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The Struggle for London in the Second Civil War*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Extract
According to a familiar interpretation, London was parliamentarian in the English Revolution, and was instrumental in the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the English republic which endured for eleven years. London was the arsenal, the treasure–house and the recruiting ground for the revolutionary cause; it was the Paris of the English Revolution. In this article I shall argue that from early 1646 – a year after the formation of the New Model Army – London was deeply divided between those who wanted the terms agreed by the Houses to be imposed on Charles rather than negotiated with him, and those who wanted a speedy end to the war, a mutually agreed peace, the disbandment of the army and the imposition of religious uniformity. By 1647 the rulers of London were dominated by an implacable hatred of the revolutionary army, and bent their efforts to restoring Charles to his throne. In this policy they enjoyed the warm support of a majority of the City's population, who repeatedly demonstrated their anti-revolutionary convictions. in both word and deed. The army's political support in London was drawn mainly from the artisan and tradesman classes (many of them non-citizens), and from the suburbs. To a large extent it was the assiduous efforts of one man – Philip Skippon, major-general of the New Model infantry – which kept London in the parliamentary camp during the second civil war.
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References
1 Cf. Ashley, M., England in the seventeenth century (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1961 edn), p. 82Google Scholar; Hill, C., Century of revolution (New York, 1966), pp. 120, 124, 127. The argument of this article owes much to Dr Pearl's and Professor Ashton's reinterpretations of London politics during the 1640s.Google Scholar
2 Corporation of London Record Office, common council journal, vol. 40, fos. 125, 133v; House of Lords Journals, VII, 293 ff; C.L.R.O., letter book QQ, fo. I58v; Sharpe, R. R., London and the kingdom (3 vols., London, 1894), II, 216.Google Scholar
3 See, for example, the alarm stirred up by Colonel Pickering's attempt to preach a sermon to his men. Gardiner, S. R., History of the great civil war (4 vols., London 1893), II, 192–3. See also The Independents militarie entertainment ([24 Apr.] 1645), British Library, Thomason Collection, E278/28, pp. 5–6.Google Scholar
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5 Ibid. fos. 160v–61. Cf. Valerie Pearl, ‘London puritans and Scotch fifth columnists: a mid-seventeenth-century phenomenon’, in Hollaender, A. E. J. and Kellaway, W. (eds.), Studies in London history presented to Philip Edmund Jones (London, 1969), pp. 317–31.Google Scholar
6 Thomas Edwards, Gangraena (3 vols., 1646), I, 121–3. In this article I take to be sectaries those who stood for complete religious voluntarism; i.e. the unrestricted liberty of every person to join the church or congregation of his choice. Independents, while believing in a large measure of autonomy for church congregations, also supported the concept of a national church, possessing a broad unity of doctrine enforced from the centre. Presbyterians, under the influence of Robert Baillie and the Scots commissioners, supported the idea of a national church which would determine its doctrine without interference from the state, and in which clergy and lay elders would have the power to discipline the laity for heresy and moral transgressions. Religious Independents and Presbyterians were not identical to the political groups who bore the same labels. In the political arena, Independents and Presbyterians differed more over the way in which the war should be fought, and the powers which the monarch ought to be allowed, than over the government and doctrine of the church.
7 Ibid, II, 173–4.
8 Ibid, III, 274.
9 Ibid, III, 225.
10 The last warning to all the inhabitants of London ([20 Mar.] 1646), B.L. E328/24, pp. I, 3, 4.
11 In January for example, they alleged that there were at least eleven sectarian religious meetings in one parish alone. In April they charged that ‘the increase of herisies, sects and scismes…causing much division and contencion among the people’ had been produced by the failure to provide a settled church government. C.C.J. 40, fos. 160v, 176.
12 Ibid. fos. 178v–182v.
13 Ibid. fo. 168.
14 Londons new colours displaid (13 July 1648), E452/21, p. 2.
15 Conscience caution’d ([20 June] 1646), E341/7, p. 4.
16 Gangraena, III, 45, 24, 229.
17 An humble representation of the pressing grievances and important desires of...the citie of London’, C.C.J. 40, fos. 199v–200.
18 Hugh Peters, A word for the armie and two words to the kingdome ([11 Oct.] 1647), E410/16, p. 6; C.C.J. 40, fo. 207v.
19 Acts and ordinances of the interregnum, eds. Firth, C. H. and Rait, R. S. (3 vols., London, 1911), I, 924–25, 928.Google Scholar
20 Perfect diurnall (26 Apr. to 3 May 1647), E515/10, p. 1570.
21 At this point Skippon was still highly regarded by all factions on the parliamentary side. Not until the late spring of 1648 did he emerge as an unequivocal revolutionary.
22 C.C.J. 40, fo. 215v. For accounts of the crisis of the summer of 1647, sec Valerie Pearl, ‘London's counter-revolution’ in Aylmer, G. E., ed., The interregnum (London, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Ian Gentles, ‘Arrears of pay and ideology in the army revolt of 1647’, in Brian, Bond and Ian, Roy, eds., War and society, I (1975)Google Scholar. For a different interpretation, see Mark, Kishlansky, The rise of the new model army (Cambridge, 1979), chs. 7, 8. High Presbyterians favoured an authoritarian, intolerant church on the Scottish model, were conservative on social issues (like tithes, or attempts to democratize the city companies), and urged substantial concessions to the king in order to achieve a speedy peace. Crypto-royalists were those who by their words and acts demonstrated implicit support for an unconditional restoration of kingly power. The two categories frequently overlapped.Google Scholar
23 Seria exercitus ([4 Dec.] 1647), E419/6, p. 30. Most newsbooks at the time confined themselves to drawing attention to the army's exemplary behaviour, a welcome contrast to the excesses committed by the reformadoes in July. However, A perfect diurnall did assert that the army's conduct was ‘to the great ioy of their friends and the perpetuall infamy of their enemies’ (2–9 Aug. 1647), E518/16. The French ambassador also noted the substantial support enjoyed by the army within the city walls. Fotheringham, J. G., ed., Diplomatic correspondence of Jean de Montereul (Scottish History Society, 2 vols., Edinburgh, 1898-9), II, 219. I am grateful to Professor Woolrych for this reference.Google Scholar
24 Valerie Pearl, ‘London's Counter-revolution’, p. 34; ‘London Puritans’, p. 325. Michael, Mahony, ‘Presbyterianism in the city of London, 1645–1647’, Historical Journal, XXII, I (1979), 102.Google Scholar
25 Perfect occurrences (18 July 1648), E525/7; A speedy cure, to open the eyes of the blinde and the eares of the deafe citizens of London, ([4 Aug.] 1648), E456/28; The moderate (25 June 1645), E450/8; Fruitfull England like to become a barren wilderness… (17 Oct. 1648), E467/36, B.L., Stowe MS 189, fo. 39; C.C.J. 40, fo. 286v; Derby House committee, letterbook, 20 Jan. to 1 Sept. 1648, P.R.O., SP21/24/328; House of Commons Journals, v, 599.
26 A new declaration from eight regiments in the army (22 Nov. 1647), E416/35; Mercurius elencticus (15–22Nov. 1648), E473/9;C.C.J.40, fo. 293v;CJ, v,677.G. E.Aylmer, ‘Gentlemen Levellers?’, Past and Present, 49 (Nov. 1970), pp. 120–5; Seria exercitus, p. 27; Diplomatic correspondence of Jean de Montereul, II, 219; Mercurius melancholicus (13–20 Nov. 1647), E416/17.
27 While the radicals could muster impressive numbers of signatures on their petitions, the weight of popular sentiment was clearly with the conservatives, who almost always had control of the streets. Witness their impudent habit of lighting bonfires and drinking toasts in honour of the king and compelling passers-by as well to drink his health, not only in 1648, but throughout the civil war. They did these things with impunity. Bodleian Library, Clarendon MS 31, fo. 42; Derby House committee, letterbook, 1 Sept. to 22 Dec. 1648, SP21/25/100. The conservatives’ dominance of the meeting of common hall in June 1648 is further evidence of their superior political weight. See below, p. 293.
28 Vox militaris ([11 Aug.] 1647), E401/24, p. 16.1 plan to write about the social and geographic composition of the New Model officer corps on another occasion.
29 Perfect occurrences (24 Sept. to 1 Oct. 1647), E518/39.
30 Perfect diurnall (27 Sept. to 4 Oct. 1647), E518/40, p. 1753.
31 Perfect occurrences (29 Oct. to 5 Nov. 1647), E520/2, p. 311.
32 Perfect diurnall (26 Aug., 30 Aug. to 6 Sept. 1647), E518/24, 27; Clarendon MS 30, fo. 53; LJ, IX, 418–19, 431–2.
33 LJ, IX, 415, 417, 420–1; CJ, v, 290; Perfect occurrences (3–10, 10–17 Sept. 1647), E518/29, p. 242; E518/33, p. 252; Kingdoms weekly intelligencer (7–14 Sept. 1647), E407/4, p. 667.
34 C.C.J. 40, fo. 254; P.R.O., Exchequer, Treasureres at warre, accounts various, leger of assessments for the armie, E101/67/11A, fo. 112.
35 John, Rushworth, Historical collections (8 vols., London, 1721-2), VII, 825; C.C.J. 40, fos. 255, 255v, 256v; Two declarations from Sir Thomas Fairfax and the general councell (7 Sept. 1647), E407/1; E407/38; Perfect occurrences (1–8 Oct. 1647), E518/42.Google Scholar
36 CJ, v, 353. Mercurius pragmaticus (9–16 Nov. 1647), E414/15.
37 Mercurius elencticus (12–19 Nov. 1647), E416/13; Mercurius melancholicus (13–20 Nov. 1647), E416/17; A new declaration from eight regiments.
38 Mercurius pragmaticus (9–16 Nov. 1647), E414/16; A bloody plot discovered to surprize the Tower (13 Dec. 1647), E419/21.
39 Perfect occurrences (12–19 Nov. 1647), E520/6; Rushworth, VII, 875; Mercurius elencticus (12–19 Nov. 1647), E416/13.
40 A letter from…Lord Fairfax…to the City of London (20 Nov. 1647), E416/18.
41 Perfect occurrences (19–26 Nov. 1647), E520/8.
42 C.C.J. 40, fo. 263; Perfect occurrences (26 Nov. to 3 Dec. 1647), E520/10.
43 A declaration from his excellence Sir Thomas Fairfax and the generall cancel of the army (16 Sept. 1647), E407/36; A letter from his excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax, to the lord major, aldermen and common-council of the City of London (19 Nov. 1647), E416/18.
44 A word to Mr Peters ([9 Nov.] 1647), E413/7; Perfect diurnall (8–15 Nov. 1647), E520/5; A seasonable caution to the city of London (2 June 1648), E445/33; C.C.J. 40, fo. 272v; The humble petition of…the City of London ([2 Dec.] 1647), E419/1, p. 4.
45 Perfect diurnall (6–13 Dec. 1647), E520/14, p. 1836; Kingdomes weekly intelligencer (21–28 Dec. 1647), E421/13, p. 779; Perfect weekly account (30 Nov. to 8 Dec. 1647), E419/17; B.L., Stowe MS 189, fo. 39.
46 A bloody plot discovered to surprize the Tower; Perfect occurrences (10–17 Dec. 1647), E520xye16.
47 Rushworth, VII, 965; Mercurius aulicus (30 Mar. to 2 Apr. 1648), E436/16, p. 2.
48 LJ, IX, 646.
49 CJ, v, 432.
50 LJ, x, 4, 7–9; CJ, v, 450.
51 Clarendon MS 31, fo. 42.
52 R. R. Sharpe, London and the kingdom, II, 272; C.C.J. 40, fo. 267; Whitelocke, B., Memorials (Oxford, 1853), II, 299Google Scholar; A full narration of the late riotous tumult in the City of London (13 Apr. 1648), E435/24; Clement, Walker, The complete history of independency(1661), part I, 84–5; Rushworth, VII, 1051, 1052; Clarendon MS 31, fo. 50; B.L. Add. MS 37344 (Whitelocke's annals), fo. 144.Google Scholar
53 Rushworth, VII, 1060; CJ, v, 531; Perfect weekly account(12—19 Apr. 1648), E436/10.
54 A true relation of the passages between the Surrey petitioners and the souldiers at Westminster(16 May 1648), E443/5; A true narrative of the…late skirmish betweene the souldiers…and the petitioners of Surrey(16 May 1648), E443/29; Add. MS 37344 (Whitelocke's annals), fo. 152. A royalist correspondent estimated their numbers at three or four thousand. Clarendon MS 31, fo. 83v.
55 A serious advice to all honest Presbyterians within the City of London…([4 Aug.] 1648), E456/33; A Utter sent from the Lord Goring to the lord major and commonalty of London(2 June 1648), E445/42; Perfect diurnall(26 June to 3 July 1648), E525/1; Perfect occurrences(5, 8 June 1648), E522/37, pp. 543. 546.
56 SP21/24/70, 215; Calendar of the state papers, domestic series, 1648–9, ed. Hamilton, W. D. (London, 1893), XXII, 135, 152, 195, 224, 254, 260, 311.Google Scholar
57 Add. MS 37344 (Whitelocke's annals), fos. 155v, 158; Moderate(22–29 June 1648), E450/8.
58 Rushworth, VII, 1117; Add. MS 37344 (Whitelocke's annals), fo. 152; CJ, v, 566; Kingdoms weekly intelligencer(27 May 1648), E445/13.
59 A serious advice to all the honest presbyterians, E456/33, p. 3.
60 Perfect occurrences(16–23 June 1648) E522/42, p. 563; Moderate(4 July 1648), E451/18, p. 1432.
61 C.C.J. 40, fo. 269.
62 The honest citizen, or faithful counsellor to the City of London([3 May] 1648), E438/5.
63 Walker, G. Goold, The honourable artillery company 1537–1947(Aldershot, 1954 edn), pp. 51–2Google Scholar; Raikes, G. A., The history of the honourable artillery company(London, 1878), I, 112. Skippon's faith was unshaken by the vicissitudes of the interregnum. His will, composed on the eve of the restoration, is shot through with a deeply puritan piety. P.R.O., PROB11/300/257.Google Scholar
64 Moderate intelligencer(27 Apr. to 4 May 1648), E438/14, p. 1293; Kingdoms weekly intelligencer(2–9 May, 29 May 1648), E441/19, E445/13; Worcester College MS 114 (Clarke papers), part I, fo. 9; Clarke papers, ed. Firth, C. H., Camden Society (1891-9), II, 22; Clarendon MS 31, fo. 92; Perfect weekly account(24–31 May 1648), E445/18.Google Scholar
65 C.C.J. 40, fo. 273v; CJ, v, 555, 560–1, 562; Clarendon MS 31, fo. 83.
66 LJ, x, 292; C.C.J. 40, fo. 283; Two petitions of the lord major and common-councell to parliament(18 July 1648), E453/6.
67 The petition of the lord major and common councell to parliament(23 May 1648), E443/35; C.C.J. 40, fo. 279.
68 The humble petition of divers citizens of London to parliament([29 May] 1648); The humble desires of the…freemen of the City of London([3 June] 1648), 669 f. 12/38, 39.
69 LJ, x, 300, 303; C.C.J. 40, fos. 280v, 281; Add. MS 37344 (Whitelockes annals), fo. 156; Mercurius elencticus(31 May to 7 June 1648), E446/16.
70 The necessity of the speedy calling a common-hall([21 June] 1648), E449/10; A petition presented at a common-hall in London([26 June] 1648), E449/35; To all the honest, wise and grave citizens of London(23June 1648),669 f. 12/54; Perfect occurrences(23–30 June 1648), E522/45, p. 372; A sober caution to the common councell of the City of London([29 June] 1648), E450/14; The humble petition of divers citizens who have bin masters or wardens of their severall companies(12 July 1648), E452/9.
71 B.L., Northumberland papers, Alnwick reel 51, M330, fo. 20; Mercurius melancholicus(17–24 July 1648), E453/43, p. 126.
72 Perfect occurrences(3 Aug. 1648), E525/11, p. 612; Moderate(18 Aug. 1648), E460/18.
73 CJ, v, 578; CSPD 1648–9, p. 90. Colonel Edward Rossiter, the Presbyterian officer who had fled the army in June 1647, stayed on the committee until its demise in February 1649.
74 This assertion is based on a reading of the day books and letter books of the Derby House committee for English affairs for 1648, P.R.O. SP21//27; 21/10; 21/24; 21/25.
75 E.g. SP21/24/47, 70, 82, 129–30, 152, 159.
76 Ibid. 75–8.
77 SP21/10/27; CSPD 1648–9, pp. 224 et passim.
78 Mercurius bellicus(27 June to 5 July 1648), E451/3, p. 5; Mercurius pragmaticus(4–11 July, 4 Nov., 20 Dec. 1648), E451/42, E470/33, E477/30; Clement Walker, Independency, II, 48.
79 LJ, x, 263.
80 CJ, v, 622; Rushworth, VII, 1174.
81 The moderate(3 July 1648), E451/18; Whitelocke, Memorials, II, 345.
82 Walker, IndependencyI, III; Rushworth, VII, 1178; Historical Manuscripts Commission, 7th report(house of lords MSS), p. 35.
83 TWO petitions presented to…parliament(5 July 1648), E451/4.
84 LJ, x, 362; Whitelocke, Memorials, II, 347.
85 LJ, X, 362; Perfect diurnall(10 July 1648), E525/6.
86 SP21/24/184.
87 Whitelocke, , Memorials, II, 349; Perfect occurrences(6 July 1648), E525/3.Google Scholar
88 The humble petition of divers well-affected magistrates…([5 July] 1648), 669 f. 12/63. See also A petition for peace(12 July 1648), E452/38, for the commons’ sympathetic reception of Alderman Fowke who presented the petition.
89 LJ, x, 378.
90 Mercurius melancholicus(17–24 July 1648), E453/43.
91 The humble petition…(24 July 1648), E453/39.
92 Ibid. pp. 1–2.
93 Mercurius elencticus(19–26 July 1648), E454/12; Walker, Independency, 1, 121. Skippon's agents also stored arms, horses and supplies in the White Horse Inn in Coleman Street. Mercurius melancholicus(7–14 August 1648), E458/10.
94 LJ, x, 390, 392.
95 Rushworth, VII, 1199; CJ, v, 644; Perfect diurnall (22 July 1648), E525/8.
96 C.C.J. 40, fo. 290; Rushworth, VII, 1208; Perfect diurnall (29 July 1648), E525/10; CJ, v, 651.
97 C.C.J. 40, fo. 291v; Perfect occurrences (27 July 1648), E525/11; A declaration of the citizens of London ([2 Aug.] 1648), E456/18.
98 LJ, x, 405; C.C.J., 40, fo. 289.
99 The moderate (1 August, 1648), E457/21, p. 26; Mercurius pragmaticus (5 August 1648), E457/11.
100 An order of the City militia committee to the common councilmen (5 Aug. 1648), 669 f. 12/101; Mercurius pragmaticus (1–8 Aug. 1648), E457/11; The moderate (1 Aug. 1648), E457/21.
101 Mercurius pragmaticus (the spurious edition, 1–8 Aug. 1648), E457/12.
102 LJ, x, 407.
103 Walker, , Independency, 1, 115–16.Google Scholar
104 C.C.J. 40, fo. 293; Whitelocke, , Memorials, II, 377; CJ, v, 666.Google Scholar
105 Cf. Mercurius pragmaticus (the spurious edition, 8–15 Aug. 1648), E458/24.
106 Ibid.
107 The moderate (12 Aug. 1648), E458/21.
108 CJ, v, 671; Walker, , Independency, I, 131–2; Mercurius pragmaticus, (15 Aug. 1648), E460/21; Rushworth, VII, 1229.Google Scholar
109 Kingdomes weekly intelligencer (21 Aug. 1648), E460/19.
110 Cf. The humble petition of divers well-affected citizens… ([15 Aug.] 1648), 669 f. 12/104; Whitelocke, Memorials, II, 387.
111 The declaration of Lieutenant-General Cromwell…(18 Aug. 1648), E459/24; Rushworth, VII, 1234; CJ, v, 677.
112 Clarke papers, II, 30.
113 Perfect occurrences (17 Aug. 1648), E525/17; Kingdoms weekly intelligencer, (17 Aug. 1648), E460/19; The moderate (18, 20 Aug. 1648), E460/18; The royall diurnall (14–22 Aug.), E460/15.
114 A looking-glasse for the well-affected in the City of London (23 Aug. 1648), E460/26, p. 11.
115 LJ, x, 487–8; CJ, VI, 2.
116 Mercurius elencticus (23–30 Aug. 1648), E461/20; Perfect occurrences (24 Aug. 1648), E525/20; CJ, v, 681.
117 Rushworth, VII, 1254.
118 Ibid. p. 1279; CJ, VI, 46.
119 The demands, resolutions and intentions of the army (26 Sept. 1648), E464/41. The pamphlet may not have represented official army policy. No printer's name appears on it, and at the end it is stated that the text was ‘sent from a great Commander in the Army and desired to be printed and published in the name of the Rest’. It was ‘signed I.R.’ (presumably John Rushworth).
120 Cf. The humble petition of divers well-affected persons, printed in Wolfe, D., ed., Leveller manifestoes (N.Y., 1944), pp. 283–90; also The declaration of the army…subscribed [by] Paul Hobson (9 Oct. 1648), E466/10; A letter from the army to the citizens of London (10 Oct. 1648), E467/6; The declaration and resolution of many thousand citizens of London concerning the army ([12 Oct.] 1648), E467/18.Google Scholar
121 The humble petition…of the City of London (17 Oct. 1648), E467/35, p. 3; C.C.J., 40, fo. 297.
122 Cf. A petition promoted in the army… [by Ireton's regiment], ([19 Oct.] 1648), E 468/18; The royal project… ([20 Oct.] 1648), E468/22.
123 CJ, VI, 64.
124 Whitelocke, , Memorials, II, 434; CJ, VI, 69; Mercurius militaris (4 Nov. 1648), E470/14; Perfect occurrences (7 Nov. 1648), E526/26; Rushworth, VII, 1321.Google Scholar
125 The lord general's letter to the…common councell of London (30 Nov. 1648), 669 f. 13/49; The demands and desires of his excellency the Lord Fairfax ([11 Dec] 1648), E475/36; Whitelocke, Memorials, II, 466; Rushworth, VII, 1356; Perfect weekly account (29 Nov. to 6 Dec. 1648), E475/20.
126 A letter from the…City of London… ([11 Dec] 1648), E475/39; Rushworth, VII, 1356; Clarke papers, 11, 67–9; C.L.R.O., Repertory, vol. 59, fo. 321; Perfect occurrences (8–9 Dec. 1648), E526/40.
127 Repertory, 59, fos. 322v–323.
128 Ibid. fo. 326; The declaration and proposals of the citizens of London, ([12 Dec] 1648), E476/6.
129 The unparalleld arrest… (12 Dec. 1648), Worcester College pamphlet, no. AA.8.3/104; Clement, Walker, Independency, II, 39; Rushworth, VII, 1361.Google Scholar
130 CJ, VI, 101, 103–4, 105; Mercurius pragmaticus (16, 20 Dec. 1648), E476/35,477/30; Walker, Independency, II 47–8, 50; Perfect weekly account (20–27 Dec. 1648), E536/10; Moderate intelligencer (23 Dec. 1648), E536/18; Rushworth, VII, 1376; Clarendon MS 34, fos. 19–20.
131 Guildhall Library, MS 4069/1, fos. 238v, 241.
132 MS 3461/1, fos. 96, 100v.
133 MSS 3018/1, fo. 134; 2050/1, fos. 45, 45v; 1431/2; 5019/1; 877/1, pp. 107, 111; 635/1; 824/1; 1264/1, fos. 56, 57; 4384/2, fos. 81, 87; 1336/1, fos. 23, 24v; 4813/2, fos. 8, 9; 1175/1; 3570/2, fos. 57, 61; 64/1, fos. 43, 44; 2597/1, fos. 92, 96; 4415/1, fos. 138, 141; 560/1; 4458/1, fos. 150, 157; 943/1, fos. 67v, 68; 4060/1; 4526/1, fos. 68, 71; 6554/1, fos. 53v, 68. Parishes which held their elections before the ordinance was passed included St Andrew's Hubbard Eastcheap and St Gregory by St Paul. MSS 1278/1, 1336/1, fo. 24v. Several more parishes held their elections on the day the ordinance was passed (18 Dec.) and may have been ignorant of its requirements.
134 Moderate intelligencer (23 Dec. 1648), E536/18.
135 C.C.J. 40, fo. 309; Repertory, 59, fo. 333.
136 C.C.J. 40, fos. 313–14; CJ, VI, 117–18.
137 Sharpe, R. R., London and the kingdom, II, 310, 314, 315–16; C.C.J. 40, fo. 314v; B.L., Add. MS 21427, fo. 234. (This last reference is to a document listing London's arrears of assessment from February 1645 to June 1656. For the whole eleven years only £30,751 was due, of which less than a third dated from the period before 25 March 1649.)Google Scholar
138 Mercurius bellicus (27 June to 5 July 1648), E451/3.
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