1. A previous version of this paper was presented at the American Historical Association meeting at San Francisco in December, 1989. I would like to thank the panel's participants and the audience for their comments. I am especially indebted to David Robinson, Harold Marcus, and David Newbury for their written comments at various stages of its preparation.

2. Heintze, Beatrix, “Written Sources, Oral Traditions and Oral Traditions as Written Sources: the Steep and Thorny Way to Early Angolan History,” Paideuma, 33 (1987), 267.Google Scholar

3. Heintze, ibid., 274-75.

4. Miller, Joseph, “The Dynamics of Oral Tradition in Africa,” in Bemardi, et al., eds., Fonti Orali (Milan, 1978), 75–101.Google Scholar

5. Miller defines oral tradition as “a narrative describing, or purporting to describe, eras before the time of the person who relates it.” “Listening for the African Past” in Miller, , ed., The African Past Speaks (Harlow, 1980), 2.Google Scholar

6. Miller's argument concerning the non-partisan nature of the narratives occurs in “Listening,” 21-22. The reference to verbal nuclei appears in “Dynamics,” 84.

7. Heintze, , “Written Sources,” 277.Google Scholar

8. David William Cohen advocates viewing all oral expressions as oral testimony. See his recent statement on this issue, “The Undefining of Oral Tradition,” Ethnohistory, 36 (1989), 9–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Soleillet, Paul, Voyage à Ségou, 1878-79, rédigé d'après les notes et journaux de voyage de Soleillet par Gabriel Gravier (Paris, 1887)Google Scholar; Piétri, Camille, Les Français au Niger (Paris, 1885).Google Scholar

10. Saint-Martin, , L'Empire toucouleur (Paris, 1970), 104–05.Google Scholar Amadu captured Habib and Mukhtar in early 1871, but Soleillet and Saint-Martin narrate a conflict into late 1872. The revolt receives treatment in French correspondence from the upper Senegal River valley posts of Bakel and Medine in the Archives Nationales du Sénégal (hereafter ANS) 15G109. Citations to the relevant letters occur in the notes below.

11. Oloruntimehin, B. O., The Segu Tukulor Empire (London, 1972), 178ff.Google Scholar

12. ANS 15G109: Medine, 25 January 1871, 12 March 1871 and 21 November 1871, Ct. Medine to the Governor. Oloruntimehin cites all three letters in Segu Tukulor Empire, 184n3, 185n1, 185n3.

13. The passage reads: “the imprisonment of two of his brothers since eight months.” Oloruntimehin, Segu Tukulor Empire, 185n3. He quotes from ANS 15G109: Medine, 21 November 1871, Ct. Medine to the Governor.

14. Not one document which Oloruntimehin uses to narrate Habib's actions after January 1871 corroborates his argument: the ANS 15G109 letter from 6 January 1872 mentions a challenge from Seydu Tal and not Habib; the ANS 15G109 letter from 26 March 1872 refers to Amadu's campaign against the Bamana of Gemukura and not to Habib's rebellion against Amadu Sheku.

15. The most insightful analysis of the Umarian jihad is Robinson, David, The Holy War of Umar Tal (Oxford, 1985).Google Scholar

16. “Tukulor” is a colloquial term for the Futanke. Nineteenth-century French officials first used the term “Tukulor Empire.” The major synthetic histories of West Africa follow the French usage as illustrated by the works of Saint-Martin and Oloruntimehin.

17. Sékéné-Mody Cissoko provides a very useful overview of Kartan history under Bamana rule in Contribution à l'histoire politique du Khasso dans le Haut-Sénégal des origines à 1854 (Paris, 1986).Google Scholar See also Monteil, Charles, Les Bambara de Ségou et du Kaarta (Paris, 1924), 4–5.Google Scholar The Umarian era is discussed in Hanson, John, “Umarian Karta (Mali, West Africa): Dissent and Revolt Among the Futanke After Umar Tal's Holy War, 1855-1891,” Ph.D., Michigan State University, 1989.Google Scholar

18. For an Arabic document discussing aspects of the Umarian consolidation in Karta, see Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris, Manuscrits Orientaux, Fonds Arabes (hereafter BNP.MO.FA.) 5361, ff. 10-11.

19. See, for one aspect of the consolidation, Hanson, John, “Generational Cleavages in the Umarian Movement After the Jihad: Perspectives From the Futanke Grain Trade at Medine,” JAH, 31 (1990), 199–215.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. Roberts, Richard, Warriors, Merchants, and Slaves (Stanford, 1987).Google Scholar

21. Few studies focus singularly on Amadu Sheku (or Ahmad al-Kabir as he is known in the Arabic documents of the late nineteenth century). A forthcoming anthology of Arabic materials related to his reign will contribute to an understanding of Amadu's role in the political history of the late nineteenth century. Hanson, John and Robinson, David, After the Jihad: The Reign of Ahmad al-Kabir in the Western Sudan (East Lansing, forthcoming).Google Scholar

22. For additional details, see Hanson, “Umarian Karta.”

23. For a discussion of Amadu's activities in Karta see ibid.

24. Muntaga decided to commit suicide instead of submitting to Amadu Sheku. For a history of the second revolt see ibid.

25. Kanya-Forstner, A. S., The Conquest of the Western Sudan (Cambridge, 1969).Google Scholar

26. Barrows, Leland, “The Merchants and General Faidherbe. Aspects of French Expansion in Senegal in the 1850s,” Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 61 (1974).CrossRefGoogle Scholar Robinson provides an assessment of the French impact on the Umarian movement in Holy War, 236-83.

27. ANS 1G46; Soleillet, Paul, “Récent voyage de M. Soleillet en Afrique,” Bulletin de la Société Languedocienne de Géographie, 2 (1879).Google Scholar

28. Ibid., 283.

29. Soleillet, , Voyage, 175.Google Scholar Alpha Sega, an employee of the French post at Bakel, initially accompanied Soleillet as his interpreter, but did not continue with him past Konyakary. ANS 1G46: Konyakary, 4 July 1878, Soleillet to the Governor.

30. Cerno Boghard, Suleyman, and Samba Tambo performed these duties on various legs of the eastbound journey to Segu, and Samba Njay traveled with Soleillet for portions of the westbound journey.

31. See for Njay's early career, Robinson, Holy War, 260-61.

32. Soleillet's writings reflect Soyer's concerns by referring periodically to Futanke migration and the military threat posed to the French by Umarian armies. Soyer's reports on the Futanke migration to Nioro alarmed the Governor of Senegal. Archives Nationale de la France, Section Outre-Mer (hereafter ANF.SOM) SEN.I 61c: Saint-Louis, 5 June 1878.

33. Soleillet, , “Récent voyage,” 303–04.Google Scholar

34. Soleillet wrote that Daye, Amadu Sheku's brother who was injured during the revolt, told him during his brief residence at Dialla about a “war” between Amadu and “two brothers.” At the time Soleillet sent the letter, he did not know the names of the two brothers (he left blank spaces where he had hoped to fill in the missing names). ANS 1G46: Segu-Sikoro, 15 October 1878, Soleillet to the Governor.

35. While this scene simply may have reflected a desire not to air dirty political linen in front of a guest, it also may suggest that the Umarian community had resolved not to discuss the revolts publicly as early as the late 1870s. Soleillet, Voyage, 206.

36. Saidu was from the scholarly lineage of the Cerno Wocce of Hayre in Futa Toro. Robinson, Holy War, 280n82.

37. Most of Saidu Jeliya's Arabic correspondence is in ANS.

38. Saidu Jeliya was the author of an Arabic document chronicling Amadu Sheku's victory over the Bamana of Gemukura, a military action taken during his Kartan residence. See, for a translation, After the Jihad. Saidu Jeliya also composed an oral account of Amadu's victory over the supporters of Mamadu Lamine in the late 1880s. For a European-mediated account of that narrative, see Blanc, Emile, “Contribution à l'étude des populations et de l'histoire du Sahel soudanais,” Bulletin du Comité d'Études Historiques et Scientifiques de l'Afrique Occidentale Française (1924), 259–314.Google Scholar

39. Ibid.

40. Gravier's account, for example, notes that Mukhtar distributed booty to his Konyakary supporters, information which Amadu's agents probably would not have provided. In addition to the information from Daye and other informants from Dialla, Soleillet mentions meeting at Segu the former military leaders of Nioro and Konyakary, whom Amadu Sheku replaced in the 1870s (Mustafa Keita and Samba Mody, respectively). These former leaders may have provided Soleillet with information. Soleillet, , Voyage, 365–67.Google Scholar

41. The French officials, too, were not well informed of events.

42. Gallieni, Joseph S., Voyage au Soudan français. Haut-Niger et pays de Ségou, 1879-81 (Paris, 1885).Google Scholar Saint-Martin describes the Gallieni mission in L'Empire toucouleur et la France (Paris, 1967), 225ff.Google Scholar

43. He may have seen the materials which Soleillet submitted to the French Governor at Saint-Louis, but his writing shows no obvious signs of such an influence.

44. Piétri, , Français, 101.Google Scholar

45. Ibid.

46. Several Africans accompanied the Gallieni mission. Alpha Sega served as one of its principal interpreters. He clearly exerted considerable influence over the information presented to the Gallieni mission, but very little data exists to evaluate what form it took. For a discussion of this topic based on a more extensive data base, see Fisher, Allan G. B. and Fisher, Humphrey, “Nachtiga's companions,” Paideuma, 33 (1987), 231–62.Google Scholar

47. ANS 1G50: Nango, 7 July 1880, Gallieni to the Governor of Senegal.

48. Saidu Jeliya, in fact, may have been Piétri's primary informant.

49. Dingiray is located in the upper Senegal valley and was one of the first Umarian garrisons where most of Umar's wives and sons lived. Habib reportedly was the leader at Dingiray, and used it as a base to launch Mukhtar's foray into Karta.

50. ANS 1D68: Bamako, 11 February and 14 February 1883, Ct. Sup. to the Governor; and ANF.SOM SEN.IV 77a: “Rapport sur la campagne, 1882-83,” (the relevant discussion appears in the section marked “Instructions”).

51. ANS 13G214: Medine, 21 January 1870, Ct. Medine to Ct. Bakel.

52. de Loppinot, A., “Souvenirs d'Aguibou,” Bulletin du Comité d'Études Historiques et Scientifiques de l'Afrique Occidentale Française (1919), 24–61.Google Scholar

53. Robinson, , Holy War, 27–30.Google Scholar

54. There is, though, a possibility of feedback from Gravier's account.

55. In particular, he notes that the Futanke of Kingi wanted Amadu to put Agibu in power at Nioro.

56. Alfa Umar Kaba Jakhite joined the Umarian movement during the jihad and established a household in Karta where his sons served as advisors to Umarian political leaders at Nioro. Dramé, Tiébilé, “Alfa Umar Kaba Jakhite, fondateur de Kabala, marabout et conseiller de Siixumara Tal (al-Hajj Umar),” Islam et Sociétés au Sud du Sahara, 2 (1988), 114–21.Google Scholar

57. Delafosse, M., trans, and ed., “Traditions historiques et légendaires du Soudan occidental,” Renseignements Coloniaux (1913), 355–68.Google Scholar

58. Adam, M. G., Légendes historiques du pays du Nioro (Sahel) (Paris, 1904).Google Scholar

59. Adam discusses at some length Amadu's resolution of a conflict between the Futanke of Kingi and two Umarian leaders, Mustafa Keita and his advisor, Buyagi Kaba Jakite. The Futanke of Kingi reportedly accused Mustafa of depleting the state treasury and distributing it to his associates, but Amadu Sheku determined that the accusation was false. A member of the Kaba Jakite family certainly was the source of information for this discussion.

60. Oudiary Makan Dantioko, Abdoul Aziz Diallo, and David Robinson conducted interviews with informatns during the 1970s. These three scholars graciously shared either transcripts or copies of their tapes with me. Diallo discusses his oral interviewing in “Notes relatives à une mission affectuée à Nyoro du 7 mai au juin 1979,” Études maliennes (2/1979), 17-24. Robinson discusses his oral materials in Holy War. I conducted several interviews with Futanke informatns from western Mali in 1985 and 1986, and discuss the testimony in “Umarian Karta.”

61. Most Futanke informants whom I interviewed in western Mali recounted the tradition of Muntaga's appointment by Shaykh Umar at the end of their narrative of Umar Tal's holy war, and then reminded me of the assertion when I asked specific questions about Muntaga's appoitment. Soninke informants also repeat the statement of Muntaga's appointment by Shaykh Umar. See, for example, Hanson's session with Bakary Diagouraga at Nioro-du-Sahel on 25 January, 1986 and Oudiary Makan Dantioko's interview with Djammé Tounkara et Sadio Sakhone at Balle, Mali in June 1980.

62. Soleillet, , Voyage, 379–80.Google Scholar An Arabic document celebrating Umar's installation of Amadu is translated in Robinson, , “‘The Chronicle of Succession,’ an Important Document for the Umarian state,” JAH, 31 (1990), 245–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

63. The most widely distributed Arabic chronicle is an anonymous account of the jihad. For a discussion of the document, see Hanson, , “Historical Writing in Nineteenth Century Segu: A Critical Analysis of an Anonymous Arabic Chronicle,” HA, 12 (1985), 101–15.Google Scholar Translations from this chronicle appear in After the Jihad.

64. Agibu is another source for a similar argument that Shaykh Umar appointed several other sons besides Amadu Sheku to leaderhsip positions. His statement appears in ANS 15G131: Bandiagara, 1 April 1894.

65. The cliché had gained popular acceptance by 1890. Archives Nationales du Mali, 1 D 108, Konyakary, 10 October 1890. “Diombokho et itinéraires sur Nioro.”

66. ANS 13G171: Bakel, 28 February and 30 May 1871, Ct. Bakel to the Governor.

67. For Muntaga's reign in Nioro see Hanson, “Umarian Karta.” Abdoul Aziz Diallo has published a reconstruction of the second revolt based on his oral testimony in “Le siège de Nyoro et la mort de Muntaga Tall,” Études maliennes (3/1979), 4–16.Google Scholar

68. See, for a discussion of oral testimony concerning the second revolt, Hanson, “Umarian Karta.”

69. The only possible borrowing from- the narratives of the first revolt are indictments of Amadu Sheku as an uncharitable older brother, accusations which pepper the narratives of the second revolt as well as the accounts of the first revolt by Gravier and Agibu. These references function descriptively and most certainly are not a cliché transmitted from one narrative to another.

70. For a discussion of Cerno Hadi and his influence on the oral historiography of western Mali see Hanson, “Umarian Karta.”

71. Members of the Tal family may still recount the history of the first revolt among themselves. Robinson heard an oblique reference to the first revolt during a session with Bougouboly Alfa Makki Tall at Bandiagara in August 1976. Robinson includes a translation of an Arabic chronicle of Amadu Sheku's emigration as an appendix in his “The Umarian Emigration in the Late Nineteenth Century,” IJAHS, 20 (1987), 245–70.Google Scholar