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POLITICAL THOUGHT, ELITES, AND THE STATE IN MODERN BRITAIN

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 March 1999

JULIA STAPLETON
Affiliation:
University of Durham

Abstract

In general it seems to me a primary condition of national health that there shall be free and abundant contact between the most advanced culture and the masses, that due pains shall be taken ‘to marshall well the ranks behind’, and keep the whole army together. Where there is a great residuum of ignorance and stupidity, everything is dragged down... But if ever this contact was needful it is now and here; for evidently what has put the finishing touch to our confusion is the fact that the residuum of ignorance and stupidity has become our master and our judge... Just when the religious tradition had been dethroned by scepticism, and the constitutional tradition by radicalism, a new sovereign was crowned who knew nothing of either. Ignorance was proclaimed king, and an authority set up.

Before whose fell approach and secret might

Art after art goes out, and all is night!

It is well worth pondering Seeley's gloomy cultural assessment delivered to the Ethical Society of Cambridge a few years before his death in 1895. It is not so much the pessimism attendant upon the era of mass politics and society that is so arresting. He was quick to acknowledge a brighter, more hopeful prospect in the passage which followed. It is more the idea, so fervently expressed, that national life is best served by the existence of an intellectual elite whose abiding concern is to tend the cultural well-being of the less advanced majority – to furnish and communicate moral truths, a vibrant atmosphere of thought, and a body of ideas that would at once provide unity and direction to society as a whole. He was not alone in entertaining these hopes, but instead expressed a common outlook among the leading thinkers of his day: despite very real divisions in the intellectual elite centring on such questions as free thought versus religion, tradition versus radicalism, imperialism versus ‘little Englandism’, all sought a prominent role for intellectuals in defining the central ‘public’ values and identities of their society through their scholarship and personal conduct alike.

Type
HISTORIOGRAPHICAL REVIEW
Copyright
© 1999 Cambridge University Press

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