Article contents
Mercantilism Revisited
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Extract
The intention of this paper is to look at some of the problems which arise in attempts to provide ‘explanations’ of mercantilism and especially its English manifestations. By ‘explanations’ I mean the efforts which some writers have made causally to relate the historical appearance of sets of economic notions or general recommendations on economic policy or even acts of economic policy by the state to particular long-term phenomena of, or trends in, economic history. Historians of economic thought have not generally made such attempts. With a few exceptions they have normally concerned themselves with tracing and analysing the contributions to economic theory made by those labelled as mercantilists. The most extreme case of non-explanation is provided by Eli Heckscher's reiterated contention in his two massive volumes that mercantilism was not to be explained by reference to the economic circumstances of the time; mercantilist policy was not to be seen as ‘the outcome of the economic situation’; mercantilist writers did not construct their system ‘out of any knowledge of reality however derived’. So strongly held an antideterminist fortress, however congenial a haven for some historians of ideas, has given no comfort to other historians – economic or political, Marxist or non-Marxist – who obstinately exhibit empiricist tendencies. Some forays against the fortress have been made. Barry Supple's analysis of English commerce in the early seventeenth century and the resulting presentation of mercantilist thought and policy as ‘the economics of depression’ has passed into the textbooks and achieved the status of an orthodoxy.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1980
References
1 This is an amended version of the Neale Lecture in English History given at University College, London, on 6 December 1979.
2 Heckscher, E. F., Mercantilism, revised edition, ed. Söderlund, E. F. (2 vols., London, 1955), I, 20Google Scholar; II, 347.
3 Including my own attempt at ‘explaining’ some attitudes labelled mercantilist, in ‘Labour in the English economy in the seventeenth century’, Economic History Review, 2nd series, VIII (1956)Google Scholar. See also Coleman, D. C. (ed.), Revisions in mercantilism (London, 1969)Google Scholar.
4 Supple, B. E., Commercial crisis and change in England, 1600–1642 (Cambridge, 1959), part III, passimGoogle Scholar; Wilson, Charles, England's apprenticeship, 1603–1763 (London, 1965), ch. 3Google Scholar.
5 Earle, Peter, ‘The economics of stability: the views of Daniel Defoe’ in Coleman, D. C. and John, A. H. (eds.), Trade, government and economy in pre-industrial England (London, 1976), p. 279Google Scholar. See also, for an extended treatment, his The world of Defoe (London, 1976), pp. 107–57Google Scholar.
6 Magnusson, Lars, ‘Eli Heckscher, mercantilism, and the favourable balance of trade’, Scandinavian Economic History Review, XXVI, no. 2 (1978), 114Google Scholar.
7 Appleby, Joyce Oldham, Economic thought and ideology in seventeenth-century England (Princeton, NJ., 1978)Google Scholar. See also her article ‘Ideology and theory: the tension between political and economic liberalism in seventeenth-century England’, American Historical Review, LXXV (1976)Google Scholar.
8 Stewart, Dugald, Biographical memoirs of Adam Smith…William Robertson…and Thomas Reid (Edinburgh, 1811), p. 49Google Scholar. The memoir of Smith was originally read by Stewart to the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 1793.
9 Wealth of nations, p. 360. Unless otherwise stated, the references here given are to the Cannan edition in the one-volume Modern Library format (New York, 1937).
10 Though probably developed earlier, c. 1750, as well as independently by Turgot. See Meek, R. L., ‘Smith, Turgot and the “four stages theory”’, History of Political Economy, III (1971)Google Scholar. Also Höpfl, H. M., ‘From savage to Scotsman: counterfactual history in the Scottish Enlightenment’, Journal of British Studies (Spring 1978)Google Scholar.
11 Skinner, Andrew S., ‘Adam Smith: an economic interpretation of history’ in Skinner, Andrew S. and Wilson, Thomas (eds.), Essays on Adam Smith (Oxford, 1975), p. 155Google Scholar. It might seem more chronologically appropriate to say that Marx was remarkable for the almost Smithian reliance which he placed on economic forces.
12 Wealth of nations, pp. 460–1.
13 Ibid. p. 397. As Professor Coats has observed, he was more interested in this context ‘in the beliefs of practical men than in intellectual achievements as such’; Coats, A. W., ‘Adam Smith and the mercantile system’ in Essays on Adam Smith, p. 220Google Scholar.
14 Wealth of nations, ed. Campbell, R. H. and Skinner, A. S., textual ed. Todd, W. B. (2 vols., Oxford, 1976), I, 55–6Google Scholar.
15 Wealth of nations, p. 508.
16 Ibid. p. 460.
17 Ibid. pp. 327–8.
18 Ibid. pp. 328, 508–9. See also Coats, , loc. cit., pp. 228–9Google Scholar.
19 Ibid. pp. 434, 627.
20 Coleraan, D. C., ‘Eli Heckscher and the idea of mercantilism’, Scandinavian Economic History Review, V, no. 4 (1957), 8Google Scholar, reprinted in Revisions in mercantilism.
21 Magnusson, , loc. cit., p. 114Google Scholar.
22 Ibid. pp. 114–15.
23 Ibid. pp. 117, 121.
24 Appleby, , Economic thought, p. 4Google Scholar.
25 Ibid. p. 173.
26 Ibid. p. 198.
27 Ibid. p. 5, 30–1, 53, 79.
28 Ibid. pp. 127, 194, 238, 248, 250–1, 267.
29 Appleby, , ‘Ideology and theory’, loc. cit., p. 515Google Scholar. According to Macpherson, ‘the possessive market model…does not require a state policy of laissez-faire;, a mercantilist policy is perfectly consistent with the model and may indeed be required at some stages in the development of a possessive market society’; Macpherson, C. B., The political theory of possessive individualism (Oxford, 1962). p. 5Google Scholar.
30 Appleby, , ‘Ideology and theory’, loc. cit., p. 515Google Scholar.
31 Appleby, , Economic thought, pp. 25, 30–1, 33 (my italics), 54, 84–5, 105, 127, 130Google Scholar.
32 And still more so to DrMacfarlane's, Alan views as expressed in his Origins of English individualism (Oxford, 1978)Google Scholar.
33 Wealth of nations (ed. Campbell, and Skinner, ), editors' introduction, I, 56Google Scholar.
34 The historical timetable of mercantilism has long been variously set out and has posed problems to would-be explainers, but Mr Magnusson's version does at least correspond to that of earlier Marxist or neo-Marxist interpreters who saw mercantilism as ‘the ideology of the monopoly trading companies’. See Judges, A. V., ‘The idea of the mercantile state’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th series, XXI (1939)Google Scholar, reprinted in Revisions in mercantilism, pp. 58–9 n. 2.
35 Mercator or Commerce Retrieved, no. 48 (10–12 September 1713), generally attributed to Daniel Defoe.
36 See Stone, L., ‘Elizabethan overseas trade’, Economic History Review, 2nd series, II (1949)Google Scholar.
37 As distinct from statistics which economic historians have derived from earlier contemporary data kept for customs purposes.
38 This calculation is to be found in King's MS journal, the so-called ‘Burns journal’, published in facsimile in Laslett, T. P. R. (ed.), The earliest classics: John Graunt and Gregory King, Pioneers of demography series (London, 1973), p. 207Google Scholar.
39 Holmes, G. S., ‘Gregory King and the social structure of pre-industrial England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, XXVII (1977)Google Scholar.
40 This calculation is in the tract called ‘Of the Naval Trade of England, Ao. 1688 and the National Profit arising thereby, published in Barnett, G. E. (ed.), Two tracts by Gregory King (Baltimore, 1936), p. 63Google Scholar.
41 Calendar of MSS of the Houses of Lords, vol. X, new series (1712–1714), 153–62Google Scholar.
42 Schumpeter, Joseph A., History of economic analysis (Oxford, 1954), p. 337 n. 6Google Scholar.
43 Appleby, , Economic thought, p. 22Google Scholar.
44 Just how widely read were the economic tracts of the day is a topic worthy of further enquiry. It is noteworthy that even so important a writer on economic matters as John Locke seems to have possessed only a comparatively small number of the major tracts. See Harrison, J. and Laslett, T. P. R. (eds.), The library of John Locke (2nd edn, Oxford, 1971), esp. pp. 18, 25Google Scholar.
45 Appleby, , Economic thought, p. 5Google Scholar.
46 See above, p. 778.
47 Cf. Appleby, , Economic thought, pp. 168, 262Google Scholar.
48 Heckscher, , Mercantilism, II, 26–7Google Scholar.
49 Schumpeter, , Economic analysis, pp. 159ffGoogle Scholar. For an example from Davenant, , see his Discourse on the plantation trade (London, 1698)Google Scholar in Works, ed. Whitworth, C. (5 vols., London, 1771), II 12Google Scholar.
50 Diary, 2 Feb. 1663–4. For an example from Swift see Swift, J., The conduct of the allies (1712, ed. Wheeler, C. B., Oxford, 1916), p. 32Google Scholar.
51 The essays of Michael, lord of Montaigne (translated Florio, John, 1603, facsimile edn, Menston, England, 1969), p. 46Google Scholar. Spelling modernized.
52 See Montaigne, , Essais, ed. Rat, M. (2 vols., Paris, 1962), I, 111–12, and 695Google Scholar. Préchac, F. (ed.), Sénèque, Des Bienfaits (2 vols., Paris, 1926), II, 69–71Google Scholar. The popularity of both Montaigne and Seneca in London c. 1600 can perhaps be judged by the fact that Florio's 1603 translation of the Essays had gone into three editions by 1632, new translations being later made in 1693 and in 1711; and that, apart from a translation of Seneca's works in 1614 the De Beneficiis had been the subject of a separate translation, by Golding, Arthur, published in London in 1578 (The Woorke of the excellent Philosopher Lucius Annaeus Seneca concerning Benefyting, London, 1578Google Scholar; facsimile edition, Amsterdam, 1974).
53 Bacon, Francis, ‘Of seditions and troubles’, essay XV in Essays, ed. Hawkins, M. J. (London, 1972), pp. 45–6Google Scholar.
54 Earle, , ‘Economics of stability’, loc. cit., p. 279Google Scholar.
55 The economy of England, 1450–1750 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 132–3Google Scholar.
56 The discourse of the commonweal (ed. Lamond, E., Cambridge, 1929), p. 63Google Scholar. Spelling modernized.
57 Quoted Roover, Raymond de, Business, banking, and economic thought, ed. Kirshner, J. (Chicago, 1974), P. 362Google Scholar.
58 Mun, Thomas, England's treasure by foreign trade in McCulloch, J. R. (ed.), Early English tracts on commerce (Cambridge, 1952), p. 125Google Scholar. Spelling modernized.
59 Schumpeter, , Economic analysis, p. 360Google Scholar.
60 See my ‘Politics and economics in the age of Anne: the case of the Anglo-French trade treaty of 1713’ in Trade, government and economy, pp. 187–211.
61 ‘Burns journal’ in Earliest classics, pp. 161–2.
62 Wealth of nations, pp. 324, 326.
63 The reference is to Ashley, W. J., ‘The Tory origins of free trade policy’ in his Surveys historic and economic (London, 1900)Google Scholar; and Appleby, , Economic thought, p. 267 and n. 55Google Scholar.
64 ‘Burns journal’ in Earliest classics, p. 269.
65 See, for example, Fleming, J. Marcus, ‘Mercantilism and free trade today’ in Wilson, T. and Skinner, A. S. (eds.), The market and the state. Essays in honour of Adam Smith (Oxford, 1976), pp. 164–99Google Scholar.
66 The Guardian, 8 Oct. 1979.
67 The Times, 22 Aug. 1973.
68 The Times, 27 Aug. 1973.
69 ‘The idea of the mercantile state’, loc. cit., p. 59.
70 Some characteristic specimens of this process can be seen analysed in, to give a few instances, Edie, C., ‘The Irish cattle bills: a study in restoration polities’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, new series, LX, part 2 (Philadelphia, 1970), 5–62Google Scholar; Langford, P., The excise crisis (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar; Jubb, M. J., ‘Fiscal policy in England in the 1720s and 1730s’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis (Cambridge, 1978)Google Scholar.
71 Unwin, G., Studies in economic history (London, 1927), p. 158Google Scholar.
- 31
- Cited by