Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-m6dg7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-07T20:21:58.120Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Jules Cambon and Franco-German Détente, 1907–1914*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

John Keiger
John Keiger
Affiliation:
University of Salford
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Improved Franco-German relations are rarely associated with the years preceding the Great War or with the policies of Raymond Poincaré. Yet from 1907 to 1914 a persistent attempt was made to bring about détente between Paris and Berlin, which eventually led to the French president adopting a conciliatory attitude towards Germany, occasionally at the expense of relations with Russia. The instigator of this policy was the French ambassador in Berlin, Jules Cambon. He believed that Franco-German détente could best serve the two axioms of French diplomacy since 1870: continental security and overseas expansion. Cambon considered the growth of German power in Europe and abroad to be both natural and inevitable and that France must come to terms with it.1 His policy involved ending the intransigence which he saw as having characterized French diplomacy, often with disastrous results, since 1870. He confessed in May 1908 that his ideas were fairly summarized in Clemenceau's remark to him: ‘On dit que vous avez dit que vous ne voulez aller ni à Ems ni à Faschoda.’2 These two incidents, the ‘Ems telegram’ and the Fashoda crisis, symbolized for him the recklessness and inflexibility of France's past diplomacy.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 26 , Issue 3 , September 1983 , pp. 641 - 659
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1983

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 This article does not seek to throw new light on German foreign policy, merely to refer to it as French contemporaries saw it. For a discussion of German foreign policy see, for example, Fischer, F., War of illusions: German policies 1911–14 (London, 1975)Google Scholar, and Berghahn, V. R., Germany and the approach of war in 1914 (London, 1979)Google Scholar. For a very detailed study of the economic and financial aspects of Franco-German relations, see Poidevin, R., Les relations économiques et financières entre la France et l'Allemagne de 1898 à 1914 (Paris, 1969)Google Scholar, and for a recent general account see Poidevin, R. and Bariéty, J., Les relations franco-allemandes 1815–1970 (Paris, 1977).Google Scholar

2 Jules-Paul Cambon, 19 May 1908, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 25, dossier Jules-Paul, II, 49. Foreign minister Pichon criticized this as an obsession: ‘“M. Cambon serait la perfection même s'il n'était pas trop hanté par le souvenir de Benedetti” (allusion à votre: Toujours entre Ems et Faschoda).’ Mermeix-Jules Cambon, 8 Mar. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier Lu-Pc.

3 For other examples of détente between the two countries, see Poidevin and Bariéty, Les relations franco-allemandes, pp. 147–69.

4 See ibid. pp. 177–82.

5 Cambon, J., The diplomatist (London, 1931), p. 94.Google Scholar For a fuller discussion of the young nationalist permanent officials in the French foreign ministry, see Keiger, ‘Poincaré’, pp. 20–35 passim.

6 Jules-Paul Cambon, 21 July 1907, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 25, dossier Jules-Paul, II, 49.

7 Poidevin and Bariéty, Les relations franco-allemandes, pp. 183–4.

8 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 1 June 1908, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, 13.

9 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 17 May 1909, ibid., dossier Pichon-Z.

10 Jules Cambon-Paris, Dec. (?) 1908, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 12, dossier correspondance officielle 1907–8.

11 For a detailed analysis of the treaty, see Allain, J.-C., Agadir 1911 (Paris, 1976), pp. 233–46Google Scholar. Professor Allain's admirable study of the decision-making process in French relations with Germany in Morocco from 1906–11 is the published version of a French doctoral thesis completed in 1974, but which, unfortunately, at the time was not able to take account of Jules Cambon's private papers.

12 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 21 Nov. 1909, Inst. de Fr., Pichon MSS 4396, 55.

13 Memo, 21 Nov. 1909, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pichon-Z.

14 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 21 Nov. 1909, Inst. de Fr., Pichon MSS 4396, 55. See also telegrams Jules Cambon-Pichon dated 10, 20 and 25 Mar. 1911 and the very secret report by the Berlin commercial attaché on the ‘Etat d'esprit des Alsaciens’ with Jules Cambon's cover-note: ‘C'est seulement dans le silence que peut se préparer un autre avenir’, dated I4 June 1910, and Pichon's reply to Jules Cambon dated 23 June 1910, all in A.E. N.S. Allemagne 10, Alsace-Lorraine 1906–10. The estrangement of Alsace-Lorraine was such that when the Great War broke out the French government opposed settling the provinces’ fate by a plebiscite for fear it would not show a majority for reunion with France. On this see, Stevenson, D., ‘French war aims and the American challenge, 1914–18’, The Historical Journal, XXII, 4 (1979), pp. 877–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 See, for example, the excellent work by Becker, J.-J., 1914: Comment les Français sont entrés dans la guerre (Paris, 1977), pp. 53–62Google Scholar, and Poidevin, and Bariéty, , Les relations franco-allemandes, pp. 150–4.Google Scholar

16 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 3 Feb. 1910, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pichon-Z.

17 Poidevin and Bariéty, Les relations franco-allemandes, pp. 186–7.

18 For a detailed account of the relation between administrative disorganization and intrigue at the Quai d'Orsay, see Keiger, ‘Poincaré, pp. 11–35.

19 See Paul-Jules Cambon, 31 Jan. 1911, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon; Jules Cambon-J. Reinach, 23 Jan. 1911, B.N. n.a.fr. 24875,97;Jules-Paul Cambon, 30 Jan. 1911, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 25, dossier Jules-Paul, 11, 147; Jules Paul Cambon, 12 Mar. 1911, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier H-Loub., in which he remarked, ‘C'est encore et toujours 1870!’

20 Jules-Paul Cambon, 17 Apr. 1911, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier H-Loub., pp. 161–3; see also Jules-Paul Cambon, ibid. 21, pp. 170–5. For a detailed study of the build up to Agadir and the crisis itself, see Allain, , Agadir, pp. 253–429Google Scholar, and the same author's, Joseph Caillaux – le victorieux 1863–1914(Paris, 1978), pp. 373–89.Google Scholar

21 Jules-Paul Cambon, 17 Apr. 1911, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier H-Loub., pp. 161–3.

22 Jules-Paul Cambon, 25 Apr. 1911, ibid. pp. 177–82.

23 Jules-Paul Cambon, 16 July 1911, ibid. 25, dossier Jules-Paul II, 191.

24 ‘Notes sur les voyages à Paris des 22 juin - 8 juillet 1911’, ibid. 13, 5.

25 Jaeckh, E. (ed), Kiderlen-Waechter intime d'après ses notes et sa correspondance (Paris, 1926), pp. 286–8.Google Scholar

26 Poidevin and Bariéty, Les relations franco-allemandes, p. 188.

27 Jules Cambon-Delcassé, 4 Oct. 19112, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 14, dossier D-G. The bellicose and subversive attitude of certain factions in the Quai d'Orsay during this period is also described by Joseph Caillaux in Mes mémoires (2 vols., Paris 1942–3), II, 63–215.Google Scholar

28 Jules-Paul Cambon, 16 July 1911, ibid. 25, dossier Jules Paul II, pp. 191–2.

29 See Poidevin and Bariéty, Les relations franco-allemandes, p. 189.

30 For further details about the role of intercepts during the Agadir Crisis and subsequently, see Andrew, C. M., ‘Déchiffrement et diplomatie: le cabinet noir du Quai d'Orsay sous la Troisième République’, Relations Internationales, no. 5 (1976).Google Scholar

31 ‘Notes sur les voyages à Paris des 22 juin - 8 juillet 1911’, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 13, 3.

32 Kiderlen in fact remained in power until his death in December 1912.

33 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 19 Feb. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pichon-Z.

34 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 3 Mar. 1912, ibid.

35 Cambon believed that Germany only had respect for strength; consequently if France could measure up to her militarily then the negotiation of détente would be made easier, hence his support for the Three Years' Law.

36 Jules Cambon-Mermeix, 24 Feb. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier H-Loub. Recent research has shown Cambon to be correct; see, for example, Becker, 1914, pp. 27, 38, 52.

37 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 27 Mar. 1912 (bis), A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pic.-Z.

38 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 27 Mar. 1912, ibid.

39 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 27 Mar. 1912 (bis), ibid.

40 Poincaré-Jules Cambon, 27 Mar. 1912, ibid.

41 See, for example, his speech to the chamber of deputies, 16 Jan. 1912, J.O. (Chambre), pp. 22–3, and to the Senate three weeks later in Poincaré, R., Au service de la France (10 vols., Paris, 1926–33)Google Scholar, I, 65, and his explanation of the danger of penetrating the alliance systems in ibid. pp. 247–8.

42 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 31 Mar. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pic-Z.

43 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 29 Apr. 1912, ibid.

44 Jules Cambon-Paléologue, 13 May 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier Lu-Pc.

45 For further details see Andrew, C. M. and Kanya-Forstner, A. S., France overseas, the Great War and the climax of French imperial expansion (London, 1981) pp. 31, 42–9.Google Scholar

46 See, for example, Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 15 June 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pic.-Z; Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 18 July and 22 July 1912, ibid. pp. 43 and 50–2 respectively.

47 For example, Jules Cambon-Paléologue, 26 June 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier Lu-Pc; Jules Cambon Poincaré, 18 July 1912, ibid. 13, 43, Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 22 July 1912, ibid. pp. 50–2; Jules Cambon Poincaré, 6 Aug. 1912, ibid. 15, dossier Lu-Pc; Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 26 Sept. 1912, ibid. 13, 53–6; Jules CambonPaléologue, 30 Sept. 1912, ibid. 15, dossier Lu-Pc.

48 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, draft letter (n.d.), July (?), ibid. 15, dossier ‘Bethmann-Hollweg, July-Sept. 1912’. A year later he would even tell his brother that what the Alsatians wanted was ‘absolute independence’ from France. Jules Paul Cambon, 21 Dec 1913, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon.

49 Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 14 Oct. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 16, dossier Pic-Z.

50 Poincaré-Jules Cambon, 26 Oct. 1912, D.D.F. 3e, IV, no. 246.

51 Paul Cambon-Poincaré, 26 Oct. 1912, ibid. no. 252.

52 See Poincaré-Jules Cambon, 31 Oct. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 31, 91; Jules Cambon-Poincaré, 31 Oct. 1912, ibid.

53 Henri Cambon-Jules Cambon, 31 Oct. 1912, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon. Paléologue also asked Henri to tell his uncle that ‘le système d'ententes du gouvernement français est si ferme qu'aucune action unilatérale ne peut être entreprise...’.

54 Jules Cambon-Paléologue, 1 Nov. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15.

55 Paul-Jules Cambon, 4 Nov. 1912, ibid. 25, dossier Paul-Jules, pp. 130–1.

56 See, for example, Poincaré-Jules Cambon, 19 Nov. 1912, ibid. 13, dossier 1912, p. 124, Poincaré-Jules Cambon, 21 Nov. 1912, D.D.F. IV, no. 512; Poincaré-Jules Cambon, 24 Nov. 1912, ibid. no. 538, in which Poincaré remarked: ‘Veuillez surveiller la pensée du Gouvernement allemand plutôt que de lui communiquer la nôtre’; Paul-Jules Cambon, 2 Dec. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 25, dossier Paul-Jules, p. 143.

57 For a detailed account of France's policy in Syria and the Lebanon from 1912–14, see Andrew, and Kanya-Forstner, , France overseas, chaps. I and 2Google Scholar; Shorrock, W. I., French imperialism in the Middle East (Wisconsin, 1976), pp. 83–165Google Scholar; Guillen, P. G., ‘Les questions coloniales dans les relations franco-allemandes à la veille de la première guerre mondiale’, La Revue Historique, no. 248 (1972), 98–105Google Scholar; Thobie, J., Intérêts et impérialisme français dans l'empire ottoman (1895–1914) (Paris, 1977), pp. 647–724Google Scholar. At the end of 1912 Poincaré remarked, ‘Il viendra un temps où le partage se fera [of the Ottoman Empire]...et il faut nous arranger d'avance pour n'être pas absents.’ Cited in Andrew, C. M. and Kanya-Forstner, A. S., ‘La France à la recherche de la Syrie intégrale 1914—20’, Relations Internationales, no. 19 (1979), 264.Google Scholar

58 See Andrew and Kanya-Forstner, France overseas, p. 50.

59 For a detailed account of this, see Keiger, ‘Poincaré’, pp. 290–359.

60 Jules-Paul Cambon, 8 Feb. 1913, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon.

61 See Andrew, Kanya-Forstner, Grupp, ‘Le mouvement colonial et ses principales person-nalités.’ Revue d'Histoire d'Outre-Mer, no. 229 (1975), 659. Pichon had been president of the Comité de l'Orient from 1911 to 1912.

62 Jules-Paul Cambon, 5 Apr. 1913, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon.

63 Ibid.

64 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 5 Apr. 1913, Inst. de Fr., Pichon MSS 4396, 87.

65 Jules-Paul Cambon, 5 Apr. 1913, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon.

66 Jules Cambon-Paléologue, 27 Feb. 1913, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 15, dossier Lu-Pc. For further examples of Cambon's campaign, see Keiger, ‘Poincaré, pp. 311–12.

67 See Shorrock, French Imperialism, p. 160, and R. Poidevin, Les relations économiques et financières, pp. 690–701.

68 Jules-Paul Cambon, 7 June 1913, letter in the possession of M. Lous Cambon.

69 Jules told his brother, ‘Pichon m'a reproché il y a deux ans d'avoir toujours le souvenir de 70 devant les yeux. Je ne puis m'en détacher, et il me semble que nous avons retrouvé l'état d'esprit des boulevards de Paris de ce temps-là’, ibid.

70 Jules Cambon—Pichon, 8July 1913, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 13, 208.

71 See J. Thobie, Intérêts et impérialisme, pp. 706–10.

72 The Saverne incident arose when a young German officer insulted Alsation recruits and the French flag.

73 Jules Cambon's letter informing Pichon of this conversation was drafted on 10 November 1913 but Cambon hesitated about despatching it because he feared it could upset negotiations with Berlin. It was finally sent as a private letter dated 22 November 1913 with instructions for it to be locked in the ministry's safe. Jules Cambon-Pichon, 10 Nov. 1913, A.E. Jules Cambon 13, pp. 216–20 and Jules Cambon-Pichon, 22 Nov. 1913, D.D.F., VII, no. 522, respectively.

74 Jules-Paul Cambon, 15 November 1913, letter in the possession of M. Louis Cambon. Cambon explained that the Germans were still sceptical about Poincaré's new-found conciliatory attitude but that a settlement of the Baghdad affair would eradicate this. See also his evaluation of the affair to Zimmermann of the Wilhelmstrasse as being ‘d'intérêt général dont le règlement aura des conséquences à venir sur les relations des deux pays et la paix de l'Europe’. Report by J. Cambon, 9 Dec. 1913, A.E., N.S. Turquie, p. 349, cited in Guillen, ‘Les questions coloniales’, pp. 100–1.

75 Poincaré carnets, B.N., n.a.fr. 16026, 13 Jan. 1914, p. 14.

76 Jules Cambon-Pichon, 3 Dec. 1913, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS16, dossier Pichon-Z.

77 Kokovtsov (Russian prime minister) - Nicholas II, 13 Dec. 1913, cited in Taylor, Struggle for Mastery, p. 501.

78 For examples of this see Keiger, ‘Poincaré’, pp. 334–6 and 339–40.

79 Jules Cambon-Margerie (political director at the Quai), 18 Feb 1914, A.E. Margerie MSS, dossier Jules Cambon, p. 4455 See Shorrock, French imperialism, pp. 161–80, and Andrew and Kanya-Forstner, France overseas, p. 53.

80 Cited in translation in E. Weber, The Nationalist Revival in France 1905–14(California 1959), p. 159. Cambon's analysis is corroborated by Becker, 1914, pp. 27, 38, 42, 51–2.

81 Jules Cambon-Margerie, 13 Apr. 1914, A.E. Margerie MSS, dossier Jules Cambon, pp. 4695-4705.

82 Paul-Jules Cambon, 4 Nov. 1912, A.E. Jules Cambon MSS 25, dossier Paul-Jules, pp. 130–1.

83 Jules Cambon-Paris, December (?) 1908, ibid. 12, dossier correspondance officielle 1907–8.

84 For example, see Hamilton, K. I., in Hinsley, F. H. (ed.), British foreign policy under Sir Edward Grey(Cambridge, 1977), pp. 328 ff.Google Scholar