² Cf. also the view of the Scottish national revival of the early nineteenth century, analysed so convincingly in the Punch history of Scotland: Scottish ‘notable inventions of the time include the kilt (by Sir Walter Scott), Sir Walter Scott (by George IV), and bad Scottish ballads (or third degree Burns)’ Cf. Kington, Miles (ed.), Punch on Scotland (London, 1977), p. 39Google Scholar.

³ Werner, Karl Ferdinand: ‘Der Streit um die Anfänge: Historische Mythen des 19./20. Jahrhunderts und der Weg zu unserer Geschichte’ in Hildebrand, Klaus (ed.): Wem gehört dis deutsche Geschichte? Symposium (vol. 22 of Hanns Martin Schleyer Foundation, Cologne, 1987), pp. 19–35Google Scholar; Schulze, Hagen, Gibt es überhaupt eine deutsche Geschichte? (Berlin, 1989)Google Scholar – for an abridged version, see German historical institute, London, annual lecture 1987 (London, 1987).

⁴ Meinecke, Friedrich, Die deutsche Katastrophe (2nd edn, Wiesbaden, 1946)Google Scholar.

⁵ Heuss, Alfred, Der Verlust der Geschichte (Göttingen, 1959)Google Scholar; see also Bosl, Karl, ‘Der Verlust der Geschichte’, Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte, XXXVII, 3 (1974), 685–98Google Scholar; see also Krieger, Wolfgang, ‘Worrying about West German democracy’, The Political Quarterly, L 2 (1979), 192–204CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ See below.

⁷ Werner, , ‘Der Streit um die Anfänge’, p. 23Google Scholar.

⁸ Cf. the ‘white line’ of continuity which Helga Grebing wants to set against the ‘black’ Sonderweg interpretation: in Grebing, Helga, von der Brelie-Lewien, Doris and Franzen, Hans-Joachim, Der ‘Deutsche Sonderweg’ in Europa 1806–1945 – eine Kritik (Stuttgart, 1986), p. 199Google Scholar; Evans, Richard, in many ways plus rqyaliste que le roi, states this position in his review article, ‘The new nationalism and the old history: perspectives on the West German Historikerstreit’, Journal of Modern History, LIX, 4 (1987), 794Google Scholar: ‘History can help us to gain identity, but that identity must necessarily transcend the past…It means deciding what we want to keep from the past and what we want to jettison, what we agree is good and what we regret as bad’.

⁹ Das Deutsche Kaiserreich (Göttingen, 1973)Google Scholar; see also Evans, Richard, ‘Rethinking the German past’, West European Politics, IV, 2, 134–48Google Scholar for a black and white view of German historiography.

¹⁰ Möller, Horst: ‘Geschichtsbilder oder Geschichte? Ein Vergleich zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der DDR’, in Hildebrand, (ed.), Wem gehört die deutsche Geschichte?, p. 51Google Scholar.

¹¹ Fletcher, Roger: ‘History from below comes to Germany: the new history movement in the Federal Republic of Germany’, journal of Modern History, LX (09 1988), 557–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Eley, Geoff, ‘Nazism, politics and the image of the past’, Past and Present, CXXI (1988), 200–1Google Scholar.

¹² Mommsen, Hans, ‘Zum Projekt eines “Deutschen Historischen Museums” in West-Berlin’, in Geschichtsdidaktik – Probleme, Projekle, Perspektiven, no. 3 (1986)Google Scholar, reprinted in Stölzl (ed.), Deutsches Historisches Musuem – Ideen, Kontroversen, Perspektiven (Frankfurt, 1988), p. 296.

¹³ Stölzl, , Deutsches Historisches Museum, pp. 61–6Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Bulletin des Presse- und Informationsamtes der Bundesrepublik Deulschland, No. 43 of 5 May 1983, p. 412; ‘4. Mai 1983 – Rede Helmut Kohls vor dem Bundestag’.

¹⁵ Cf. Mommsen, , ‘Zum Projekt eines “Deutschen Historischen Museums” in West Berlin’, p. 309Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Ibid. pp. 296f.; Martin Broszat, ‘Zur Errichtung eines “Hauses der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland” in Bonn’, in idem, Nach Hitler: Der schwierige Umgang mit unserer Geschichte (Graml & Henke, eds.; Munich, 1986).

¹⁷ Michael Stürmer, ‘Berlin und Bonn: Suche nach der deutschen Geschichte’, in idem, Dissonanzen des Fortschritts: Essays über Geschichte und Politik in Deutschland (Munich, 1986), pp. 300–4.

¹⁸ Stölzl, , Deutsches Historisches Museum, pp. 310ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ 'Konzeption für ein “Deutsches Historisches Museum” of 24 June 1987, p. 9.

²⁰ Schulze, Gibt es überhaupt eine deutsche Geschichte?

²¹ See also:Bramwell, Anna, ‘German identity transformed’, in JASO, XVII (1985), 1–18Google Scholar. The theme of German ‘identity’ is echoed in the highest spheres of German politics, Cf. von Weizsäcker, Richard, Die Deutschen und ihre Identität (Kiel, 1986)Google Scholar.

²² Hans-Ulrich Wehler, ‘Das neue Interesse an der Geschichte’, in idem, Aus der Geschichte Lernen? (Munich, 1988), p. 27.

²³ Quoted in Eley, , ‘Nazism, politics and the image of the past’, p. 196fGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Roger Morgan would argue that this is also true for Neil Kinnock's and Margaret Thatcher's differing definitions of patriotism, for example:‘Englischer Patriotismus: Kontinuität und Perspektivität der Inhalte’, in Weigelt, Klaus (ed.), Patriotismus in Europa (Bonn, 1988), pp. 94–100Google Scholar.

²⁵ See the articles in Politik und Kultur, I, 2 (1974)Google Scholar, pointing out the complexity of this problem, especially the contributions of von Salin, J. R., ‘Nation – legitim oder illegitim’, pp. 7–15Google Scholar and Mommsen, Wolfgang J., ‘Nation und Nationalbewusstsein in der Gegenwart’, pp. 16–28Google Scholar.

²⁶ Mommsen, Hans, ‘Zum Projekt eines “Deutsche n Historischen Museums” in West-Berlin’, p. 297Google Scholar; Broszat, Martin, ‘Zur Errichtung eines “Hauses der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland” in Bonn’ in Grünen, Die (eds.), Wider die Entsorgung der deutschen Geschichte (Bonn, 1986)Google Scholar.

²⁷ It was the conservative government under Adenauer which in the first post-World War II years decided to opt for freedom (as in ‘Western democracy’) and an alliance with the west at the expense of unity, a view which the present conservative government also holds – freedom above unity. At the time it was the SPD under Schumacher which pleaded for unity and allied troop withdrawal. In the period of détente in the late '60s and early'70s, the position was to some extent reversed, but now we seem to have come full circle. But the fronts of opposition are not at all clear on this issue: traditionally, the extreme left in Germany (including the leading figures of the '68 students' revolts) has held that Adenauer's policies after 1945 amounted to a restoration of a pre-fascist, but repulsive late liberal-capitalist society in collusion with the western capitalists/ imperialists, symbolized by NATO. The peace movement in Germany is largely the heir of this interpretation, and left-wing support for national reunification can be seen as a reaction ‘against the grating legacy of the lost war…By overturning the ancien régime the rebels would triumph twice: against their parents, who had indentured themselves to the [western] victors: and against a system that denied their national self’ in the words of the admirable analysis of Joffe, Josef, in ‘The battle of the historians’ in Encounter (06 1987), p. 76Google Scholar. Joffe sees the conservative campaign for greater pride in the achievements of the Federal Republic and the museums as a reaction to the neo-nationalist campaign on the left. N.B. alsojoffe's and Geoff Eley's observation that both Habermas and Stürmer stress their loyalties to western democracy and to American models, which is surprising in the case of Habermas, , who used to take the line of the dissidents of 1968: ‘Nazism, politics and the image of the past’, p. 183Google Scholar.

²⁸ 'Konzeption fur ein “Deutsches Historisches Museum”, 24 June 1987, p. A 32.

²⁹ Stölzl, , Deutsches Historisches Museum, p. 483Google Scholar.

³⁰ ‘Konzeption für ein “Deutsches Historisches Museum”’ of 24 June 1987, p. A 32.

³¹ Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, ‘Das neue Interesse an dcr Geschichte’, p. 31Google Scholar.

³² von Ranke, Leopold, ‘Der Fortschritt in der Geschichte’ in Oelmüller, W., Dölle, R., & Piepmeier, R. (eds.) Diskurs: Geschichte (Paderborn, 1980), p. 216Google Scholar.

³³ For the development of German historiography, see Iggers, Georg, The German conception of history (revised edition. Middletown, Ct., 1983), pp. 231fGoogle Scholar; Evans, Richard, ‘Rethinking the German past’, West European Politics, IV, 2 (1981)Google Scholar; Fletcher, ‘History from below comes to Germany’; see also, Blackbourn, David & Eley, Geoff, The peculiarities of German history: bourgeois society and politics in 19th-century Germany (Oxford, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholarand Eley, Geoff, From unification to Nazism: reinterpreting the German past (London, 1986)Google Scholar; Kocka, Jürgen, ‘Germany before Hitler; the debate about the German Sonderweg’, Journal of Contemporary History, XXIII, 1 (1988), 3–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ For a treatment of the Fischer debate, see e.g. Mommsen, Wolfgang J., ‘The debate over German war aims’ in Journal of Contemporary History, I (1966), 47–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Geiss, Imanuel, Studien über Geschichte und Geschichtswissenschaft (Frankfurt, 1972), pp. 108–98Google Scholar; Taylor, A. J. P., ‘Fritz Fischer and his school’, Journal of Modern History, XLVII (1975), 120–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Moore, John A., The politics of illusion (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Iggers, Georg, Neue Geschichtswissenschaft (Munich, 1978), pp. 106–14Google Scholar.

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³⁶ Geiss, Immanuel: Das deutsche Reich und der Erste Weltkrieg (Munich, 1978)Google Scholar; Das deutsche Reich und die Vorgeschichte des Ersten Weltkriegs (Munich, 1978)Google Scholar; ‘The outbreak of the First World War and German war aims’ in Journal of Contemporary History, I (1966), 75–91Google Scholar. For other pupils of Fischer, see Böhme, Helmut, Deutschlands Weg zur Grossmacht (Cologne, 1966)Google Scholar, and von Strandmann, Hartmut Pogge and Geiss, Imanuel (eds.), Die Erforderlichkeit des Unmöglichen – Deutschland am Vorabend des Ersten Weltkrieges (Frankfurt a.M., 1965)Google Scholar.

³⁷ See for example the work of Berghahn, Voker, Der Tirpitz Plan (Düsseldorf, 1971)Google Scholar; Germany and the approach of war in 1914 (London, 1973)Google Scholar; also Mommsen, Wolfgang, Der europäische Imperialismus (Göttingen, 1979)Google Scholar; ‘Domestic factors in German foreign policy before 1914’, Central European History, VI (1973), 3–43Google Scholar; and Stürmer, Michael (ed.) Das kaiserliche Deutschland (Düsseldorf, 1970)Google Scholar; Das Ruhelose Reich; Deutschland 1866–1918 (Berlin, 1983)Google Scholar.

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³⁹ Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Die Arbeiterbewegung im wilhelminischen Reich, 1890–1900 (2nd edn, Berlin-Dahlem, 1963)Google Scholar; Bismarck und der Imperialismus (Cologne, 1969)Google Scholar; ‘Workers' culture in imperial Germany’, Journal of Contemporary History, XII (1978), 165–89Google Scholar; Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, 2 vols so far (Munich, 1987)Google Scholar several more in preparation.

⁴⁰ Ritter, Gerhard A., Arbeiterbewegung, Parteien und Parlamentarismus, (Göttingen, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kocka, Jürgen, Angeslellte zwischen Faschismus und Demokratie, die USA 1890–1940 im intemationalen Vergleich (Göttingen, 1977)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Winkler, Heinrich-August, Preussischer Liberalismus und deutscher Nationalstaat, 1861–1866 (Tübingen, 1964)Google Scholar; Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegungen in der Weimarer Republik (Berlin, 1984)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Kocka, Jürgen (ed.), Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhunderl – Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich (3 vols., Munich, 1988)Google Scholar.

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⁴³ E.g. Hildebrand's, introduction to Wem gehört die deutsche Geschichte?, p. 9Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Cf. Iggers, , Neue Geschichtswissenschaft, pp. 142–4Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Quoted in Craig, Gordon, ‘The war of the German historians’, New York Review of Books, 15 01 1987Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Hillgruber, Andreas, Kontinuität und Diskontinuität von Bismarck bis Hitler (Düsseldorf, 1970)Google Scholar; Bismarcks Aussenpolitik (Freiburg, 1972)Google Scholar; Die deutsche Frage in der Weltpolitik (Frankfurt, 1974)Google Scholar; Hildebrand, Klaus, ‘Geschichte oder “Gesellschaftsgeschichte”?’ Historische Zeitschrift, CCXXIII (1976), 328–67, e.g. note on p. 331Google Scholar; ‘Grossbritannien und die deutsche Reichsgründung’, Historische Zeitschrift, Beiheft 6, Nr. 1980Google Scholar;Das europäische Sicherheitsdilemma. Betrachtungen über den Ausbruch des Ersten Wellkrieges (1985).

⁴⁷ As Jarausch, Konrad claims: ‘Removing the Nazi stain? The quarrel of the German historians’, German Studies Review, XI, 2 (1988), 285–301CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This is shown by a simple comparison of the dates of birth of the historians participating in the debate: Bracher – 1922; Broszat – 1926; Geiss – 1931; Hildebrand – 1941; Hillgruber – 1925; Jäckel – 1929; Kocka – 1941; Möller – 1943; the Mommsens – 1930; Nipperdey – 1927; Nolte – 1923; Schulze – 1943; Wehler – 1931; Winkler – 1938; non-historians: Augstein – 1923; Habermas – 1929.

⁴⁸ See above, note 37.

⁴⁹ See note 40.

⁵⁰ See note 39.

⁵¹ Leicht, Robert in a review of Mitten in Europa, Die Süddeutsche Zeitung, 12/13 12 1985Google Scholar.

⁵² Kershaw, Ian, Popular opinion and political dissent in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁵ See e.g. Habermas, Jürgen (ed.) Observations on the ‘spiritual situation of the age’ (Cambridge, Mass., 1984; German edition, Frankfurt, 1979)Google Scholar– essays on nationalism and historical interpretations by Hans Mommsen, Wolfgang J. Mommsen, Horst Ehmke, Hans Ulrich Wehler.

⁵⁶ Stürmer, Michael, ‘Die Suche nach einem Daseinszweck: Über das schwierige Verhältnis von Politik und Kultur’, in Dissonanzen des Fortschritts, p. 285Google Scholar, article originally published 1984.

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⁵⁹ Ibid. pp. 310–32.

⁶⁰ ‘Zum Projekt eines “Deutschen Historischen Museums” in West-Berlin’, and Broszat, ‘Zur Errichtung eines “Hauses der Geschichte de r Bundesrepublik Deutschland” in Bonn’.

⁶¹ E.g. Imanuel Geiss, Die Habermas Kontroverse; Fest, Joachim, ‘Die geschuldete Erinnerung’, in Historikerstreit, pp. 101f.Google Scholar; Stünner's, letter to the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeilung on 16 09 1986Google Scholar, Historikerstreit pp. 98f.

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⁶⁹ In 1944 one of the Yugoslav partisan leaders, Miloven Djilas, complained to Stalin about the numerous instances of looting, rape, and murder (often in combination with rape) which the liberating Soviet soldiers committed. Stalin was furious and asked how he could complain if a soldier ‘who has crossed thousands of kilometers through blood and fire and death has fun with a woman or takes some trifle?’ Cf. Djilas, , Conversations with Stalin (London, 1962), p. 88Google Scholar; Clissold, Stephen (ed.) Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union – a documentary survey (London, 1975), p. 165Google Scholar.

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¹²¹ Historikerstreit, pp. 36–8 and p. 272.

¹²² Schulze, Hagen, ‘Fragen, die wir stellen müssen’, Historikerstreit, pp. 143–51Google Scholar, and Wir sind was wir geworden sind (Munich, 1987), pp. 189–95Google Scholar.

¹²³ Quoted in Eley, , ‘Nazism, politics and the image of the past’, p. 196Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Quoted in Joffe, , ‘The battle of the historians’, p. 26Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ Arnulf Baring, historian-cum-social scientist, talks about a new German megalomania:Unser neuer Grössenwahn (Cologne, 1988)Google Scholar.