Reisen, 3:332, 660.Google Scholar

²⁵⁴ Sources,” 141; cf. Junker, , Reisen, 2:263, 282-83, 455–56.Google Scholar

²⁵⁵ Ibid., 2:197.

²⁵⁶ “if I frequently speak of princes, you must imagine in most cases a scoundrel with scarcely a hundred souls as his subjects. … These individuals have to be taught respect. A box on the ear is often more effective for this purpose than all the patience in the world.” Junker to his family, 28 January 1881, quoted in Hevesi, , Wilhelm Junker, 111–12.Google Scholar

²⁵⁷ Cf. for instance Junker, , Reisen, 2:162, 375–76Google Scholar; 3:352.

²⁵⁸ Hill, Richard, ed., The Sudan Memoirs of Carl Christian Giegler Pascha 1873-1883 (London, 1984), 64–69.Google Scholar

²⁵⁹ In his journals and letters Emin complained several times (e.g. Tagebücher, 1:321Google Scholar; 2:9-10, 94-95, 167, 227) that his administrative work and researches were less appreciated than those of other Europeans in the Sudan. The most apposite characterization is given by Casati (Died anni, 1:228Google Scholar), who dispensed with Emin's “orientalization,” which is still evoked today for want of a better description: “Of a serious and concentrated character, fond of the natural sciences and of being alone, Emin avoided contacts. It seemed as if, while not exactly proud, he was exceedingly aware of his own superiority, and disdained the idea of looking closely into the talents of those around him; he believed that he could do everything by himself, and on the day when he alone could no longer halt the fast approaching dissolution, he erred in his judgements, changed them frequently, and thus did great harm to himself.”

²⁶⁰ Thus it was frequently claimed that Emin's adherence to Islam was only a camouflage in partibus infideliwn, but this is not tenable in view of the number of European officials in the Turco-Egyptian Sudan: cf. Schweinfurth, Georget al. eds., Eine Sammlung von Reisebriefen und Berichten Dr. Emin-Pascha's aus den ehemals ägyptischen Aequatorialprovinzen und deren Grenzländern (Leipzig, 1888), v–viGoogle Scholar, and Schweitzer, Georg, Emin Pascha. Eine Darstellung seines Lebens und Wirkens mit Benutzung seiner Tagebücher, Briefe und wissenschaftlichen Aufzeichnungen (Berlin, 1898), 77.Google Scholar From scattered remarks in his journals and by people who knew him, it seems rather that Emin had tried to adopt a new, non-European identity in the Sudan; Emin, , Tagebücher, 1:137-38, 148-49, 151, 192Google Scholar; 2:33; Schweitzer, , Emin Pascha, 226–27Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 3:427Google Scholar; Hevesi, , Wilhelm Junker, 99, 211–12Google Scholar; Hill, , Memoirs, 64–65.Google Scholar

²⁶¹ For instance, Schweitzer, , Emin Pascha, 329Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 3:448, 457, 561–65.Google Scholar Among the many works on Emin, Roger Jones'The Rescue of Emin Pascha: The Story of Henry M. Stanley and the Emin Pascha Relief Expedition, 1887-1889 (London, 1972)Google Scholar is the most balanced. Emin Pascha, the biography written by Schweitzer, Emin's cousin, is still indispensable for the great number of unpublished documents it contains, although the author sometimes erred in his interpretation of political events in Equatoria and his judgments are nationalistically colored. Although Hassan's, Vita, Die Wahrheit über Emin Pascha, die ägyptische Aequatorialprovinz und den Sudan (2 vols.: Berlin, 1893)Google Scholar, and especially Casati's Died anni, contain some misjudgments, they are important eyewitness reports.

²⁶² The journals are clearly of a scholarly nature and were intended for publication or for use in preparing scientific reports. In addition to his scientific, geographical, and ethnographic observations, Emin noted only major events and largely dispensed with recounting his personal opinions and experiences.

²⁶³ Schweinfurth et al., Sammlung.

²⁶⁴ Volumes 1 to 4 of the published journals cover the period from 1875 to 1889 (Emin's time in the Sudan up to the evacuation and the march to the East African coast), although the notes published in volume 4 have been cut by about a quarter. The journals from the period of Emin's last expedition in the service of German East Africa up to his death (1890-92) were to have been published in a fifth volume, but it has never appeared. They are preserved in the State Archives in Hamburg. Vol. 6, Zoologische Aufzeichnungen Emin's und seine Briefe an Dr. G. Hartlaub, revised by H. Schübotz, appeared in 1921. On writings by and on Emin, see also Simpson, D. H., “A Bibliography of Emin Pasha,” Uganda Journal 24(1960), 138–65.Google Scholar

²⁶⁵ A journey that was called off after only a few days in August 1880 (Tagebücher, 2:103–09Google Scholar) and a longer one from October to December 1882 (ibid., 2:352-401, as well as Sammlung, 357-88).

²⁶⁶ Tagebücher, 2:415–500Google Scholar; Sammlung, 184-211, 439-52.

²⁶⁷ For instance, Evans-Pritchard, “Zande Cannibalism,” 144; idem., Azande, 96-97. In Lotar, “Souvenirs de l'Uele: Emin Pacha,” Congo 14/1(1933), 340, 347, there are only brief mentions of the Azande population. The route is shown in Junker's general map (Reise, 1:plate 9).

²⁶⁸ These were Wando and his sons, the sons of Gbudwe (all Yakpati's line), Mazinda (Bugwa's line) who ruled in the Amadi area in the bend of the Uele, and Bangoya and Bowili, son and grandson respectively of Kipa (Ndeni's line).

²⁶⁹ Emin also seems to have learned Kinyoro (Tagebücher, 2:353Google Scholar), and he had a good understanding of languages in general. He correctly described the division of the Bari-speaking groups of the Bahr al-Jabal region, for example: ibid., 2:384; Sammlung, 368.

²⁷⁰ Tagebücher, 2:378, 384Google Scholar; Sammlung, 375-76; cf. Ivanov, Vorkoloniale Geschichte, tables 32-36.

²⁷¹ Tagebücher, 2:449–51Google Scholar; Sammlung, 202-03, 206.

²⁷² Tagebücher, 2:445, 447-48, 452-57, 473Google Scholar; Sammlung, 188-89, 194, 208-11.

²⁷³ Tagebücher, 2:372-74, 381, 418–19Google Scholar; cf. de Schlippe, Pierre, Shifting Cultivation in Africa: The Zande System of Agriculture (London, 1956).Google Scholar

²⁷⁴ Tagebücher, 2:471–72Google Scholar; see also Sammlung, 448.

²⁷⁵ Keim, “Precolonial Mangbetu Rule,” 328, but also Junker, , Reisen, 3:141–42.Google Scholar

²⁷⁶ Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:465.Google Scholar

²⁷⁷ Junker, , Reisen, 2:297Google Scholar; 3:144; Casati, , Dieci anni, 1:110–12Google Scholar; Emin, , Sammlung, 200Google Scholar; Tagebücher, 2:449.Google Scholar See also Schildkrout, /Keim, , African Reflections, 35–36.Google Scholar

²⁷⁸ Casati, , Died anni, 1:85, 116, 172Google Scholar; Emin, , Sammlung, 211.Google Scholar

²⁷⁹ Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse, 35; Reisen, 2:331, 514.Google Scholar

²⁸⁰ Sammlung, 442.

²⁸¹ Casati's and Emin's descriptions of the Azande contrast strikingly with that of Schweinfurth: the Italian stressed (Casati, , Died anni, 1:182Google Scholar) their “docile and good character” as well as their openness and adaptability. Emin even wrote (Tagebücher, 2:422Google Scholar): “Their facial expression is peculiarly mild, and matches their language well, which is flowing and rich in vowels.” Junker still tried to include the notion of savagery in his description (Reisen, 1:296Google Scholar; 2:132-33, 288), but the relevant passages were inserted so clumsily and without any relation to the context that it is not hard to identify them as literary additions in the style of Schweinfurth.

²⁸² Ibid, 3:559.

²⁸³ For example ibid., 2:207-08, 353; 3:592.

²⁸⁴ Ibid., 3:2; Casati, , Died anni, 1:176.Google Scholar

²⁸⁵ Reisen, 2:369.Google Scholar

²⁸⁶ Ibid., 2:142-43, 248, 295, 362, 369-70; 3:4, 157, 220, 292, 295; Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse, 31-32.

²⁸⁷ Junker, , Reisen, 2:297Google Scholar; cf. Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 338.Google Scholar

²⁸⁸ Reise, 2:237, 297, 316.Google Scholar On some other cannibalism passages in which Junker openly followed Schweinfurth see ibid., 1:285, 374; 2:205.

²⁸⁹ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 410Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 2:461Google Scholar; 3:187, 313; Emin, , Sammlung, 190–91.Google Scholar

²⁹⁰ Junker, , Reisen, 2:237Google Scholar; Casati, , Died anni, 1:157, 174.Google Scholar

²⁹¹ “Zande Cannibalism,” 141-44; apart from the passages mentioned here see Junker, , Reisen, 2:316-17, 473, 491, 540Google Scholar; Casati, , Died anni, 1:75, 141, 150-51, 156, 183, 190, 216, 262.Google Scholar

²⁹² Reisen, 3:144Google Scholar, where he called Im Herzen von Afrika a “classic work.”

²⁹³ Reisen, 3:707Google Scholar; see also ibid., 2:5.

²⁹⁴ Hevesi, , Wilhelm Junker, 196–97.Google Scholar

²⁹⁵ See Sammlung, 439-52.

²⁹⁶ Ibid., 186-87, 442.

²⁹⁷ Ibid., 191; cf. Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 334.Google Scholar

²⁹⁸ Sammlung, 442; cf., for example, Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 86, 106, 136.Google Scholar

²⁹⁹ In comparison, Tagebücher, 2:448–54Google Scholar; Sammlung, 190-91, 205-08.

³⁰⁰ Dieci anni, 1:156Google Scholar and earlier in a letter published in Esploratore 7(1883), 281.Google Scholar

³⁰¹ Reisen, 3:111.

³⁰² Baumann, Hermann, “Likundu. Die Sektion der Zauberkraft,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 60(1928), 74–85Google Scholar; Vansina, Jan, Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa (Madison, 1990), 97-98, 299.Google Scholar

³⁰³ Schildkrout, /Keim, , African Reflections, 177.Google Scholar

³⁰⁴ Evans-Pritchard, , Witchcraft, 40–49.Google Scholar

³⁰⁵ Dieci anni, 1:224.Google Scholar

³⁰⁶ “Zande Cannibalism,” 142-43.

³⁰⁷ Emin, , Sammlung, 364Google Scholar; Tagebücher, 2:377.Google Scholar Wando was really trying to expand his territory, which Emin put a stop to when he realized the prince's intentions, ibid., 412; cf. Ivanov, Vorkoloitiale Geschichte, 287n31.

³⁰⁸ Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:464Google Scholar; Sammlung, 447.

³⁰⁹ The activities of the traders from the Swahili coast, known in the region as “Wangwana,” mainly affected the Mangbetu/Matchaga and their southern neighbors and the southern Abandia, but only the borders of the Avungara territories.

³¹⁰ Im Herzen, 218, 248-49, 258-60, 278-79, 379-89, 395, 408-09, 413-14, 417-18, 440. Cf. also Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 300-01, 312-13, 395Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 218–19.Google Scholar

³¹¹ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 440-41, 446, 450–52.Google Scholar

³¹² Ibid., 440-41, 450-51. Cf. Gray, , History, 63–64Google Scholar; Thuriaux-Hennebert, , Zande, 36Google Scholar; Mire, , “Al-Zubayr,” 117.Google Scholar

³¹³ Azande, 310-14, and ibid., 290-93.

³¹⁴ Im Herzen (1874), 2:520Google Scholar, and map.

³¹⁵ Hutereau, , Histoire des peuplades, 194–95.Google Scholar

³¹⁶ If this reconstruction is correct, Ukwe must have already been dead at the time of Schweinfurth's journey, even if Schweinfurth did not mention this explicitly and recorded Ukwe's residence on his map.

³¹⁷ Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 283, 551, table 18.Google Scholar

³¹⁸ See, for instance, Mire, , “Al-Zubayr,” 116Google Scholar; Thuriaux-Hennebert, , Zande, 34–35Google Scholar; and Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 308, 322.Google Scholar

³¹⁹ Emin, , Sammlung, 440Google Scholar; cf. idem, Tagebücher, 2:432-40, 480-83; Casati, , Dieci anni, 1:76-77, 222-23, 242Google Scholar; and the maps in Junker, Reisen, 1:plates 7 and 9.

³²⁰ Calonne-Beaufaict, , Azande, 60, 63Google Scholar; Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 407Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 1:545.Google Scholar For an overview of the historical background see Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 261–65, table 19.Google Scholar

³²¹ Hutereau, , Histoire des peuplades, 313–14Google Scholar; Czekanowski, Jan, Forschungen im Nil-Kongo-Zwischengebiet, 2, Ethnographie Uele/Ituri/Nil-Länder (Leipzig, 1924), 514Google Scholar; Baxter, Paul T. W. and Butt, Audrey, The Azande and Related Peoples of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and Belgian Congo (London, 1953), 105.Google Scholar

³²² Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 504.Google Scholar

³²³ Thilo, Martin, Ez-Zibêr Rahmet Paschas Autobiographie: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sudan (Bonn, 1921), 16–21Google Scholar; for an overview see Dampierre, , Des ennemis, 48–50.Google Scholar

³²⁴ Junker, , Reisen, 2:143Google Scholar; 3:275-76, 280-81, and plate 5.

³²⁵ Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 436-51, 525–26.Google Scholar

³²⁶ Salmon, Especially Pierre, La reconnaissance Graziani chez les sultans du nord de l'Uele (1908) (Brussels, 1963)Google Scholar; for the pre-Mahdiyya period see Junker, , Reisen, 3:194-95, 352.Google Scholar

³²⁷ Gessi, , Sette anni, 382Google Scholar; Zaghi, , Riconquista, 468Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 2:129, 224, 526–28Google Scholar; 3:356; Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:377, 467, 471Google Scholar; Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 332–34Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 284–87, table 19.Google Scholar

³²⁸ For the Abandia from Ndunga's line see Dampierre, Des ennemis. We should possibly exclude from this statement the Abandia territories (not taken into account here) of the lines of Lezia and Kasanga, in which settlement by the traders was far advanced, but for whom we still have no adequate information. The destiny of the members of the third powerful ruling line of the Avungara, the descendants of Ndeni, was scarcely affected by the expansion of the traders, due to the marginal location of their principalities in the western Bomokandi area: cf. Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 113-14, 298, table 25.Google Scholar

³²⁹ On the Mahdiyya in the Bahr al-Ghazal cf. Collins, Robert O., The Southern Sudan, 1883-1898: A Struggle for Control (New Haven, 1962), 22–42Google Scholar; Gray, , History, 156–59Google Scholar; Holt, Peter M., The Mahdist State in the Sudan 1881-1898 (2nd rev. ed.: Oxford), 78–80.Google Scholar On the trade of the northern Abandia and Avungara princes with Wadai, Dar Fur, and Kordofan see de Mézières, M. A. Bonne, Rapport sur le Haut-Oubangui, le M'Bomou et le Bahr-el-Ghazal (Paris, 1901), 23, 90-92, 105–08Google Scholar; Henri Bobichon, , “Les peuplades de l'Oubangui-M'Bomou à l'époque des missions Liotard et Marchand (1891-1901),” Ethnographie ns23(1931), 152–53.Google Scholar

³³⁰ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 138Google Scholar; Evans-Pritchard, , “Bongo,” Sudan Notes and Records 12(1929), 4–5Google Scholar; Baxter, /Butt, , Azande, 130Google Scholar; Santandrea, , Tribal History, 132–35Google Scholar; Kronenberg, /Kronenberg, , Bongo, 3-6, 58-59, 78Google Scholar; Braukämper, Ulrich, Migration und ethnischer Wandel: Untersuchungen aus der östlichen Sudanzone (Stuttgart, 1992), 230.Google Scholar

³³¹ Cf. the discrepant information on the territory and thus the population size of the Bongo in Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 137–38.Google Scholar The explanation offered by the Kronenbergs is not acceptable. They suggest (Bongo, 3-7) that Schweinfurth did not distinguish the Bviri, who today live close by the Bongo, as an independent group and included them in his Bongo count. The Bviri moved close to the Bongo only during the colonial period, however, and Schweinfurth did not mention them because he did not travel through their former territory, which was south of his routes (cf. Santandrea, , Tribal History, 107–30Google Scholar).

³³² Cf. Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 332Google Scholar and Keim, , “Precolonial Mangbetu Rule,” 3.Google Scholar

³³³ Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 138.Google Scholar

³³⁴ Kronenberg, /Kronenberg, , Bongo, 58-60, 74-79, 86.Google Scholar

³³⁵ Cf. the list of Bongo clans in ibid., 75-78, and the names of the zara'ib given in Schweinfurth's itineraries (Im Herzen [1874], Appendix 2); see also Santandrea, Tribal History, 137-38.

³³⁶ It should also be remembered that in the time following Schweinfurth's journey groups of Bongo were increasingly integrated into the principalities of the Avungara princes Tembura and Gbudwe, situated in the Sue basin, where they lived scattered among the other groups of the Azande complex.

³³⁷ Cf. also Mire, , “Al-Zubayr,” 111–12.Google Scholar

³³⁸ Emin, , Tagebücher, 2:428, 433–35Google Scholar; cf. Hutereau, , Histoire des peuplades, 313–15Google Scholar; Czelcanowski, , Ethnographie, 493, 513Google Scholar; Baxter, /Butt, , Azande, 105, 113–14.Google Scholar

³³⁹ Junker, , Reisen, 3:268–80Google Scholar; de Ryhove, Charles de la Kéthulle, “Deux années de résidence chez le sultan Rafai: Voyage et exploration au nord du Mbomou,” Bulletin de la Société royale belge de géographie 19(1895), 424-26, 518-21, 526–27Google Scholar; Santandrea, , Tribal History, 201-04, 215-26, 258–61.Google Scholar See also Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 429-35, 488–93.Google Scholar

³⁴⁰ In Ringio's case it is insignificant that he was probably an Avungara; unlike the princes who were allied with the traders, he did not rule in accordance with traditional customs but clearly derived his power from his connections with the Khartoumers.

³⁴¹ Cf., for instance, Gray, , History, (writing in the 1960s)Google ScholarPubMed; as well as works by O'Fahey, and Cordell, Dar al-Kuti, and Ewald, Soldiers. See also Hasan, Y. F. and Ogot, B. A., “The Sudan, 1500-1800” in Unesco General History of Africa, 5 (Paris, 1992), 170–99.Google Scholar

³⁴² Heuglin, , Tinne'sche Expedition, 3Google Scholar; idem, Reise, 173; Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 93, 467Google Scholar; Zaghi, Riconquista, 269n310, 293; Junker, , Reisen, 3:205-06, 210Google Scholar; Lotar, L., “Souvenirs de l'Uele: les traitants nubiens,” Congo 15/1(1934), 10–11Google Scholar; Mire, , “Al-Zubayr,” 110–11.Google Scholar See Willis, John Ralph, “Ideology of Enslavement,” 1–15Google Scholar, on the role of the wukala in Islamic trade in Africa. In addition to relatives, slaves and clients (freed slaves integrated in the master's kinship group) often served as wukala, because the Muslim ideology of enslavement, according to which the formerly uncivilized slave was “formed” into the “alter ego” of his master, meant that their relations with the master were more likely to be based on mutual trust and loyalty.

³⁴³ Anonymous, “L'Expédition Vankerckhoven,” La Belgique coloniale 2(1896), 20Google Scholar; de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 22Google Scholar; Salmon, , Reconnaissance, 72-76, 79.Google Scholar De Calonne-Beaufaict wrote (Azande, 50) Hajj ^cAli's name in the Zande fashion as “Azali” and took him for a brother of Zemoi.

³⁴⁴ For an early example, see Junker, , Reisen, 2:383-84, 387Google Scholar; for the post-Mahdiyya period: de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 90Google Scholar; Salmon, Pierre, La dernière insurrection de Mopoie Bangezegino (1916) (Brussels, 1969), 17, 25, 27.Google Scholar Even at the court of the “Arab-hostile” Gbudwe, there was an “Arab” or Arabized southern Sudanese (Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 358Google Scholar). See the Arabic correspondence in Abel, Armand, “Traduction de documents arabes concernant le Bahr el Ghazal (1893-1894),” Bulletin des Séances de l'Académie royale des Sciences coloniales 25(1954), 1385–1409.Google Scholar

³⁴⁵ Kéthulle, La, “Deux années,” 426, 526.Google Scholar

³⁴⁶ Ibid., 527-28; Santandrea, , Tribal History, 141–89Google Scholar; idem, Ethno-Geography, 86-87; Ivanov, , Vorkotoiiiale Geschichte, 202–04Google Scholar; on the historical cliché of the “Wise Stranger” in the eastern Sudan, Holt, Peter M., “Funj Origins: A Critique and New Evidence,” JAH 4(1963), 51–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Fahey, , “Slavery,” 29–30.Google Scholar

³⁴⁷ Collins, Robert O., Shadows in the Grass: Britain in the Southern Sudan, 1918-1956 (New Haven, 1983), 178–95.Google Scholar Even in the present-day southern Sudanese civil war, the “Fartit,” including especially the Feroge and the Kresh, flank the Khartoum government in its struggle against the “southern Sudanese” SPLA (Sudan People's Liberation Army).

³⁴⁸ E.g., Van de Vliet, Clément, “L'exploration de l'Uelle: De Djabbir à Suruangu,” Congo Illustré 3(1894), 121-22, 134Google Scholar; la Kéthulle, “Deux années,” 414-20; de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 20Google Scholar; de Montrozier, Raymond Colrat, Deux ans chez les anthropophages et les sultans du centre africain (Paris, 1902), 126-29, 151.Google Scholar

³⁴⁹ Cf. the study of the relationship between trade and the spread of Islam in Africa by Levtzion, Nehemia, “Slavery and Islamization in Africa: A Comparative Study” in Willis, , Slaves and Slavery, 1:182–98.Google Scholar

³⁵⁰ Ibid., 187, 191.

³⁵¹ la Kéthulle “Deux années,” 406-07, 417-18, 540; de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 34Google Scholar; Geyer, Franz Xaver, Durch Sand, Sumpf und Wald. Missionsreisen in ZentralAfrika (Freiburg, 1914), 283Google Scholar; Salmon, , Reconnaissance Graziani, 53Google Scholar; idem, Dernière insurrection,” 16-17; von Wiese, Walther und Kaiserwaldau, , “Zum Nil heraus” in zu Mecklenburg, Adolf Friedrich Herzog, ed., Vom Kongo zum Niger und Nil (2 vols.: Leipzig, 1912), 1:267-68, 285Google Scholar; Chaltin in Lotar, L., La grande chronique de l'Uele (Brussels, 1946), 251.Google Scholar Information given by European observers (mostly colonial officers) on the question of whether the Avungara rulers were influenced by Islam is, however, problematical since there was a tendency, depending on political interests, to deny any Islamic influence in the case of friendly princes, and to exaggerate it in the case of hostile ones.

³⁵² Glassman, Jonathon, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856-1888 (Portsmouth, 1994), 134–35Google Scholar; Levtzion, , “Slavery and Islamization,” 189–93.Google Scholar

³⁵³ These interpretations can perhaps be applied to the—not legitimate—Chief Ringio, who observed the daily prayers (Junker, , Reisen, 2:543Google Scholar).

³⁵⁴ See also Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 34, 42–43, 289–90.Google Scholar

³⁵⁵ Cf. especially Collins, Southern Sudan; idem, King Leopold, England, and the Upper Nile, 1899-1909 (New Haven, 1968); idem, Land beyond the Rivers: The Southern Sudan, 1898-1918 (New Haven, 1971); L. Lotar, La grande chronique du Bomu (Brussels, 1940); idem, Grande chronique de l'Uele; Thuriaux-Hennebert, , Zande, 195–291Google Scholar; Michel, Marc, La mission Marchand, 1895-1899 (Paris, 1972).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a summary, see Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 144–77.Google Scholar

³⁵⁶ Cf. Lotar, , Grande chronique de l'Uele, 60–128, 141–49; 181–209Google Scholar; Collins, , Southern Sudan, 124–30.Google Scholar By the end of the Nile expedition Zemoi had lost more than 600 of his men (Michel, , Mission Marchand, 44Google Scholar).

³⁵⁷ Cf. especially Van de Vliet, , “L'exploration de l'Uelle: De Djabbir à Suruangu,” Congo Illustré 3(1894), 114–17, 121–25, 131–35, 140–43, 147–50, 164–67, 172–75Google Scholar; la Kéthulle, “Deux années,” and the notes of Van Kerckhoven, who died in the course of the expedition, but whose records are summarized in the anonymous article “L'expédition Vankerckhoven,” Belgique coloniale 2(1896), 18–20, 27–28, 35–36, 47–49, 59–60, 71–72Google Scholar; 3(1897), 2-4, 15-16, 27-28, 39-40, 51-52, 63-64, 86-88, 99-100, 111-12, 123-24, 134-36, 146-48. On the French occupation see the series of anonymous articles “Notre action dans le M'Bomou: La mission Liotard-Marchand,” “Dem-Ziber,” “De l'Oubangui au Nil: Les missions Liotard et Marchand,” “La mission Marchand,” “Dans le Bahr-el-Ghazal,” “L'occupation de Dem-Ziber,” Bulletin du Comité de l'Afrique française 8(1898), 3–5, 44–45, 102–03, 325–32, 363–67, 367–70.Google Scholar

³⁵⁸ For instance la Kéthulle, “Deux années;” Craffen, Enrico and Colombo, Edoardo, “Les Niam-Niam,” Revue Internationale de Sociologie 11(1906), 769–800Google Scholar; Nys, Fernand, Chez les Abarambo (Anvers, 1896).Google Scholar See also the work of Van Overbergh, C. and De Jonghe, E., eds., Les Mangbetu (Congo beige) (Brussels, 1909)Google Scholar, in which the ethnographic observations of the Congo State officers were collected and the Azande are taken into account. Probably the most complete source concerning the organization of the “sultanates” of the Mbomu in the early period of the colonial conquest is the Rapport sur le Haut-Oubangui, le M'Bomou et le Bahr-el-Ghazal by Bonnel de Mézières, the leader of a French commercial mission lasting about one year which explored the possibilities of economic exploitation of the region.

³⁵⁹ E.g., Burrows, Guy, The Land of the Pygmies (London, 1898).Google Scholar Burrows served in the Congo State as commander of the Makua and Rubi/Uele “zones.”

³⁶⁰ Laplume, and De Renette, in Van Overbergh, /De Jonghe, , Mangbetu, 56, 124–25, 425Google Scholar; Burrows, , Land of the Pygmies, 57–79.Google Scholar

³⁶¹ Ibid., 78; Craffen, /Colombo, , “Niam-Niam,” 784.Google Scholar

³⁶² Schweinfurth, , Im Herzen, 262, 298Google Scholar; Junker, , Reisen, 1:503Google Scholar; 2:132-33.

³⁶³ E.g., Milz in Van de Vliet, “Exploration de l'Uelle,” 134n1; la Kéthulle, , “Deux années,” 404, 419, 513, 541–42Google Scholar; “Expédition Vankerckhoven,” La Belgique coloniale 2(1896), 59Google Scholar; de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 21–23, 34–35, 99Google Scholar; and the remarks made by the first British officers who made contact with the friendly prince Tembura, in Gleichen, Edward, ed., The Anglo-Egyptian Sudan: A Compendium Prepared by Officers of the Sudan Government (2 vols.: London, 1905), 1:161.Google Scholar It is striking that more mixed opinions, and in the course of time even negative ones, were expressed with regard to the Abandia Bangasu, who collaborated, but always with an eye to his own independence, and that princes like Wando and his sons, who in their alliance with the colonial forces obviously only followed the aim of expanding their own conquests, tended rather to arouse mistrust and dislike: cf. Dampierre, , Ancien royaume, 459–60Google Scholar; “Expédition Vankerckhoven,” Belgique coloniale 3(1897), 87.Google Scholar

³⁶⁴ This policy was explicitly formulated only by Van Kerckhoven, , “Expédition Vankerckhoven,” La Belgique coloniale 3(1897), 99Google Scholar, and la Kéthulle, , quoted in Lotar, , Grande chronique du Bomu, 34.Google Scholar

³⁶⁵ See, among others, the French administrator Liotard in Michel, , Mission Marchand, 175Google Scholar; de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 16, 19, 22Google Scholar; Dampierre, , Ancien royaume, 466, 476Google Scholar; Salmon, , Reconnaissance Graziani, 76.Google Scholar The subject of weapons supplies was usually omitted in the writings of the officers of the Congo, so that relevant information is mostly found in French sources dating after the territories of the princes north of the Mbomu had been taken over by France. For a detailed discussion of the question (including weapons supplied by the French), see Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 153–54.Google Scholar

³⁶⁶ de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 16–20, 102–3Google Scholar; Dampierre, , Ancien royaume, 409, 463–72.Google Scholar

³⁶⁷ la Kéthulle, , “Deux années,” 426–28Google Scholar; de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 99Google Scholar; Santandrea, , Tribal History, 199–200, 204, 215–16, 226–27, 248–49, 252, 258–60, 269–70Google Scholar; Dampierre, , Ancien royaume, 104–05.Google Scholar

³⁶⁸ Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 156–57, 434–35, 449–50.Google Scholar Cf. Abel, “Traduction;” Santandrea, , Tribal History, 94–95, 100, 142, 149–51, 159–60.Google Scholar

³⁶⁹ “De l'Oubangui au Nil;” Santandrea, , Tribal History, 67–68, 91Google Scholar; Michel, , Mission Marchand, 163, 173–78, 185–86Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte und Expansion, 157–59, 450–51.Google Scholar

³⁷⁰ Thus Rafai's claim to have been granted control over the region of the middle/upper Chinko by the Turco-Egyptian administration (de Mézières, Bonnel, Rapport, 18–19Google Scholar) can be found in recent historical works (cf. Thuriaux-Hennebert, , Zande, 224Google Scholar), although this is clearly contradicted by Junker's precise information (Reisen, 3:256–80, and plate 5Google Scholar). See also the maps in Bonnel de Mézière, Rapport, and in Mecklenburg, , Vom Kongo zum Niger und Nil, 1Google Scholar, which were based on the territorial divisions of the French colonial administration and in which the size of the “sultanates” is patently exaggerated.

³⁷¹ Burrows, , Land of the Pygmies, 76.Google Scholar

³⁷² Craffen, /Colombo, , “Niam-Niam,” 784Google Scholar; Van Overbergh, /De Jonghe, , Mangbetu, 447–48, 529.Google Scholar The idea is also in Czekanowski, , Ethnographie, 188–89Google Scholar, and Thuriaux-Hennebert, , Zande, 217.Google Scholar

³⁷³ Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 22Google Scholar; Reining, Conrad C., The Zande Scheme: An Anthropological Case Study of Economic Development in Africa (Evanston, 1966), 7.Google Scholar

³⁷⁴ Hutereau, , Histoire des peuplades, 213–21Google Scholar; Keim, , “Precolonial Mangbetu Rule,” 283–88Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte,, 499–510, 664–65.Google Scholar

³⁷⁵ Salmon, , Reconnaissance Graziani, 42, 48–49, 62, 78–79, 83, 86–87, 89–90Google Scholar, who quoted unpublished reports by several officers, as well as the retrospective account by Bertrand, A., “La fin de la puissance Azande,” Bulletin de l'Institut royal colonial belge IRCB 14(1943), 268–69.Google Scholar

³⁷⁶ Zemoi had moved into French colonial territory shortly beforehand. Salmon, , Reconnaissance Graziani, 81, 86–107Google Scholar; idem, Dernière insurrection, 19-26.

³⁷⁷ Gleichen, , Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 1:278Google Scholar; Collins, , Land beyond the Rivers, 103–04, 115–16, 121–22, 163Google Scholar; Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 388–93.Google Scholar

³⁷⁸ Salmon, , Dernière insurrection, 28–37.Google Scholar

³⁷⁹ Ibid., 28-29; Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 394.Google Scholar

³⁸⁰ Reining, , Zande Scheme, 17Google Scholar; Collins, , Land beyond the Rivers, 126–27, 250Google Scholar; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 163–66.Google Scholar

³⁸¹ E.g., Salmon, Reconnaissance Graziani; idem., Dernière insurrection; and Collins, Land beyond the Rivers.

³⁸² Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 160–61, 176–77Google Scholar; Evans-Pritchard, , Azande, 394.Google Scholar

³⁸³ Ibid., 377-88; Ivanov, , Vorkoloniale Geschichte, 159Google Scholar, and sources cited there.

³⁸⁴ E.g., Alexander, Boyd, From the Niger to the Nile (2 vols.: London, 1907).Google Scholar The American Museum of Natural History financed an expedition into the Uele region led by the zoologists Herbert Lang and James P. Chapin (1909-15). The ethnographical material they collected has been analyzed by Schildkrout and Keim (African Reflections; cf. also Keim, “Western Discovery”).

³⁸⁵ zu Mecklenburg, Adolf Friedrich Herzog, Ins Innerste Afrika. Bericht über den Verlauf der deutschen wissenschaftlichen Zentral-Afrika-Expedition 1907-1908 (Leipzig, 1909).Google Scholar

³⁸⁶ “Vom Kongo zum Schari” and idem., “Zum Nil heraus” in Mecklenburg, , Vom Kongo 1:9–76, 235–44.Google Scholar

³⁸⁷ Schubotz, “Uele-Reise” in ibid., 2:1-92.

³⁸⁸ Notes sur la vie familiale et juridique de quelques populations du Congo belge (Brussels, 1909).Google Scholar