Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Historians of the ‘Age of Reform’ have sometimes been tempted into the fallacy castigated long ago by Herbert Butterfield; they busy themselves ‘with dividing the world into the friends and enemies of progress’ and forget ‘with what wilfulness and waste [progress] twists and turns”. Often, by implication, they exaggerate the stupidity and selfishness of the reactionaries while overestimating the enlightenment of the reformers and understressing their faddishness, their lack of scruple, and their divided aims or methods; it thus becomes difficult to see why reforming causes were ever resisted. In this sense, nineteenth-century England has received too few ‘Tory historians’ not too many; though with Professor Gash's well-known defence of Tories misguided enough to oppose franchise reform in 1831–2, and with the recent reinstatement of mid-Victorian working men shortsighted enough to vote Liberal there are signs that the reaction against Whiggish historiography of the nineteenth century has already begun.
2 Butterfield, H., The Whig Interpretation of History (1931), pp. 5, 23.Google Scholar
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4 Hartwell, R. M., ‘Interpretations of the Industrial Revolution in England’, Journal of Economic History (June, 1959), p. 244;Google ScholarBrown, L., ‘The Board of Trade and the Tariff Problem, 1840–2’, English Historical Review (1953);Google ScholarHutt, W. H., ‘The Factory System of the early nineteenth century’, in Hayek, F. A. Von (ed.), Capitalism and the Historians (1954);Google ScholarBythell, D., ‘The Hand-Loom Weavers in the English Cotton Industry during the Industrial Revolution: Some Problems’, Econ. Hist. Rev. (December, 1964), p. 350;Google ScholarFletcher, T. W., ‘The Great Depression of English Agriculture, 1873–1896’, Econ. Hist. Rev. 2nd ser. XIII (1960–1961);Google Scholar see also my ‘Sunday Trading Riots of 1855’, Historical Journal (1965), pp. 235–7.Google Scholar
5 J. L. and Hammond, B., The Age of the Chartists 1832–1854 (1930), pp. 144, 146;Google Scholar S. and Webb, B., The History of Liquor Licensing in England principally from 1700 to 1830 (United Kingdom Alliance edn. 1903), pp. 120, 128.Google Scholar
8 Maccoby, S., English Radicalism 1832–1852 (1935), p. 77;Google Scholar all subsequent biographical details are from Turner, R. E., James Silk Buckingham (1934),Google Scholar and King, S. T., ‘James Silk Buckingham’ (London Univ. unpublished M.A. thesis, 1932).Google Scholar Both these biographical studies entirely ignore the importance and significance of Place's dispute with the committee.
7 University College, London: Brougham MSS. Buckingham to Brougham, 29 November 1830, 16 May 1832; I am most grateful to Miss Skerl, of U.C.L. Library, for guiding me through this collection while cataloguing was still incomplete.
8 Buckingham, J. S. (ed.), Parliamentary Review (1833), IV, 57.Google Scholar
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29 3 Hansard 25, c. 966–7 (5 August 1834).
30 Mirror of Parliament (1834), IV, 3237;Google Scholar3 Hansard 25, cc. 966 ff. (5 August 1834).
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32 See my ‘Philanthropy and the Victorians’, Victorian Studies (June 1966), pp. 373–4,Google Scholar and my ‘Sunday Trading Riots of 1855’, loc. cit. pp. 238–40; cf. Hunt, E. M., ‘The North of England Agitation for the Abolition of the Slave Trade, 1780–1800’ (unpublished Manchester Ph.D. thesis), pp. 228–33.Google Scholar
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34 Sheffield Iris, 12 August 1834; cf. Sheffield Independent, 9 August 1834; Sheffield Mercury, 9 August 1834.
35 See my thesis, pp. 395–412; Gladstone's legislation will be discussed fully in my forthcoming book, Drink and the Victorians.
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42 Ibid. fo. 303.
43 B.M. Add. MSS. 27229 (Place Papers), fos. 213–14: Hawes to Place, 17 July 1834.
44 Parliamentary Review (1834), II, 1158;Google Scholar cf. 3 Hansard 25, c. 965 (5 August 1834), and Mirror of Parliament (1834), IV, 3238:Google Scholar Hawes’ statement does not appear in Hansard, which at this time was far inferior, as an accurate record of debates, to the Mirror of Parliament.
45 B.M. Add. MSS. 27829, fo. 72; Add. MSS. 35149, fo. 302: Place to Hawes, 7 July 1834.
46 B.M. Add. MSS, 27829, fo. 72.
47 Ibid. fo. 29.
48 His copy of t he report is preserved in B.M. Add. MSS. 27830 (Place Papers).
49 B.M. Add. M S S. 27829 (Place Papers), fo. 72 (title-page); there is n o reference to this work in Wallas’ biography of Place.
50 B.M. Add. MSS. 35150 (Place Papers), fo. 97: Place to G. R. Porter, 22 December 1835.
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62 Because the statistics involved in the dispute cannot indicate the relative prevalence of drunkenness within particular social classes at any one time, their importance consists purely in the extent to which they illuminate the two viewpoints held in 1834, and I have not therefore felt it worth reproducing them in full here. They are listed in my thesis, tables 5–11; for a general discussion of nineteenth-century drink statistics, see my ‘Drink and Sobriety in England 1815–1872. A Critical Bibliography’, International Review of Social History (1967), Part II, pp. 207–10.Google Scholar
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65 B.M. Add. MSS. 35149 (Place Papers), fo. 328: Place to Lovett, 21 November 1834; Drunkenness Report, QQ. 1107, 2013, 2033; but see Add. MSS. 27829 (Place Papers), fo. 19 for a contrary view.
66 E.g. London Working Men's College Archives: Scrapbook 1854–1884, p. 271.
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106 B.M. Add. MSS. 27830 (Place Papers), marginalia against Q. 175.
107 B.M. Add. MSS. 27829, fos. 72, 77.
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