¹ Bandettini, Pierfrancesco, ‘The Employment of Women in Italy, 1881–1951’, Comparative Studies in Society and History (1959), ii, 369–74.Google Scholar On the general problem of the declining role of women in the work force, seeArcibugi, Franco, ‘Recent Trends in Women's Work in Italy’, International Labor Review, LXXXI (04 1960), 285–318,Google Scholar andFornaciari, Livia, ‘Osservazioni sull'andamento del lavoro femminile in Italia negli ultimi cinquant'anni’, Rivista internazionale di scienze sociali, serie 3, lxiv (01–02 1956), 222–40.Google Scholar In 1881 there were 370 women for every 100 men in the textile industry and 206 for every 100 in the garment industry. For other industries it was reversed, 22 women per 100 men (Federici, Nora, ‘L'inserimento della donna nel mondo del lavoro’, in L'emancipazione femminile in Italia: un secolo di discussioni, 1861–1961. Atti del convegno organizzato dal Comitato di Associazioni femminili per la parità di ritribuzione (Florence, 1963), pp. 93–4, hereafter cited as Atti.Google Scholar

² Arcibugi, , ‘Recent trends’, p. 263.Google Scholar

³ Bortolotti, Franca Pieroni, Alle origini del movimento femminile in Italia, 1848–1892 (Turin, 1963)Google Scholar is the fundamental work on the early women's movement. See also Garin, E., ‘La questione femminile (Cento anni di discussione)’, Belfagor (1962), 18–41.Google Scholar

⁴ For the development of the women's movement shortly before World War I, see Bortolotti, Franco, ‘Femminismo e socialismo dal 1900 al primo dopoguerra’, Critica storica, viii (1969), 27.Google Scholar For Catholic women, see Biase, Paola Giaotti De, Le origini del movimento cattolico femminile (Brescia, 1963).Google Scholar

⁵ Before World War I in a significant decision the request of Lydia Poët to practise law was denied.

⁶ Battaglini, Eloisa, ‘La donna e il lavoro’, in Romano, Lyceum, La donna e il suo nuovo commino (Rome, 1919), p. 80.Google Scholar

⁷ Manfredini, Maria Giuseppina, ‘L'evoluzione della condizione giuridica della donna nel diritto pubblico’, Atti, p. 182.Google Scholar

⁸ Bortolotti, , ‘Femminismo e socialismo’, p. 55,Google Scholar and Borbrero, Cesare, ‘La donna nella vita politica’, Almanacco della donna italiana 1922 (Florence, 1921), p. 45.Google Scholar

⁹ Manfredini, , ‘L'evoluzione della condizione giuridica’, Atti, p. 183.Google Scholar

¹⁰ L. Casartelli-Cabrini's estimates of the impact of the postwar demobilization on working women are in Almanacco della donna italiana 1920 (Florence, 1919), p. 134.Google Scholar

¹¹ Casartelli-Cabrini, L., ‘La donna lavoratrice’, Almanacco della donna 1921 (Florence, 1920), pp. 112–13.Google Scholar Some of the female emigration was accounted for by women joining their husbands.

¹² See Zampetti, Anita Dobelli, ‘Casciano via le donne!’, Il cimento, 6 July 1919,Google Scholar and Casartelli-Cabrini, , ‘Rassegna del movimento femminile’, Almanacco delta donna italiana 1923, pp. 205–7.Google Scholar Simona Martini in the Socialist Difesa delle lavoratrici contended that the excess of women over men in the population made it vital for women to work but they would never win their rights unless they confronted men with superior political consciousness and force. See ‘Emancipazione femminile’, Difesa delle lavoratrici, 23 Sept. 1922.Google Scholar

¹³ Bortolotti, , ‘Femminismo e socialismo’, pp. 46–8.Google Scholar

¹⁴ ‘Proseguire’, Difesa delle lavoratrici, 2 Jan. 1921.Google Scholar

¹⁵ See, for example, ‘II nostro convegno’, ibid. 15 Oct. 1921.

¹⁶ Casartelli-Cabrini, , ‘Rassegna del movimento femminile’, Almanacco della donna 1923, p. 177.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Spalletti, Gabriella, ‘Ilpericolo della società nuova’, Attività femminilesociale, June 1922.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Lombardo, Ester, ‘Da una legislatura all'altra’, La donna nei campi, 15 Oct. 1919.Google Scholar

¹⁹ ‘Il nostro programma’, Il cimento, 21 Sept. 1919;Google Scholar Anita Dobelli, ‘Organizzazione e scioperi’, ibid. 27 Apr. 1919; V. Battistelli, ‘Al bivio’, ibid. 22 June 1919. For the paper's internationalism, see Anita Dobelli, ‘Lega internazionale femminile per la pace permanente’, ibid. 4 May 1919.

²⁰ ‘A voi lettrici’, La donna nei campi, 20 Feb. 1919; ‘Un apostolato necessario’, ibid. 20 May 1919; Adelaide Pintor Dore, ‘Linee di propaganda agraria’, ibid. 1 Oct. 1919; ‘Alle donne della campagna’, ibid. 1 Sept. 1919; E. Lombardo, ‘Contro il giuoco della violenza’, ibid. 15 Dec. 1919.

²¹ ’donne, Alle’, Vocenuova, 19 July 1919;Google ScholarBenedettini, Paola, ‘Sempre intema discioperi’, Giornale della donna, 17 jan. 1920;Google Scholar ‘Alle donne chenonhannoscioperato’, ibid. 31 Jan. 1920.

²² ‘Fascismo femminile romano prima della marcia su Roma’, La donna fascista, 1 Feb. 1937.Google Scholar

²³ Felice, Renzo De (ed.), La carta del Carnaro net testi di Alceste De Ambria e di Gabriele D'Annunzio (Bologna, 1973), p. 43.Google Scholar The fact that a rightist movement opted for the vote was hailed by the conservative Donna nei campi, ‘Lo statuto della Reggenza del Carnaro’, 1 Sept. 1920.

²⁴ Felice, Renzo De, Mussolini il rivoluzionario (Turin, 1965), pp. 738–9.Google Scholar For the debate between futurists and feminists, see Settimelli, E., ‘Il futurismo e la donna’, Roma futurista, 30 Sept. 1918;Google Scholar ‘Le donne e il futurismo’, ibid. 1 Feb. 1919; Ella Norchi and Mario Scaparro, ‘Il voto alia donna’, ibid. 30 Mar. 1919. The Futurist position rejected the traditional position of woman but did not really move toward equality between the sexes, see F. T. Marinetti, ’Contro il matrimonio’, ibid. 20 May 1919.

²⁵ Felice, De, Mussolini il rivoluzionario, p. 744.Google Scholar

²⁶ Felice, R. De, Mussolini il fascista: La conquista del potere 1921–1925 (Turin, 1966), pp. 756–63.Google Scholar

²⁷ Casartelli-Cabrini, L., ‘Rassegna del movimento femminile’, Almanacco della donna italiana 1924 (Florence, 1923), p. 259.Google Scholar

²⁸ Ibid. pp. 253–4; ‘Il CNDI a Benito Mussolini’, Attivita femminile sociale, Nov. 1922; ‘Restaurazione’, Gionale della donna, 15 Nov. 1922.Google Scholar

²⁹ ‘La donna e il voto’, Giomale della donna, 1 Dec. 1922;Google Scholar E. Lambrecht–Vitali, ‘Una parola franca’, ibid. 16 Dec. 1922.

³⁰ Mussolini, B., ‘Le elezioni e la riforma elettorale’, 9 Nov. 1922,Google Scholar in Mussolini, Benito, Opera omnia di Benito Mussolini, E., and Susmel, D. (eds.), vol. xix, Dalla marcia su Roma al viaggio negli Abruzzi, 37 Ottobre 1922–22 Agosto 1923 (Florence, 1956), p. 9.Google Scholar

³¹ ‘Al congresso delPAlleanza internazionale pro suffragio femminile’, in ibid. pp. 215–16.

³² ‘Al congresso femminile delleTreVenezie’ 1 June 1923, in Mussolini, B., Scritti e discorsi di Benito Mussolini (Milan, 1934), iii, 109.Google Scholar A leading Fascist woman gave her version of the promises. See Rizzioli's, Elisa Majer profile in Italianissima, i (07–08 1924), 104–7.Google Scholar See also Cabrini, L. Casartelli, ‘Rassegna del movimento femminile’, Almanacco della donna italiana 1925 (Florence, 1924), p. 218.Google Scholar

³³ Casartelli-Cabrini, , ‘Rassegna del movimento femminile’, Almanacco della donna 1924, pp. 277–80.Google Scholar

³⁴ Ibid. p. 275.

³⁵ ‘Consiglio nazionale delle Donne italiane: resconto del comitato centrale, 11 November 1922’, Attività femminile sociale, Jan. 1923.Google Scholar

³⁶ B.C., ‘Coeducazione ed educazione professionale’, ibid. 15 Sept. 1924.

³⁷ ‘CNDI: Assemblea generale’, ibid. Oct. 1923.

³⁸ The demand for the vote had broad support among conservative women. See Labriola, Teresa, ‘La donna e la patria’, La donna italiana, i (1 04 1924), 263–7;Google Scholar Lucia Castagna Reggiani, ‘Iniziamo una propaganda di preparazione al voto’, ibid. 1 (Sept. 1924), 624–5; Robilant, Contessa di, ‘In attesa di giustizia’, Attività femminile sociale, 15–31 Mar. 1924;Google ScholarPrini, Orazia Belsito, ‘Il mancato votoelettivoalledonne italiane’, Italianissima, ii (Feb. 1925), 33–4.Google Scholar On 15 Nov. 1924, during the crisis over the murder of Giacomo Matteotti, a delegation of women won a promise that Mussolini would submit a law for the vote in 1925 but Mussolini was unwilling to agree to the same requirements for both men and women (‘Il voto amministrativo alle donne’, Attività femminile sociale, 14 Nov. 1924).Google Scholar

³⁹ Mussolini, , ‘La donna e il voto’, 15 May 1925, in Scritti e discorsi di Benito Mussolini, v, 60–2.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Margherita Sarfatti, ‘Il suffragio amministrativo femminile: prima e adesso’, and Faberi, S., ‘Il diritto della donna all'elettorato’, Gerarchia, iv (May 1925), 290–4.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Robilant, D. Di, ‘Conquiste femminili’, Attività femminile sociale, 1–15 Feb. 1926;Google Scholar‘Disfattismo’, Giornale della donna, 1–31 Aug. 1925;Google ScholarBenedettini, P., ‘Podesta e consulte’, La chiosa, 2 Sept. 1926.Google Scholar

⁴² Curcio, Carlo, ‘Il votoalledonne’, Costruire, Jan. 1928;Google Scholar for a later suggestion that women vote, if they were heads of families, ‘Situazione della donna nello stato corporativa’, cantiere, 13 Oct. 1934.Google Scholar

⁴³ Lombardo, Ester, ‘Rassegna del movimento femminile’, Almanacco della donna italiana 1926 (Florence, 1925), p. 212.Google Scholar A casualty of the total Fascist dictatorship was the annual review of the women's movement by the intelligent reformist socialist Laura Casartelli-Cabrini.

⁴⁴ Sacchi, B., ‘Femminismo e fascismo’, La chiosa, 29 July 1926.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ R. Campanini, ‘Femminismo latino’, ibid. 9 Sept. 1926; ‘Schermaglie polemiche’, ibid. 4 Nov. 1926; P. Benedettini, ‘Il nostro femminismo’, ibid. Jan. 1927.

⁴⁶ Loschi, M. A., ‘In difesa del lavoro femminile’, Attività femminile sociale, Nov. 1926;Google Scholar ‘Le donne nei recenti concorsi’, ibid. Dec. 1926.

⁴⁷ Drago, Lianna, ‘La donna nell'insegnamento’, La chiosa, 20 Jan. 1927.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Lisistrata, ‘La donna, il fascismo, e S.E. Turati’, ibid. 17 Feb. 1927.

⁴⁹ ‘Ubi arcano’, in Husslein, Joseph (ed.), Social Wellsprings: Eighteen Encyclicals of Social Reconstruction by Pope Pius XI (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 1942), ii, 8.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ ‘Casti connubi’, ibid. pp. 150–1.

⁵¹ Mussolini, , ‘La razza bianca muore’, Opera omnia, xxvi, 312–14.Google Scholar See also Fabbri, S., ‘Politica demografica del regime’, Gerarchia, xiii (12 1933), 977–82.Google Scholar

⁵² ‘Critica Fascista’, ‘La donna madre del fascismo’, Critica fascista, 1 June 1931;Google ScholarMussolini, , ‘Matrimoni giovani’, Opera omnia, xxvi, 332.Google Scholar

⁵³ Lucidi, Giuseppe, ‘Costituzione e natalita’, Difesa della razza, 5 Mar. 1939.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ The number of the Difesa della razza for 20 Dec. 1938 was entirely devoted to women and their role in racial policy; see also F. Loffredo, ‘La politica della famiglia e della razza’, ibid. 20 Nov. 1939.

⁵⁵ Mussolini, , ‘Macchina e donna’, Opera omnia, xxvi, 311.Google Scholar See also Pompei, Manilio, ‘Donne e culle’, Critica fascista, 15 Mar. 1930.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ M. Pompei, ‘La famiglia e il fascismo: un'inchiesta da fare’, ibid. 1 May 1933;’ L'autorita dell'uomo’, ibid. 15 May 1933; Contri, G., ‘Famiglia stato civilta’, L’assalto, 18 Feb. 1928.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Pende, N., ‘Maternità estetica e saluta femminile’, Maternità ed infanzia, Dec. 1934.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ On the legislation against birth control, see Fraddosio, O., ‘Il nucleo familiare in funzione della politica razzista’, Maternità ed infanzia, Mar.–Apr. 1939.Google Scholar The legislation against family planning should be set against the statistics on abortion. In 1933 65,000 abortions were officially recorded, although the unofficial estimate ran as high as 150,000. In 1938 and 1939 there were 90,262 and 91,556 abortions but again the real figure would be higher. It is unclear how many of these abortions were voluntary (‘Aborti, sterilità e sport femminile’, Maternità ed infanzia, Jan.–Feb. 1936;Google Scholar F. Buonanno La Rossa, ‘Cause e frequenze degli aborti’, ibid. Sept.–Oct. 1941.

⁵⁹ Manfredini, , ‘Evoluzione della condizione giuridica della donna nel diritto pubblico’, Atti, p. 184.Google Scholar An intersyndical accord of 11 Oct. 1934 called for the substitution of women wherever possible, even in traditional female positions (Rodano, Maria C., ‘L'occupazione dal 1900 a oggi’, Rinascita, xviii (03 1961), 175.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See, for example, Diez, Maria, ‘Le migliori professioni per la donna fascista’, Giornale della donna, 15 Mar. 1933;Google Scholar M. Pignatori, ‘Il PNF e la donna’, ibid. 15 Dec. 1933; Labriola, T., ‘Per la riforma della cultura’, La donna italiana, x (07–08 1933), 386.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Fabbri, S., ‘Il problema dei problemi’, Maternità ed infanzia, Mar. 1937;Google ScholarGast-einer, E., ‘Un pericolo per la razza: la decadenza dei ceti superiori’, Difesa delta razza, 20 Aug. 1938.Google Scholar The responsibility of the male was noted by Maria Albini in the radical Fascist cantiere. She argued that the bourgeois family could never be a positive force like a peasant family because it was not a productive unit (‘La donna di fronte alio stato e alia maternità’, Cantiere, 28 Apr. 1934).Google Scholar

⁶² Alessandri, C., ‘Punto di partenza; la nuzialità’, Maternità ed infanzia, June 1934;Google Scholar‘Donne ed uomini: curiosità statistiche’, Almanacco delta donna italiana 1933 (Florence, 1932), p. 107.Google Scholar

⁶³ Bandettini, , ‘The Employment of Women in Italy’, p. 371.Google Scholar Professor N. Federici calculated that the percentage of women in the work force declined from 26–9% in 1921 to 24·2%in 1931 to24%in 1936 (‘L'inserimento della donna nelmondo del lavoro’, Atti, p. 96.Google Scholar Even though there was a decline in some categories, there were over five million women working in offices and factories in 1936. Of the over 1·3 million women working in industry 300,000 were under 18 years (‘Il lavoro delledonne’, Maternità ed infanzia, Mar. 1936).Google Scholar As of 1936 there was one woman for every three men in industry and one for every eight males in public administration (Castellani, Maria, ‘Le donne professionisti e le laureate ausiliarie civili’, Almanacco annuario della donna 1936, p. 52).Google Scholar On the decline of women involved in agriculture, see Istituto centrale di Statisticadel Regno d'ltalia (ISTAT), VII censimento della popoplazione, 21 aprile 1931 (Rome, 1935), vol. iv, Relazione generale, pp. 104–6.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ ISTAT, VII censimento, iv, 124–5;Google ScholarDonelli, Delfina and Fenoglio, Lucia, ‘Sviluppi delle attivita terziarie e nuove possibilità di occupazione della donna’, Società umanitaria, La preparazioneprofessionale della donna (Florence, 1959), p. 183;Google ScholarISTAT, VIII censimento generale della popolazione 1936 (Rome, 1939), iv, Professione, pt. 2, pp. 58–9.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Castellani, Maria, ‘Le donne professioniste e le laureate ausilarie civili’, Almanacco annuario della donna italiana 1936, p. 52.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ ISTAT, VII censimento, iv, 124–5.Google Scholar Women held the majority of all teaching positions as of the 1936 census, ISTAT, VIII censimento 1936, iv, pt. 2, p. 62.Google Scholar See also Donelli, and Fenoglio, , ‘Sviluppi delle attività terziarie’, p. 183;Google ScholarCastellani, , ‘Le donne professioniste e le laureate’, Almanacco annuario della donna italiana 1936, pp. 52 and 438–69, for professional register.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ For the legal profession, see VIII censimento 1936, iv, pt. 2, p. 118.Google Scholar An estimate on the number of practising lawyers was made by Riccio, Maria L., ‘Qualche parola sulle awocatesse’, Giornale della donna, 15 Apr. 1934.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Castellani, , ‘Le donne professioniste e le laureate’, p. 52.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ W.V.S., , ‘Donne bibliotecarie’, Almanacco annuario della donna italiana 1936, p. 109.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ La preparazione professionale della donna, p. 58.Google Scholar

⁷¹ ISTAT, Indagine sugli studenti iscritti nelle università e negli istituti superiori nell'anno academico 1937–32 (Rome, 1936), p. 2, table 1, and p. 17, table 8.Google Scholar

⁷² ‘Fasci femminili ed Opera nazionale Maternita ed infanzia’, Maternità ed infanzia, June 1932, and Clara Franceschini, ‘Donne fasciste ed ONMI’, ibid. May–Aug. 1941.

⁷³ The efforts to organize women at the beginning of the 1930s were noted in ‘Per lo sviluppo delle organizzazioni femminili’, Giornale delta donna, 1 June 1931;Google ScholarPascolato, M. P., ‘Fasci femminili’, Gerarchia, XII (02 1932), 115.Google Scholar Sylvia Pankhurst argued that the effort was merely one of strengthening the Fascist regime against the Catholic Church, ‘Women under fascism’, Hibbert Journal, xxxiv (01–04 1936), 221.Google Scholar In fact, the aims of the regime were fare more extensive and much effort went into organization as the figures for the growth of the various women's associations reveal. In 1935 there were 398,923 donne fasciste and 583, 832 in the following year. The massaie rurali in 1935 had 241,554 members and 571,663 in 1936. See Almanacco annuario della donna italiana 7936, p. 157 and the party census figures, given in the Giornale delta donna, 1–15 Aug. 1935, 5 Nov. 1937, 10 July 1939.

⁷⁴ Ottaviani, Ada Felici, ‘Massaie rurali’, Almanacco della donna 1936, pp. 311–15.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ ‘L'economia dei consumi in regime di sanzioni’, ibid. p. 374.

⁷⁶ Armani, Margherita, ‘Il fascismo e la donna’, Attività femminile sociale, Feb. 1928.Google Scholar The winner of the women’s littoriali of 1939 argued that women could be mothers, sisters and daughters but never competitors (Sborgi, Giuliana, ‘La donna nello Stato fascista’, Matemità ed infanzia, July–Oct. 1939).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ The issue of welfare is somewhat ambiguous. It was quite evident that the regime did not protect women for humanitarian reasons but rather to further the demographic aims of the state. Thus, measures taken to increase the birth rate had a direct impact on the position of women under welfare legislation. In December 1925 the Opera nazionale Matemità ed Infanzia was established to coordinate governmental efforts to needy mothers and children. This organization worked to create public health programs, distribute milk, care for small children and in general reduce infant mortality which was the real cause of a low birth rate. Italy continued to have one of the highest infant mortality rates in Europe, although there were dramatic gains:

Deaths in the first year against 1000 live births

See Fabbri, Sileno, ‘Valore di una celebrazione’, Matemità ed infanzia, Jan.–Feb. 1936Google Scholar and ‘Valori ideali e pratici del ONMI’, ibid. May 1936; ‘L'azione dell’ONMI nella lotta contro la mortalita infantile’, ibid. Jan.–Feb. 1940. For the official statement of the benefits for women in the corporative state, see ‘I quaderni delle corporazioni’, La donna operaria e lo stato fascista (Rome, 1928)Google Scholar and Giuiste, Federazione Italiana Donne, La donna e la famiglia nella kgislazione fascista (Naples, 1933).Google Scholar For the Fascist-feminist point of view, see ‘La donna nei sindacati fascisti’, Giornale della donna, 1 Feb. 1928;Google ScholarAlessandri, Gina, ‘Sindacalismoefemminismo’, La chiosa, 9 June 1927;Google Scholar G. Pighetti, ‘Sindacalismo e questione femminile’, ibid. 10 July 1926.

⁷⁸ Countess Di Robilant was moved to protest against extreme suggestions that women be banned from entry into schools and that they be paid only by piece work (in the rare cases that they would be employed). See Marzio, Ernesto Di, ‘Il lavoro e la donna’, Matemità ed infanzia, Jan.–Feb. 1936Google Scholar and the response of D. Di Robilant, ‘Il lavoro e la donna’, ibid. May 1936.

⁷⁹ Bagliolo, Letizia, ‘Lavoro per le donne’, Giornale delta donna, 15 June 1934.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Lucilla Arciello, ‘Vita universitaria’, ibid. 15 Dec. 1933.

⁸¹ ‘Demografica e femminismo’, ibid. 1 Apr. 1930.

⁸² Gorjoux, W., ‘II lavoro e il compito della donna nella società fascista’, Donna italiana, XI (02 1934), 66–7.Google Scholar

⁸³ Valente, Clara, ‘Come si organizza un GUF feminile’, Giornale della donna, 1 Jan. 1932;Google Scholar Clelia Lugaresi, ‘Una proposta’, ibid. 1 June 1934. Women were banned initially from the littoriali but later they were admitted in separate competitions in limited numbers. See Zangrandi, R., II lungo viaggio attraverso ilfascismo (Milan, 1964), p. 534.Google Scholar Women artists did participate in major national competitions such as the Biennale of Venice.

⁸⁴ For the woman as consumer of goods, see Zopegni, Maria, ‘Per rispondere italianamente alle ingiuste sanzioni’, Donna italiana, xii (11 1935), 491–2;Google ScholarBuoncore, Maria, ‘Donne in linea’, Donna fascista, 15 Nov. 1935.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ See Gigli, T., ‘Per un arte nazionale del vestiario muliebre’, Costruire, June 1927;Google Scholar‘Aberazioni moderne: la linea’, Maternità ed infanzia, Mar. 1933;Google Scholar C. Nervi, ‘Donna crisi’, ibid. Feb. 1934.

⁸⁶ The government created an Ente Nazionale della Moda to encourage the national fashion industry, see ‘Rassegna dell Eleganza femminile’, Almanacco annuario della donna italiana 1936, p. 315;Google Scholar‘Rassenga dell'eleganza: Vestire e parlare all'italiana’, Almanacco annuario della donna 1937, p. 360.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ ‘Politica unitaria del regime’, Critica Fascista, 15 Mar. 1937; Adolfo Dolmetta, ‘La funzione della donna nella politica razziale’,Google Scholaribid. 15 May 1939. The value of women as mere sexual objects was affirmed when they were urged to go to the colonies to keep men from having sexual relations with the natives. Racism and sexism meet perfectly. See Astuto, Mercedes, ‘La donna italiana nell'impero fascista’, Donna fascista, 15 June 1936.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Mussolini, , ‘Italia rurale’, Popolo d'Italia, 8 Dec. 1936,Google Scholar cited in Opera omnia, xxviii, 87.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ A national holiday of ‘the Mother and the Child’, held on 24 Dec. was begun in 1933. Prizes for fertility were distributed at this time.

⁹⁰ See the analysis by Arena, C., ‘Illavorodelledonne’, Maternitä ed infanzia, Aug. 1934.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Family allocations were initially given to industrial workers. The benefits were later extended to categories of agricultural workers. On the various legislative efforts, see Fantini, Oddone, ‘La nuova legislazione per la tutela del lavoro delle donne e dei fanciulli’, Maternità ed infanzia, May 1934;Google Scholar ‘Informazione e notizie: Gli assegni familiari ai lavoratori’, ibid. July 1937; Triz, Paolo, ‘Tutela fascista del rurale’, Difesa della Razza, 20 Apr. 1939;Google ScholarLoffredo, F., ‘Dalla politica demografica alia politica della famillia’, Maternità ed infanzia, May–June 1938.Google Scholar

⁹² For the various efforts to encourage an increase in the birth rate, see the summary of the meeting of the Grand Council of 3 Mar. 1937, in Opera omnia, xxviii, 133–4,Google Scholar and that of the Council of Ministers, 15 Mar. 1938, ibid. xxix, 242–4.

⁹³ ‘Restrictions on Italian Women's Right to Work’, Industrial and Labor Information, LXVIII (7 11 1938), 177–8.Google Scholar A clarifying decree of 29 June 1939 set forth the areas for women: typists, telephone operators, file clerks, stenographers, etc. See ‘ Employment of Women in Italy’, ibid. LXXII (23 Oct. 1939), 101–2.

⁹⁴ Pende, N., ‘La cultura femminile nel regime fascista’, La preparazione materna, i (02 1940), 50–5,Google Scholar and ‘Femminilità e cultura femminile’, ibid. ii (Jan.–Apr. 1941); ‘Maternità fisiologica e maternita spirituale’, Maternità ed infanzia, Mar.–Apr. 1940.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Loffredo, Ferdinando, Lapolitica della famiglia (Milan, 1938), pp. 35–65, 361, 364–5, 369.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Loffredo was a regular contributor to the anti-Semitic Difesa delta razza where he expounded his anti-feminist views. See by Loffredo, , ‘Politica della famiglia e della razza’, Difesa delta razza, 20 Oct. 1939,Google Scholar and ‘Il simbolo più alto’, ibid. 20 Dec. 1939.

⁹⁷ A.T., , ‘Crisi di esuberanza’, Diritti della scuola, XLI (20 01 1940), 65–6.Google Scholar On the need to control the number of female teachers, see Vittorio Masselli, ‘Tutto esaurito’, ibid. XL (30 Oct. 1938), 33.

⁹⁸ Tartarini, A., ‘La donna nella scuola’, Il cantiere, 6 Apr. 1935;Google Scholar ‘Scuola e cifre’, ibid.; Tartarini, A., ‘A proposito alle donne nella scuola’, Costruire, Mar. 1927.Google Scholar

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