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Reforming Irish manners: the religious societies in Dublin during the 1690s*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2010

T.C. Barnard
T.C. Barnard
Affiliation:
Hertford College, Oxford
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Abstract

This article considers how and why the campaign to reform manners spread from England to Ireland in the 1690s. Together with the links and resemblances between the English and Irish campaigns, the distinctive aspects of the latter are discussed. Important to the Irish activity were the shock of the catholic revanche of 1685–90; the powerful tradition of providential explanation for the recurrent crises; the tense and increasingly competitive relations between the Church of Ireland and the Presbyterians; the rapid growth of Dublin (the main centre for reforming activity) and its attendant social and economic difficulties; and the sense of cultural difference between protestants and catholics. The campaign included an assault on heterodox ideas, notably those of Toland and Molesworth, and paralleled the retributive measures taken against the Irish catholics in the same period.

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Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 35 , Issue 4 , December 1992 , pp. 805 - 838
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

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References

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17 A judicious contemporary summed up King thus: ‘he is a mighty positive man and when in the right of an admirable disposition to push a thing to the utmost. But ‘tis at the same time his misfortune to have the same teal to drive matters if he happens to be in the wrong’: P.R.O., SP 63/363, 393. A recent succinct and penetrating assessment is by P. H. Kelly, ‘Archbishop William King (1650-1719) and colonial nationalism’, in Brady, C., ed., Worsted in the game: losers in lrish history (Dublin, 1989)Google Scholar.

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37 Irwin, C. H., A history of Prtsbyteriansm in Dublin and the south and west of Ireland (Dublin, 1890), p. 35.Google Scholar A recent estimate suggests that by 1700 more than half Ulster's protestants were presbyterians, ‘and probably close to half those in Ireland as a whole’: Connolly, S., in Maguire, W. A., ed., Kings in conflict: the revolutionary war in Ireland and its aftermath 1689-1750 (Belfast, 1990), p. 167.Google Scholar This seems to me an over-estimate.

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40 That dissent was prevalent is suggested by the reprint in Dublin in 1698 of An enquiry into the occasional conformity of dissenters in cases of preferment, even before there was a sacramental test to be evaded.

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46 Camb. Univ. Lib., Add. MSS 2/208, 225, 226, 232; T.C.D., MSS 750/8, p. 206; Hamilton, , Life of Bonnell, pp. XV, 132-3, 178-80, 191-2, 232Google Scholar.

47 Representative Church Body Library, Dublin (R.C.B.), C. 6/1/16(1), alnubook of Christ Church Cathedral Dublin, 1707-31, 7 June 1714; ibid. P. 327/4/1, vestry accounts, St Bride's Dublin, fos. 99, 102, 107; ibid. P. 328/6/1, vestry book, St John's Dublin, p. 178; Flying Post, 2-5 Dec. 1699.

48 Boyse, A sermon preach't… 6 Jan. 1697/8, sig. A2-[A2] v, p. 14; A discount against profant swearing and cursing, pp. 30-5; Iredell, , A sermon preached… April 32. 1701, p. 15Google Scholar; King, , The mischief of delaying sentence, pp. 24–34Google Scholar; Hamilton, , Discourse concerning zeal, pp. 23-8, 30-1, 37–8Google Scholar; Sinclair, , A sermon preach'd… April the 11th. 1699, p. 24Google Scholar; Weld, , A sermon before the societies… April the 26th. 1698, p. 13Google Scholar; Wetenhall, , Two sermons, pp. 55–9Google Scholar

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50 A discourse against profane swearing and cursing, p. 30.

51 Browne, A sermon preached… April 17. 1698; A discourse against profane swearing and cursing; S.P.C.K., A.L.B., 6, no. 4450.

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55 Statutes at large…in Ireland, III, 503 (10 William III, c. xi); IV, 166-7 (6 Anne, c. xvii), 301-6 (11 Anne, cc. v, vi). For gambling in Ireland: Chatsworth House, Derbyshire, Bolton Abbey MSS 279, account of 2nd Lord Cork's ‘play money’ to 5 March 1662 [3]; Christ Church, Oxford, Evelyn MSS, bound letters, fo. 657; Barnard, ‘The Cork settlers’; Beckett, J. C., The cavalier duke: a lift of James Butler, 1st duke of Ormond (Belfast, 1990), pp. 128–9Google Scholar; H J & Butler, H E, eds., The black book of Edgeworthstown (London, 1927), pp. 17-19, 23–4Google Scholar; MacLysaght, E., Short study of a transplanted family (Dublin, 1935), pp. 32, 41–2Google Scholar; Memoirs of the lift of… Thomas late Marquess of Wharton (London, 1715), p. 69.Google Scholar For theological objections, Wood, T., ‘Seventeenth-century English casuists on betting and gambling’, Church Quarterly Review, CXLIX (1950), pp. 159–74Google Scholar.

56 Browne, , A strmon preached… April 17. 1698, pp. 21–2Google Scholar; Hamilton, , A discourse conctrning zeal, p. 37Google Scholar; Woodward, , An account, pp. 90–1Google Scholar.

57 Some of this teaching is considered in Barnard, ‘The uses of 23 October 1641’.

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59 For the passage of the ‘penal laws’: Kelly, P., ‘Lord Galway and the penal laws’, in Caldicott, C. E. J., Gough, H. and Pittion, J.-P., eds., The Huguenots and Ireland (Dun Laoghaire, 1987)Google Scholar; J. G. Simim, ‘The Bishops' Banishment Act of 1697’ and ‘The making of a penal law’, reprinted in Simms, War and politics in Ireland 1649-1730, eds. D. W. Hayton and G. O'Brien (London, 1986). Disagreements over the use of the Irish language are evident from: S.P.C.K., A.L.B., 6, no. 5289; Barnard, , ‘The uses of 23 October 1641’; Lords' Jnl. Ireland, 1, 622, 624, 634Google Scholar; Sindare, , A sermon preach'd before the societies… April the 11th, 1699, p. 16Google Scholar; Wetenhall, , A sermon preached Octob. 23. 1692, p. 17Google Scholar. I intend to consider elsewhere protestant attitudes to, and use of, the Irish language.

60 Statutes at large… in Ireland, II, 151-3 (10 & 11 Car. I, c. v ); 511-15 (14 & 15 Car. II, c. xviii); Barnard, , Cromwellian Ireland, p. 40Google Scholar; Gillespie, R., Colonial Ulster: the settlement of East Ulster 1600-41 (Cork, 1985), pp. 106, 159, 186Google Scholar. On the English situation: Clark, P., ‘The alehouse and the alternative society’, in Pennington, D. H. and Thomas, K. V., eds., Puritans and Revolutionaries (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar;Clark, P., The English alehouse (London, 1983)Google Scholar;Fletcher, A., Reform in At provinces: government in Stuart England (New Haven and London, 1986), pp. 229–52Google Scholar; Walter, J. and Wrightson, K., ‘Dearth and the social order in early modern England’, Past & Present, LXXI (1976), 29, 38–9Google Scholar;Wrightson, K., ‘Alehouses, order and reformation in rural England 1590-1660’, in E. & Yeo, S., eds., Popular culture and class conflict 1330-1914 (Brighton, 1981)Google Scholar.

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63 N.L.I., MSS 4908; Bodleian, Carte MSS 36, fo. 454.

64 M B.L., Add. MSS 46938/86; Christ Church, Evelyn MSS, bound letters, fo. 654v; ibid, box IV, excise totals, and debts of Dublin brewers; Barnard, Cromwellian Ireland, pp. 40-1.

65 English reformers also worried about the young: Collinson, P., The religion of protestants (Oxford, 1982), pp. 224–30Google Scholar;Green, I., ‘“For children in yeeres and children in understanding”: the emergence of the English catechism under Elizabeth and the early Stuarts’, Jnl. Ectl. Hist., XXXVN (1986), 408-9, 418–21;Google ScholarIngram, M. J., Quack courts, sex and marriage in England 1570-1640 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 264, 365Google Scholar.

66 On the religious complexion of Dublin: An abstract of the number of protestant and popish foutfits in Ireland (Dublin, 1736), pp. 3–6Google Scholar; Dickson, ‘Capital and country: Dublin 1600-1800’, p. 74; The place of Irish servants in protestant society cries out for research. For the moment, see: Canny, N., The upstart earl: a study in the social and mental worlds of Richard Boyle first earl of Cork (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 193–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; , Hull, ed., Writings of Petty, 1, 144Google Scholar; MacCarthy-Morrogh, M., The Munsttr plantation (Oxford, 1986), p. 283Google Scholar; Statutes at large…in Ireland, iv, 148-51 (6 Anne, c. xiii). My remarks are also based on the transcripts of Bishop Nicholson of Derry's diaries in the Cumbria County Library, Carlisle (formerly at Tullie House) and Bishop Edward Synge's correspondence with his daughter, in private possession in London.

67 Lambeth Palace, 942/96; Nottingham Univ. Lib., PwA 2373.

68 T.C.D., MSS 1995-2008/2425; Mulcahy, Calendar of Kinsale documents, 1, 54, 91, 101.

69 Bossy, J., ‘The counter-reformation and the people of catholic Ireland, 1596-1641’, in Williams, T. D., ed., Historical Studies, VIII (Dublin, 1971)Google Scholar; Connolly, S. J., ‘Religion, work-discipline and economic attitudes: the case of Ireland’, in Devine, and Dickson, , eds., Ireland and Scotland 1600-1850, p. 243Google Scholar; Corish, P. J., The Irish catholic experience: a historical survey, (Dublin, 1985), pp. 106-9, 115–21Google Scholar.

70 The act of 1689 had debarred socinian doctrines from toleration. Bennett, G. V., ‘Conflict in the church’, in Holmes, G. S., ed., Britain after the glorious revolution (London, 1969), pp. 161–5Google Scholar; Holmes, G., The trial of Dr Sacheverell (London, 1973), pp. 23–6Google Scholar; MacLachlan, H. J., Socinianism in seventeenth-century England (Oxford, 1951), pp. 294–321Google Scholar; A short account of the several kinds of societies, p. 1.

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73 For an account which particularly stresses Toland's Irish links, see: J. G. Simms, ‘John Toland, a Donegal heretic’, reprinted in Simms, War and politics in Ireland, pp. 31-48.

74 Camb. Univ. Lib., Add. MSS 1/84; T.C.D., MSS 750/1, p. 96; Lambeth Palace, 942/133; Bodl. Ballard MSS 8, To. 76; Beer, E. S. de, ed, The correspondence of John Locke, VI (Oxford, 1981), 40-1, 83, 132–3Google Scholar; A letter to J. C. Esq; upon Mr Toland's book (Dublin, 1697), pp. 1–4Google Scholar.

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77 P.R.O., Belfast, Dio. 4/15/2/3 (Foy to King, 18 Sep. 1697); Statute at large in Inland, III, 251 (7 William III, c. ii).

78 Molesworth, R., Some considerationsfor the promoting of agriculture, and employing the poor (Dublin, 1723), PP. 31, 39-40 42–3Google Scholar. The suggestion that William Molyneux spoke up for Toland, though not implausible, is less likely: Simms, J. G., William Molyneux of Dublin (Dublin, 1982), p. 88Google Scholar.

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82 The main link was apparently Daniel Williams, a minister in Dublin until 1688, and thereafter in close touch with the Irish dissenters. He helped Toland financially in the 1690s. B.L., Add. MSS 4276, fo. 223; S.P.C.K., A.L.B., 8, no. 5289; Heinemann, F. H., ‘John Toland, France, Holland and Dr Williams’, Review of English Studies, XXV (1949), 346–9Google Scholar; Thomas, R., Daniel Williams, ‘presbyterian bishop’ (London, 1964), pp. 3, 7, 17Google Scholar; Williams, D., The protestants deliverance from the Irish rebellion (London, 1690), sig. A2; Williams, A sermon preach'd… July the 18th, 1700Google Scholar.

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88 Camb. Univ. Lib., Add. MSS 4/63; P.R.O., SP. 63/363, 379; Bodl., Ballard MSS 36, fo. 25; Boyse, J., The difference between Mr E[mlyn] and the protestant dissenting ministers of D[ublin], (Dublin?, [1703])Google Scholar; Dublin intelligence, no. 74, 19 June 1703; A sober expostulation with the gentlemen and citizens of Mr Emlin's juries in Dublin (Dublin, 1703)Google Scholar; A true narrative of the proceedings of the dissenting ministers of Dublin against Mr Thomas Emlyn… Annis 1702, 3, 4, 5 (London, 1719)Google Scholar.

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