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Party Conflict and Political Stability in Monmouthshire, 1690–1740
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Extract
In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussed The growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest tory to resist. At the same time, elections became more expensive and less frequent, so a parliamentary seat was a long-term investment for a wealthy family. Of course, this account has been challenged. The tory opposition continued to exist, and to develop creative new methods of organization and propaganda. However, Britain clearly had a much more stable and secure political system in the eighteenth century.
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References
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Monmouthshire also has two antiquarian publications which have often published articles on individual gentry families These are the Monmouthshire Antiquary and Gwent History (formerly Presenting Monmouthshire, 1956–76) In the 1950s a series of local and family studies was published by the Chepstow Society and the local Historical Association, with work by Ivor Waters, Arthur Clark and others
4 Most Welsh counties had only one member for the county and one for the borough. Monmouthshire was unique in having two county M.P.s. Identification of M.P.s is based on: Havill, E. E., ‘Parliamentary representation of Monmouthshire, 1536–1832’, M. A. thesis, University of Wales, 1949Google Scholar; Williams, W. R., Parliamentary history of Wales (Brecon, 1895)Google Scholar; N[ational] L[ibrary of] Wfales] Badminton MSS 14854–5; Henning, B. D., The House of Commons, 1660–90 (3 vols. London: History of Parliament Trust, 1983)Google Scholar; Sedgwick, R., The House of Commons, 1715–54 (2 vols. London, 1970)Google Scholar ; Namier, L. and Brooke, J., The House of Commons, 1754–90 (2 vols. London)Google Scholar. For political loyalties see A collection of White and Black Lists (London, 1715)Google Scholar.
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25 NLW Kemys-Tynte MSS, Lord Abergavenny to Sir Charles, 23 July 1698. John Floyer to Sir Charles, 15 April 1698.
26 Ibid., Arnold to George Kemys, 7 Feb. 1700; Arnold to Sir Charles, 28 February; Sir John Williams to Sir Charles, 29 Feb.; Christopher Price to Sir Charles, 5 March; W. Thomas to Sir Charles, 5 March; E. Perkins to Sir Charles, 9 March; W. Lancaster to Sir Charles, 9 March; Charles Hughes to Tracy Catchmayd, 11 March; Catchmayd to Sir Charles, 13 March (all 1700). Canvass list in bundle 21 (unsorted). In the 1670s the correspondence between Arnold and Kemys had regularly used phrases such as ‘unparalleled malice’, ‘the highest arrogancy’ and so on. See ibid., Kemys to Arnold, 5 Sept. 1679.
27 NLW Tredegar MSS 211–13 contains pollbooks for 1705, 1708, 1713 and 1727. Ibid. 53/94–7.
28 Ibid. MS 211. The previous year, Sir Hopton had been gathering support as an alleged ally of Tredegar. NLW Penrice and Margam L 570.
29 NLW Tredegar MS 53/98–104.
30 Ibid. 53/107–9.
31 P[ublic] R[ecord] O[ffice] C234/87.
32 The hardcore of whig activists can be identified from the list of J.P.s ejected between 1711 and 1714. These were: Christopher Price of Llanfoist; Henry Romsey; Charles Jones of Ford; Henry Tomkins of Caerleon; George Kemys of Kemys; James Hughes of Gelly; Henry Probert, Jr, of Penallt Argoed; Charles Morgan of Llangattock; William Blethin of Dinham; John Prichard of Campston and William Jones of Usk Priory. Most were restored by the end of 1714.
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34 NLW Tredegar MSS 53/120–2; PRO State Papers 36/21, fo. 162.
35 PRO State Papers 36/28, fo. 100; 36/21, fos. 199–210; B.L. Add. MSS 32891, fo. 453; 32912, fo. 360; 32916, fo. 88; 32869, fo. 130; and many others.
36 NLW Tredegar MSS 66/1–2. In 1720 Sir Charles Kemys and Edward Kemys were dreading a contested county election after their experiences in 1713: NLW Kemys-Tynte MSS, John Tynte to E. Kemys, 18 Jan. 1720.
37 Jenkins, ‘Demographic decline’. For the genealogies of individual families the main source is Bradney, Monmouthshire. However, see also these manuscript collections: Newport Public Library – Kemys-Tynte MSS; Gwent Record Office – Lewis of Pentwyn; Hanbury-Williams; Jones of Llanarth; St Pierre; Llanfihangel Crucorney; Coldbrook and John Capel Hanbury collections.
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41 The oligarchical political system described here survived well into the nineteenth century, at least into the 1870s, despite the first two Reform Bills. For most of that century the Somersets represented one of the county seats as well as the borough. The Morgans continued to hold one of the Breconshire seats until 1875. Of course by that point challenges to their power were coming from new sources: from industrialists like the Baileys and from chartists and radicals like John Frost, who began his political career as a critic of Tredegar. Morgan, , ‘Chartism in Wales’, in Briggs, Asa (ed.), Chartist studies (London, 1959), pp. 220–48Google Scholar; Jones, D. J. V., Before Rebecca (London, 1973)Google Scholar. Stone, Lawrence and Stone, Jeanne F., An Open Elite (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar.