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³ See Soom, A., Die Politik Schwedens bezüglich des russischen Transithandels über die estnischen Städte in den Fahren 1636–1656 (Tartu, 1940),Google Scholar tables on pp. 260, 261 for the number of ships cleared by the customs at Narva. The number of outward-bound ships rose fairly steadily from 72 in 1662 to twice that number in 1694.

⁴ See ‘The Russo-Polish Treaty of 1686 and its Antecedents’, The Polish Review, xx, nos. 3 and 4 (New York 1964).

⁵ See Mityaev, K. G.,’ Oboroty i torgovye svyazi smolenskogo rynka v 70-kh godakh XVII veka’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, XII (1941), 54–83.Google Scholar According to E. Dunsdorfs, ‘Der Aussenhandel Rigas im 17-en Jahrdt.’, Conventus Primus Historicorum Balticorum Rigae. . .1937, Acta & relata (Riga, 1938), pp. 457–86, p. 464, in 1699 75 Pe r c e n t of the hemp and 74 per cent of the hempseed brought to Riga for export came from White Russia, the remainder being supplied by Livonia, Courland and Lettgallia.Google Scholar

⁶ See Soom, op. cit. pp. 162–4, 258–9. In 1643 the duty levied at the frontier on Russian goods brought to Narva was abolished, in 1646 the export duty on such goods was reduced 2 per cent. According to Piirimäe, H. A., ‘Tendentsiya razvitiya i ob'ëm torgovli pribaltüskikh gorodov v period shvedskogo gospodstva v XVII v.’, Skandinavskii Sbornik, VIII (Tallinn, 1964), 99–113, pp. 106, 109,Google Scholar in 1689 the revenue from the principal duties on imports and exports, the licent and the portorium, levied at Narva amounted to 9,855 and 6,882 rix-dollars respectively. But Riga still brought in about eight times as much from the same sources in that year, 92,812 and 36,037 rix-dollars. For details of customs duties see Soom, op. cit. pp. 117, 123, 126, 16–4. and Der BaltischeGetreidehandelim 17. Fahrhundert (Stokholm, 1961), pp. 73–6;Google Scholar also Jensch, G. (Ensh), Der Handel Rigas im 17. Fahrhundert (Riga, 1930), pp. 112–17, 120–9.Google Scholar

⁷ But nearly half this income was spent in these provinces: Heckscher, E. F., Sveriges ekonomiska historia, 1, part 2 (Stockholm, 1936), 424,Google Scholar superseding the corresponding figure in Axelson, G. E., Bidrag till kännedomen om Sveriges tilstånd på Karl XII's tid (Visby, 1888), p. 113.Google Scholar

⁸ Bantysh-Kamensky, N. N., Obzor vneshnikh snoshenii Rossii (po 1800 g.), part IV (Moscow 1902), p. 195;Google ScholarForsten, G. V., ‘Snosheniya Shvetsii i Rossii vo vtoroy polovine XVII v., IV (1648–1700)’, Zhurnal Min. Nar. Prosv. part 323 (June 1899), pp. 277–339, pp. 316, 321;Google ScholarZernack, K., Studien zu den schwedisch-russischen Beziehungen in der 2. Hälfte des 17. Fahrhunderts, Teil I. . .1675 bis 1689 (Giessen, 1958), pp, 57–72.Google Scholar

⁹ Zernack, op. cit. pp. 90, 91, 96.

¹⁰ See Birnbaum, K. E., ‘Johan Sobieskis svenska förbindelser 1674–1677’, Karolinska Forbundets Årsbok (1950), pp. 7–72;Google Scholar ‘J. Sobieski och Sverige. Förbundet av år 1677 och dess upplösning’, ibid. (1951), pp. 75–155.

¹¹ Piwarski, K., ‘Lithuanian participation in Poland's Baltic Policies 1650–1700’, Baltic and Scandinavian Countries, in (1937) 219–26;Google Scholar the same, ‘Polityka bahycka Jana III w latach 1675–1679’, Ksiega pamiqtkowa ku czci…W. Sobieskiego, I (Cracow, 1932), 197–265.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Zernack, op. cit. p. 94.

¹³ Theiner, A. (ed.), Monuments historiques relatifs au règnes d'Alexis Michaelowitch, Féodor III et Pierre le Grand. . .extraits des Archives du Vatican et de Naples (Rome, 1859), no. cvi, pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Zernack, op. cit., pp. 127–33.

¹⁵ Foltz, M., Geschichte des Danziger Stadthaushalts (Danzig, 1912), pp. 85, 86, 135, 470, 527;Google ScholarRybarski, cf. R., Skarb i pieniadz za Michala Korybuta i Fana III (Warsaw, 1939), pp. 520, 521;Google ScholarKutrzeba, S., Gdańsk. Przeszlość i terazniejszość (Lvov, 1928), p. 113.Google Scholar

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¹⁷ Quoted in Hedemann, O., Dzisna i Druja, magdeburskie miasta (Vilno, 1934), p. 159.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Wittram, R., ‘Patkul und der Ausbruch des Nordischen Krieges’, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, I, Philolog.—Hist. Klasse (1952), no. 9, 201–5;Google ScholarHallendorff, C., Bidrag till det stora nordiska krigets förhistoria (Upsala, 1897), pp. 158–9, appendix III A (the Livonian gentry's instructions for Patkul), pp. 159–67, appendix IIIB (the agreement concluded by Patkul with Augustus II).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Piwarski, ‘Lithuanian participation.. . ‘ , p. 222; Treumuth, N. & Liiv, O., Polonica im Esthniscken Staatlichen Zentralarchiv (Tartu, 1931), pp. 78, 79, 80, 81, 84;Google Scholar Soom, Der Baltische Getreidehandel..., 55–7 61, 65, 66, 68; von Ziegenhorn, Ch. G.Staatsrecht der Herzogtumer Curland und Semgallen (Königsberg, 1772),Google Scholar Appendix, pp. 279–80 no. 232, convention between duke Frederick [of Courland] and the duchy of Samogitia.. ., 1694, pp- 280–1; no. 233, the same with the district of Upita, 1695. The Lithuanian gentry continued to complain of their treatment by Riga to the very end of Swedish rule (Pis'ma i bumagi Imperatora Petra Velikogo (1964), xi, part 2, 272–3, the representations made by Jan Plater, the Lithuanian resident with the tsar.

²⁰ In 1685 John III Sobieski granted the firm of Hurst and Archer permission to establish a trading company at Polangen (Polaga, Patanga), at the mouth of the Heiligen Aa (Swieta, hence ‘Sventa’) (P.R.O., F.O. 62.2, fos. 485–6, ‘A brief account of the port Sventa alias Heiligen Aa or Jan-Marienburg’)- MrEhrman, John, to whose book The British Government and Commercial Negotiations with Europe 1783–93 (Cambridge, 1962) p. 112, I owe this reference, understandably mistakes Sventa for Ventspils (Windau).Google Scholar

²¹ Volumina Legum (St Petersburg, 1860), v, part 12, 399. The town and port were granted exemption from all taxes and dues for forty years.

²² du Mont, J., Corps Universel Diplomatique (Amsterdam 1728), VI parts 2 and 3, 303. For the tolls levied on the Bolderaa see Jensch, op. cit. p. 117.Google Scholar

²³ Fustae Vindiciae et Summa Armorum Iustitia ex Parte Sacrae Regiae Maestatis Poloniarum . . .contra Serenissimum Regem et Coronam Sveciae (1700). Original copy in Cambridge University Library, reprinted in Livonica. Oder einiger zu mehrer Erlduterung der mit Anfang des 1700 Fahrs in Lieffland entstandenen Unruhe dienlicher Stückeund ActorumPublicorum Fasciculus Secundus (n.p., n.d.), pp. 24–62.

²⁴ von Stiernman, A. A. (ed.), Samling. . . ang˚ende Sveriges Rikes Commerce, Politie och Oeconomie (Stockholm, 1766), v, 308–17,Google Scholar Charles XI's instructions to the government departments concerned of 23 March 1692 o.s.

²⁵ Wegener, C. F. (ed.), Aarsberetninger fra det Kongelige Geheimsarchiv, indeholdende bidrag till Dansk Historie... (Copenhagen, 1876–1882), VI, 127, 177. The envoy was Hildebrand Horn.Google Scholar

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²⁸ E.g. privilege for A. Lyders and F. Wesling for attracting the Archangel trade to Riga, 1676, Stiernman, op. cit. (1760), IV, 158–61; Novosel'sky, A. A. and Ustyugov, N. V., eds., Ocherki Istorii SSSR, XVII v. (Moscow, 1955), p. 132.Google Scholar

²⁹ Golikov, I., Istoricheskoe izobrazhenie zhizni i vsekh del slavnogo zhenevtsa, Frantsa Yakovlevicha Leforta.. .i.. .Patrika Gordona... (Moscow, 1800), p. 81.Google Scholar

³⁰ Early in 1698 the Venetian ambassador in Vienna reported that Sheremetev had spoken of his sovereign's intention to build a canal that would join the Don to the Volga and, having done so, to persuade the English and the Dutch merchants to direct to Archangel the goods that they sent to Smyrna and to the Turkish ports. Shmurlo, E. F. (ed.), Sbornik dokumentov otnosyashchikhsya k istorii tsarstvovaniya imperatora Petra Velikogo, I, 1693–1700, Uchenye Zapiski Jmperatorskogo lur'evskogo Universiteta (1898), no. 5, pp. 1–192; (1899), no. 5, pp. 193–224; (1900), no. 4, pp. 225–560; (1902), no. 1, pp. 561–656; (1903), no. 5, pp. i–xlv, 705–28; p. 340.Google Scholar Cf. An Account of Livonia . . . [by C. J. von Blomberg] (London, 1701), p. 307 (? the pagination is defective): ‘The Czar... will always earnestly endeavour to gain a town on the Baltic... not only for the exportation of Russian commodities but also those of China and Persia. He may convey them by land, with the help of the great rivers and lakes from China and by the Caspian from Persia.’ In 1716, it was reported from St Petersburg that the tsar wanted the principal trade route between Europe and Asia to run through his capital (P.R.O., S.P. 143.1, fos. 58–61, 10 August, O.S.); in 1722 the writer of a newsletter from Danzig supposed that ‘Dutch and English trade with the East would suffer if the tsar succeeded in making himself master of the Caspian and establishing trade relations with China, the Grand Mogul and Persia’ (Danzig, 16 May 1722, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Nunziatura di Polonia, 151, fo. 136).

³¹ Heyd, W., Le colonie commerciali degli Italiani in Oriente nel medio evo (Italian translation by Müller, G., Venice, 1868), 11, 48–58.Google Scholar

³² Shmurlo, op. cit. pp. 608–9, news from Constantinople, 12 October 1699: ‘the tsar wants to develop trade through Azov', Cf. Pol. Sob. Zak., IV, no. 1826, ukase of 17 January 1701: a fair to be held at Azov on the day of St Peter; Greeks from Constantinople and inhabitants of Little Russia to be encouraged to trade there.

³³ See Nystrom, P., ‘Mercatura Ruthenica’, Scandia, x (1937), 257–96Google Scholar and cf. Ekegard, E., Studier i Svensk Handelspolitik under den tidigare Frihetstiden (Upsala, 1924), pp. 89, 90;Google Scholarcf. entry under ‘Ludvig Fabritius, 1648–1729’, in Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, XIV (Stockholm, 1943);Google ScholarZevakin, E. S., ‘Persidskii vopros v russko-evropeïskikh otnosheniyakh XVII v.’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, VIII (1940), 129–62Google Scholar and Kellenbenz, H., ‘Der russische Transithandel mit dem Orient im 17. und zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhdts.’, Fahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, XII (1964), 481–98.Google Scholar The proposal for transporting goods from India to Riga was first put forward in 1520 by Paolo Centurione. See Paolo Iovio Historico, ‘Delle Cose della Moscovia’ in Ramusio, G. B., Navigationi et Viaggi (Venice, 1533), II, 131–7Google Scholar and cf. Modigliani, Maria, ‘Note intorno al viaggiatore Paolo Centurione’, Bollettino della R. Societa Geografica Italiana, LXIX (1932), 350–63.Google Scholar

³⁴ See Stiernman , op . cit. v , 137–9, 285–6, 408–9, 671–3; Kalisch, J., ‘Plänezur Belebung des Orienthandels über Kurland und Polen am Ausgang des 17. Jahrhdts.’, Hansische Studien (= vol. VII of Forschungen zur Mittelalterlichen Geschichte) (Berlin, 1961), 190–200;Google ScholarMattiesen, O. H., Die Kolonial- und Überseepolitik der kurländischen Herzöge im 17. und 18. Fahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1940), pp. 934–49.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Åström, S. E., From Stockholm to St Petersburg. Commercial factors in the political relations between England and Sweden, l675–1700 (Helsinki, 1962), pp. 75–6;Google Scholar the same, From Cloth to Iron. The Anglo-Baltic trade in the late seventeenth century (Helsinki, 1963), part I, p. 128Google Scholar (I am greatly indebted to Professor Åström's extensive bibliographies); Piirimäe, H. A., ‘Sostav, ob'ëm i raspredelenie russkogo vyvoza v 1661–1700 gg. cherez shvedskie vladeniya v Pribaltike na primere torgovli g. Narvy’, Skandinavskii Sbornik, v (1962), 34–94, 46–7.Google Scholar

³⁷ Shafirov, P. P., Rassuzhdenie kakie zakonnye prichiny Ego Velichestvo Petr Velikii...k nachatiyu voyny protiv Korolya Karola XII...imel (St Petersburg, 1722), pp. 16–84;Google Scholarcf. Dahlberg, E. J., governor of Livonia, to Charles XII, 8 March 1700, o.s., printed in G. A. Nordberg, Histoire de Charles XII (The Hague, 1743), in, 35–9Google Scholar

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³⁹ See Mattiesen, op. cit., and Eckert, W., Kurland unter dem Einfluss des Merkantilismus. Ein Beitrag zur Staats- und Wirtschaftspolitik Herzog Jakobs von Kurland (1642–1682) (Riga, 1927);Google Scholar Blomberg, op. cit. p. 281. In 1699 Blomberg, who had by then arrived in London, acting on behalf of the duke appointed an Englishman governor and commander-in-chief of Tobago. (Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Feb. 1708/9 to March 1714/5 (London, 1925), p. 155.)

⁴⁰ D'Avaux to Louis XIV, Stockholm, 9 July 1698, N.S., printed in Wijnne, J. A., ed., Nigociations de Monsieur le Comte d'Avaux. . .1693, l697, 1698, Werken van det Historisch Genootschap, n.s., nos. 33–6, in, part 1, (1883), 338.Google Scholar

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⁴³ Stow, John, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, corrected, etc. by Strype, J. (London, 1720), II, 264.Google Scholar The speaker was Nathaniel Tenche. Cf. Bogoslovsky, M. M., Petr I (Leningrad, 1941), II, parts 1 and 2, 286–90, 336–48, 373–80.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Reasons Humbly offered for passing the Bill for enlarging the trade to Russia [London, 1698?];Google ScholarHouse of Lords MSS, loc. cit. 294–5; Statutes of the Realm, 10 William III, c. 6; Åström, From Stockholm..., pp. 90, 95; From Cloth to Iron..., pp. 185, 193, 194.

⁴⁶ Several Grievances of the English Merchants in their Trade into the Dominions of the King of Sweden, whereby it doth appear how dangerous it may be for the English nation to depend (as they now do) on Sweden only, for the Supply of the Naval Stores... [London, 1698?];Google Scholar Stiernman, op. cit. v (1766), Charles XII's instructions of 26 March 1699, o.s., cf. P.R.O., CO. 388.7., f.77

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⁴⁹ See Kalisch, J., ‘Sachsisch-polnische Pläne zur Gründung einer See- und Handelskompanie am Ausgang des 17. Jahrhdt.’, in Kalisch, J. und Gierowski, J. (eds.), Um die polnische Krone, Sachsen und Polen. . .1700–1721, pp. 45–69,Google Scholar cf. Kalisch, J., ‘Plane zur Belebung des Orienthandels...’, as above.Google Scholar

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⁵³ See Piwarski, K., ‘Opozycja litewska pod koniec XVII wieku’, Pamietnik V Powsz. Zjazdu Historykótv Polskich w Warszawie. (Lvov, 1930), 1, 259–77.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ P. Heins to Christian V, Moscow, 16 December 1698 (o.S. ?), printed in Hallendorff, C., Bidrag till det stora nordiska krigets förhistoria (Upsala, 1897), pp. 154–5.Google Scholar The preamble of the treaty of alliance concluded on 21 November 1699 at Preobrazhenskoe between Russia and Saxony refers to the decision to attack Sweden taken at a most confidential meeting of the two monarchs—obviously at Rawa—in retaliation for past wrongs, Pis'ma i bumagi Imperatora Petra Velikogo (1887), I, 304–10.Google ScholarBogoslovsky, M. M., op. cit. p. 565,Google Scholar suspects that the Saxons were concerned to pin the initiative on the tsar; Korolyuk, V. D., Polska i Rosja a wojna póhnocna (Warsaw, 1954) (a translation of articles originally published in Uchenye Zapiski Instituta Slavyanovedeniya and in Voprosy Istorii), p. 97, attributes the initiative wholly to Peter and distorts Bogoslovsky's interpretation.Google Scholar

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⁵⁸ Schmoller, G., The Mercantile System and its Historical Significance... 1884 (London, 1896), p. 64.Google ScholarSvensson, Sv., ‘Czar Peters motiv för kriget mot Sverige’, Historisk Tidskrift (Stockholm), LI (1931), 446–62, is a pioneering contribution to this subject.Google Scholar

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⁶⁰ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxx, fo. 970^v, 28 December 1705, news from Troppau (the nuncio's temporary residence).

⁶¹ Pis'ma i bumagi..., ibid. p. 1046, df. A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxx, fo. 970, news from Troppau, 28 December 1705.

⁶² Ibid. IX (1950), 400–7.

⁶³ Ibid. x (1956), 458–60.

⁶⁴ Arfwidsson, F.,Försvaret av Östersjöprovinserna 1708–1710 (Gefle, 1936), I–II, part I, 233,Google Scholarcf. Sbornik, Imp. Russ. Istor. Obshch., xxv (St Petersburg, 1878), 172, 196.Google Scholar

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⁷⁰ B.M. Add. MS. 37359, fo. 72, C. Whitworth, Draft relation to Mr Secretary St John, Elbing, 17 November 1711; P.R.O., S.P. 94.7, Whitworth to St John, as above. Charles Whitworth, with the rank of ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, was carrying out a mission to Augustus II on his return journey to Russia where he had been accredited between 1705 and 1710 as envoy and later as ambassador extraordinary. He left finally in June 1712. (Horn, D. B., ed., British Diplomatic Representatives, 1680–1689, London, 1932, pp. 88, 110–11).Google Scholar

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⁷⁵ Or, taking into account the difference in the content of fine silver, about 222,000, 266,000, 532,000 and 133,000 rix-dollars respectively; Sbornik, III (1868), 518, 527–8.Google Scholar

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⁷⁷ A.S.V., loc. cit. fo. 373, news from Warsaw, 2 October 1719; Pohoarth MSS, II, 630, 21 September 1720, ‘the two Russian regiments which are at Windau and Libau will leave immediately’.

⁷⁸ Ibid. fos. 250–3, account of conference of 8 May, cf. fo. 265, news from Warsaw, 19 June, ‘the ambassador doubts whether Livonia will be restored’.

⁷⁹ Text in A General Collection of Treaties of Peace and Commerce... from the end of the reign of Queen Anne to 1731, IV (London, 1732), 420–34. This topic will be treated separately.Google Scholar

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⁸³ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CL, fos. 81–2, news from Warsaw, 2 July 1721; 92 and 92^v, Peter I to Augustus II, 18 May 1721 (o.s.?, Latin translation); 109–110^v, news from Warsaw, 16 July 1721.

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⁸⁵ Without the Polish palatinate of Livonia which remained under Polish rule until 1772. Forsten, G. V., ‘Snosheniya Shvetsii i Rossii vo vtoroy polovine XVII V.’, Zhurn, Min. Nar. Prosv. (February, April, May, June 1898, June, September 1899), April 1898, pp. 321–54, 331.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ See Bantysh-Kamensky, , op. cit. (1897), part III, p. 6.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ For reasons of space Courland has had to be omitted from this account. The events in Courland have most recently been outlined by Wittram, R. in Baltische Geschichte (Munich, 1954), pp. 119–22.Google ScholarPolievktov, M., Baltiskii vopros v russkoy politike posle Nishtadtskogo mira (1721–1725) (St Petersburg, 1907),Google Scholar contains much material relating to Courland also before 1721. von Richter, A., Geschichte der dem russischen Kaisertum einverleibten deutschen Ostseeprovinzen bis zur Zeit ihrer Vereinigung mit demselben (Riga, 1858),Google Scholar II, part III, remains the most detailed general survey; Gebhardi, A., Geschichte des Herzogtums Kurland und Semgallen, section 2, in Allgemeine Welthistorie der Neueren Zeit (Halle, 1789),Google Scholar part XXXIII, is informative but often inaccurate; some useful details may be found in Blomberg, op. cit. For relations between Russia and Courland, 1697–1725, see Bantysh-Kamensky, N. N., Obzor vneshnikh snoshenii Rossii... (Moscow, 1897), part III, pp. 11–20.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CLX, fos. 54–6, deciphered dispatch from the nuncio (V. Santini), Dresden, 12 March 1725.

⁸⁹ Archives Nationales, Correspondance Consulaire, CCCCLXXV, fos. 332–333^v, Latin translation of Augustus II's instructions for the dietines (sejmiki) preceding the seym of 1724. The phrase (fo. 333) was probably used in the Polish original.

⁸⁰ See Krannhals, D., Danzig und der Weichselhandel in seiner Blütezeit vom 16. zum 17. Fahrhundert (Leipzig, 1942).Google Scholar The map opposite p. 16 shows the economic catchment area of the Vistula. Cf. Obuchowska-Pysiowa, H., Handel wiślany w pierviszej poloviie XVII w. (with English summary) (Wroclaw, 1964).Google Scholar

⁹¹ Pis'ma i bumagi..., I, 191–2.Google Scholar

⁹² Martens, loc. cit. pp. 76–87. In 1713 Hamburg paid a contribution of 200,000 rix-dollars and Lubeck of 33,333 1/3

⁹³ See Zech, E., ‘The struggle for Poland's Prussian ports during the reign of Gustavus Adolphus’, Baltic and Scandinavian Countries, IV (1938), 315–20;Google ScholarBöhme, K.-R., Die Schwedische Besetzung des Weichseldeltas 1626–1636 (= Beiheft 22 of Fahrbuch der Abertus-Universität, Königsberg, Würzburg, 1963).Google Scholar

⁹⁴ Pis'ma i bumagi, III, 386–371.

⁹⁵ Bantysh-Kamenski, op. cit. part II (1896), p. 165.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Wodziński, A. M., Gdańsk za czasów Stanislawa Leszczyńskiego (1704–09, 1733–34) (Cracow, 1929);Google ScholarRekowski, A., ‘Gdańsk wobec po rlityki Rosji w latach 1700–1709’, Gdańskie Zeszyty Humanistyczne, V (1962), nos. 8–12, 303–20.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ Sbornik..., LXI, 86; Pis'ma i bumagi..., XI, part I, 14–17, 341–3 and XI, part 2 (1964), 284–6.

⁹⁸ Ibid. 152, 154, 160.

⁹⁹ Martens, , loc. cit. pp. 106–11.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Bantysh-Kamensky, , loc. cit. p. 167.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 61; Tunstall, B. (ed.), The Byng Papers, in (London, 1932), 264–6, 291;Google Scholarde Lamberty, M., Mémoirespour servir à l'histoire du XVIII_e Siècle, IX (Amsterdam, 1735). 654.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Arch. Segr. Vat., Nunz. Pol., CXLIV, fo. 508, the tsar's declaration to the magistrates of Danzig, 17 April 1716 (Latin translation); fo. 509, points proposed by the tsar to the above, as above (French translation from Polish); fo. 510, the city's reply, 9 May 1716 (French); Pol. Sob. Zak., v, nos. 3018, 3021; cf. Doerries, H., ‘Peter des Grossen Beziehungen ZJJ Danzig 1716–17 und die Begrundung der russischen Agentur’, Forschungen zur Osteuropäischen Geschichte, I (1954), 23–44.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Polwarth MSS, I, 282, 287.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁴ Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 67.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVI, fo. 472, news from Dresden, 23 August 1717; Polwarth MSS, I 303, 325; Elagin, loc. cit. pp. 138–50; Doerries, op. cit. pp. 39–40. For purposes of comparison it is useful to note that in 1722 the annual cost of the Russian army was estimated at 4 million roubles or 3,548,800 rix-dollars (Kafengauz, B. B. & Pavlenko, N. I. (eds.), Ocherki Istorii S.S.S.R., Rossiya v pervoy chetverti XVIII v., Moscow, 1954, p. 300). The French consul at Danzig regarded the tsar's demand of ships as only a means of extorting cash. (Cieślak & Rumiński, op. cit. p. 62.)Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Biblioteka Czartoryskich, MS. 205, fos. 109–10, Augustus II to Peter I, Dresden, 27 September 1717 (copy); ibid. fos. 261–2, as above, 18 March 1718; A.S.V., loc. cit. fo. 410 and 410^v, copy of petition from city of Danzig to Augustus II, n.d. (Latin); ibid, CXLVII, fo. 349, Augustus II to Peter I (November 1718? copy translated from Polish into French); Elagin, loc. cit. pp. 138–50; Jarochowski, K., ‘Dwie misje F. Ponińskiego... do cara Piotra w latach 1717 i 18’, pp. 141, 164, in Z czasów saskich, spraw wewngtrznych, polityki i wojny (Poznań, 1886), pp. 81–185.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁷ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVI, fos. 478–9, the magistracy of Danzig to A. M. Sieniawski, grand hetman of Poland, 6 September 1717, copy (Latin); fo. 507, news from Dresden, 6 September; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 361; Doerries, loc. cit.; text of convention between Peter I and Danzig in Martens, loc. cit. pp. 168–77, Pol. Sob. Zak., v, no. 3104.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid. no. 3108.

¹⁰⁹ Doerries, , op. cit. p. 43.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Bridge, C. A. G. (ed.), The Russian Fleet under Peter the Great (London, 1899), pp. 106–8;Google Scholar Archives Nationales, Correspondance Consulaire, CCCCLXXIV, fos. 154–5, copy of announce- ment by Maj.-Gen. Freiherr von Edelack, dated 31 December 1717, that in the name of the tsar he has appointed Andreas Sipman director of the Russian entrepot at Danzig; cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 109.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Polwarth MSS, 1, 485, 505, 550, 573, 576, 590, 591.

¹¹² In May the number of Russian troops in Poland was ‘computed at 12,000’ (P.R.O., S.P. 88.116, letter from J. Kenworthy, George I's agent at Danzig, 28 May 1718 o.s.?); in September six regiments of 1,200 men were camping on the city's estates (A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 301–303^v, news from Warsaw, 7 September 1718, cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , loc. cit. p. 124); in September there were said to be 30,000 Russians ‘in Poland and about Danzig’ (Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 611) but this estimate seems too low and may be taken to refer only to a part of the country, possibly to Greater Poland (Wielkopolska).Google Scholar

¹¹³ Cf. Nordmann, op. cit. p. 124; Feygina, op. cit. p. 319; see also Jarochowski, op. cit. p. 163; Jägerskiöld, S., Sverige och Europa 1716–1718 (Ekenäs, 1937), p. 369.Google Scholar The Poles regarded the measures against Danzig as a mere pretext for the presence of Russian troops there: A.S.V., loc. cit. fos 350 and 350^v, copy of letter from K. Zawisza, marshal (chairman) of the seym to Peter I (Grodno, October or November 1718, Latin translation from Polish); fo. 351, the primate (S. Szembek) to Peter I, as above.

¹¹⁴ Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 548, 551, 566, 573, 576.

¹¹⁵ Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 112.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ News from Warsaw as in note 112; Frederick William I to Augustus II, A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 56–57^v, Berlin, 21 Jan. 1719 (Latin transl.).

¹¹⁷ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 437–438^v, report to Augustus II on the conference of senators held in Warsaw on 16 December 1718 (French).

¹¹⁸ Doerries, , op. cit. p. 35; Polwarth MSS, 1, 77.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Kutrzeba, op. cit. pp. 85, 90, 130; H. Fiedler, ‘Danzig und England. Die Handels- bestrebungen der Engländer vom Ende des 14. bis zum Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift des Westpreussischen Geschichtsvereins, fasc. 68 (1928), pp. 61–125; Volumina Legum (St Petersburg, 1859), III, pp. 278, 325, 445; IV, (1859), 10, 39, 260, 288.Google Scholar

¹²⁰ Hinton, R. W. K., The Eastland Trade and the Common Weal (Cambridge, 1959), p. 156.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Sir William Browne, Bt. His instructions dated 11 July 1700 are in P.R.O., S.P. 104. 120.

¹²² Text in P.R.O., S.P. 108.286, French translation in de Martens, G. F. (ed.), Supplément au Recueil des principaux traités..., (Göttingen, 1802) I, 44–63;Google Scholar cf. Rev. Robinson, J. (the envoy extraordinary who negotiated the convention) to Harley, Stolpe, 27 October 1706, P.R.O., S.P. 88.17, fo. 64; and the same to the same, Frankfurt on the Oder, 5 November 1706 (o.s.?),Google Scholaribid. fos. 68–73^v, with Robinson's comments.

¹²³ P.R.O., S.P. 104.153, fo. 236, Sir C. Hedges, secretary of state, to Robinson, 26 August 1703, o.s.; the same to the same, 22 October 1703, o.s.; S.P. 88.43, tne city of Danzig to Queen Anne, 6 December 1709, requesting intercession; ibid. 16 April 1710, returning thanks for intercession with Augustus II; ibid. 6 April 1712, requesting intercession for delivering the city from the Muscovites; S.P. 104.209, fos. 303^v-304, 20 December 1709, o.s., instructions for the Earl of Stair, envoy extraordinary. He was to ‘protect and countenance our subjects trading in those parts’, ‘render their commerce as easy and beneficial as possible’, ‘preserve their rights, increase their privileges’. ‘And as we have a particular interest in the preservation of... Danzig with its privileges and immunities... and that it may not suffer by attack or bombardment or any other military enterprise’, the envoy's task was in the event of any such design being afoot ‘to hinder the same... by proper remonstrances’. The subsequent instructions for Scott and for Vernon follow this pattern.

¹²⁴ P.R.O., S.P. 104.72, fo. 30, Harley to Stanhope, Whitehall, 1 August 1704; fo. 31, the same to the same, 5 August 1704 (o.s.?); Kutrzeba, op. cit. pp. 98–9; van der Haute, , op. cit. pp. 240–4.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ P.R.O., S.P. 104.215, fos. 49–57, 28 May 1711, o.s., instructions for James Scott, envoy extraordinary; F.O. 90.46, fos. 25–28, 3 July 1715, o.s., instructions for Sir R. Vernon, envoy extraordinary.

¹²⁶ The Compleat History of the Treaty of Utrecht (London, 1715), 2 vols; 1, part 2, 251, 11, part 1, 112;Google Scholar of P.R.O., S.P. 102.43, 10 December 1708, city of Danzig to Queen Anne requesting her interest and protection at a general peace.

¹²⁷ P.R.O., CO. 388.20, item 63, A State of the British trade into Danzig, Anno 1715.

¹²⁸ Between 1593 and 1709 6,393 aliens, 57 per cent of the total number of newcomers joined the ranks of the citizens of Danzig. 135 of these were natives of Scotland and 18 of England. (Penners-Ellwart, H., Die Danziger Biirgerschaft nach Herkunft undBeruf 1536–1709, Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Geschichte und Landeskunde Ost-Mitteleuropas, XIII, Marburg, 1954 (reproduced from typescript), pp. 153–9 and table 11, 2).Google Scholar

¹²⁹ P.R.O., S.P. 102.43, Theodore Jacobsen to Queen Anne, 1714.

¹³⁰ Letter from Kenworthy, as in note 112.

¹³¹ B.M. Add. MS. 28145, fos. 211–12, instruction for Sir John Norris, Hampton Court, 19 August 1718 [o.s.?], copy; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 77.

¹³² Byng Papers, loc. cit. pp. 239, 347–8, 378; Chance, ... Diplomatic Instructions, Sweden, p. 104.

¹³³ P.R.O., Adm. 2.49, order to Byng of 7 June 1717, o.s.

¹³⁴ B.M. Add. MS. 28155, fos. 43 and 43_v. The case of Samuel Worster, merchant, subject of H.M. of Great Britain, lately residing at Stockholm; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 282, 323; Byng Papers, loc. cit. pp. 230, 259, 291; Ciéslak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar

¹³⁵ Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 275.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 256, 288;Google ScholarCieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar George I's proclamation prohibiting commerce with Sweden of 2 March 1717, o.s., ‘upon the discovery of evil practices which had been carried on by certain Ministers of Sweden to disturb the peace and tranquillity of this Kingdom’ did not forbid British merchantmen to ply between foreign ports and Sweden (The London Gazette, no. 5517).

¹³⁷ Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 322.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ Saint-Saphorin MSS., Robethon to Saint-Saphorin, Hampton Court, 27 August 1717 (copy).

¹³⁹ Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 288;Google Scholar (cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 52).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ As Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg. See the treaty between the latter and the Polish Republic of 1699 concerning the retrocession of Elbing in settlement of a debt in von Moerner, T., Kurbrandenburgs Staatsverträge von 1661 bis 1700 (Berlin, 1867), pp. 600–62, 809–10Google Scholar and Hassinger, E., Brandenburg-Preussen, Russlandund Schweden, 1700–1713 (Munich, 1953). passim.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxxvn, fos. 518–19^v, news from Warsaw, 31 August 1712.

¹⁴² Loewe, op. cit. pp. 158–61.

¹⁴³ A.S.V., loc. cit. cxxxv, fos. 244 and 244^v, news from Warsaw, 22 March 1710; ibid. fos. 265–6, as above, 26 March.

¹⁴⁴ Stow, J., op. cit. p. 262;Google ScholarSzelagowski, A. & Gras, N. A. B., ‘The Eastland Company in Prussia, 1579–1585’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd ser., VI (1912), 163–84;CrossRefGoogle ScholarSimson, P., ‘Die Handelsniederlassung der Englischen Kaufleute in Elbing’, Hansische Geschichtsblätter, XXII (1916), 87–143; Vol. Leg., in, 278.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ See Neubaur, L., ‘Die Russen in Elbing, 1710–1713’, Altpreussische Monatsschrift, LIII (1917), 273–366.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Gierszewski, S., ‘Statystyka handlu zbozowego Elblaga w latach 1642–1795’, Zapiski Historyczne, XXIII (1957),Google Scholar fasc. 1–3, 157–74, 170. The largest amount exported from Elbing between 1700 and 1725 was 4,918 lasts in 1706. The French consul at Danzig records the figure of 16,338 lasts for 1718, a bad year. The corresponding figure for Elbing is 2,925 lasts. For the conversion of lasts into kilograms see Binerowski, Z., ‘Gdańskie miary zbozowe w XVII i XVIII wieku’, Zap. Hist., loc, cit. pp. 59–81, table opposite p. 78.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Gierszewski, S., Elblqski przemysl okretowy 1570–1815, (Gdansk, 1961), p. 98.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ B.M. Add. MS. 37359, fos. 71–4 and P.R.O., S.P. 94.7 as in note 101.

¹⁴⁹ B.M. Add. MS. 37359 and P.R.O., S.P. 94.7 as above; Pis'ma i bumagi, XI, part 1, 238; Bantysh-Kamensky, op. cit. part 11, pp. 189–90; Neubaur, op. cit.; Schirren, op. cit. p. 63; Gierszewski, Elblqski przemysl..., p. 105.

¹⁵⁰ Stock, L. F. (ed.), Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliaments respecting North America(Washington, D.C.,1924), 1, 101. The year of Roe's speech is 1640.Google Scholar

¹⁵¹ For the small size of this item in relation to the Eastland trade as a whole see Hinton, op. cit. pp. 99–100.

¹⁵² See Pepys, S., Memoires of the Royal Navy, 1679–1688 (ed. Tanner, J. R.) (Oxford, 1906), pp. 30–34Google Scholar and cf. Sutherland, W., Britain's Glory: or, Ship-Building unvail'd (London, 1717), part 1 , p. 75;Google ScholarHollond, J., Two Discourses of the Royal Navy, 1638 and 1659 (London, 1896), pp. 225–7;Google ScholarAlbion, R. G., Forests and Sea Power, The Timber Problem of the Royal Navy, 1652–1682 (Cambridge, Mass., 1926), p. 161.Google Scholar

¹⁵³ On the subject of naval supplies see Albion, op. cit.; Merriman, R. D. (ed.), Queen Anne's Navy: documents concerning the administration of the navy of Queen Anne, 1702–1714 (London, 1961), pp. 140–68;Google ScholarMalone, J. J., Pine Trees and Politics (London, 1965).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁴ Marperger, P. J., Ausführliche Beschreibung des Hanfs und Flachs und der daraus verfertigten Manufakturen... (Leipzig, 1710).Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, March 1714/1715 to October 1718 (London, 1924), p. 106.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁶ See note 36. Riga's best customer was the Netherlands: Bang, N. E. & Korst, K. (eds.), Tables de la navigation etdu transport passant parle Sund 1661–1783... (Copenhagen-Leipzig, 1939), 1st half-volume, pp. 364, 378, 393, 407, 422, 435, 446, 457, 471.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ The fly-sheets referred to in notes 41 and 42 and Several Grievances of the English Merchants in their Trade into the Dominions of the King of Sweden, whereby it doth appear how dangerous it may be for the English nation to depend... on Sweden only... [London, 1698?].Google Scholar

¹⁵⁸ Åström, From Cloth to Iron..., p. 185.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁹ Owen, J. H., War at Sea under Queen Anne, 1702–1708 (Cambridge, 1938), p. 26;Google ScholarEhrman, J. P. W., The Navy in the War of William III, 1689–1697, its state and direction (Cambridge, 1953), p. 619. The Act of Parliament ‘for building good and defensible ships', 5–6 W. & M., c. 24, allowed builders of three-decked ships one-tenth of the tunnage and pound-age due in respect of the first three voyages made by such ships. If taken into the King's service these would be able to carry fifty or sixty guns at least (House of Lords MSS, n.s., 1, 1900, 391). I have not so far seen any reference to the possible effect of this Act on the demand for naval stores and consequently on the Eastland and Muscovy trades.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ P.R.O., S.P. 104.215, fos. 27–31, Trade Commissioners’ report of 22 January 1711; Calendar of Treasury Books (London, 1949), XXIII, part 2 (1709), 364-5.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Pol. Sob. Zak., IV, no. 1866, ukase of 18 August 1701, o.s.; Tishchenko, M., ‘Narisi istorii zovnishnoi torgovli Starodubshchini v XVII v.’, Vseukrains'ka Akademiya Nauk, Zapiski Istorichno-Filologichnogo Viddilu, XXVI, 315–67, pp. 320, 321, 329, 340.Google Scholar

¹⁶² ‘Truth is but Truth, as it is Timed, or our Ministry's present Measures against the Muscovites vindicated by plain and obvious Reasons...’, [by G. Mackenzie] reprinted in Boyer, A., ed., The Political State of Great Britain (09 1719), XXXIX, 159–75, p. 164.Google Scholar

¹⁶³ Sbornik... (St Petersburg, 1884), xxxrx, 68, 261–2, 459. For Whitworth see note 70.

¹⁶⁴ Nordberg, op. cit. (1743), I, 98; Zahiski, op. cit. (1711), III, 67: it was the French envoy du Héron who persuaded Augustus II not to bombard Riga by implying that England and the Netherlands would appreciate his gesture and by pointing out that a bombardment would make him unpopular with merchants throughout Europe (Ministere des Affaires Etrangéres, Correspondance Politique, Pologne, CII, fos. 194–201, du Héron to Louis XIV, the camp before Riga, 16 September 1700. Cf. A.S.V., loc. cit. CXXII, fo. 413^v, news from Warsaw, 11 September 1700). For William III's concern at the safety of the English merchants at Riga see BM. Add. MS. 28944, fo. 48 and 48^v, draft of letter to Duke Frederick William of Courland, Kensington, 19 March 1700 (o.s. ?), (Latin) requesting his assistance. Cf. ibid. fo. 129, and attestation by Benjamin Ayloffe, Henry Phill and Randolph Knipe, of 28 June 1700 (o.s. ?). They have considerable effects of hemp and flax lying in Riga but the ships sent to collect these goods, bought and paid for before the siege, have been turned back by the Saxon garrison at Dünamünde. Knipe, together with another London merchant, a Mr Collins, also had a share in the trade with Courland (P.R.O., S.P. 104.153, fo. 205, Hedges to Robinson, Whitehall, 29 April 1701 [o.s. ?]).

¹⁶⁵ Sbornik, , loc. cit. pp. 222–5.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁶ Ibid. pp. 78–9, 118, 122.

¹⁶⁷ Merriman, , op. cit. pp. 159–62;Google Scholar Albion, op. cit. p. 160. For fluctuations in the prices of pitch and tar see Sir Beveridge, W. (ed.), Prices and Wages in England from the twelfth to the nineteenth century (London, 1939), I, 660–1, 663–6, 673, 675.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁸ Sbornik..., loc. cit. pp. 37, 45, 110; Brown, B. Curtis (ed.), The Letters and Diplomatic Instructions of Queen Anne (London, 1935), pp. 151, 328;Google ScholarJournal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Feb. 1708/9 to March 1714/15 (London, 1925), pp. 125, 150, 306.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁷ Chance, op. cit. p. xvi; the same, George I and the Northern War... (London, 1909), pp. 18, 22.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁰ Papers of the Russia Company (deposited in the Guildhall Library), Minutes of the Court of Assistants, IV, fo. 438; Chance, ‘The Northern Question in 1717’, Eng. Hist. Rev., XX (1905), 33–60, 251–74, 64. The figure given by Chance for 1717 is by some §2,000 higher than that in the document cited above.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁷¹ Text in Lamberty, op. cit. ix (1735), 228–30. The text of the Cruisers and Convoys Act, 1708, is printed in Merriman, op. cit. pp. 344–6.

¹⁷² Coxe, W. (ed.), Memoirs of the Life and Administration of Sir R. Walpole, Earl of Orford (London, 1798), 11, 88.Google Scholar

¹⁷³ Parke, G. (ed.), Letters and Correspondence of Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke (London, 1798), I, 178–9;Google Scholarcf. Chance, J. F., ‘England and Sweden in the time of William III and Anne’, Eng. Hist. Rev., XI (1901), 679–711, p. 693;Google ScholarReading, D. K., The Anglo-Russian Commercial Treaty of 1734 (New Haven, 1938), 67–8;Google Scholar cf. A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxxv, fo. 630 and 630^v, news from Warsaw, 30 July 1710: the growing power of the tsar is bound to arouse the jealousy of the Emperor, should Russian forces want to operate on Imperial territory, as well as of England and Holland who are interested in preserving the balance [of power] in the Baltic on account of the trade [in that area] which the tsar seems to want to dominate.

¹⁷⁴ P.R.O., S.P. 104.123, Bolingbroke to Scott, Whitehall, 23 July 1713 (o.s.?): ‘the accession of Livonia to King Augustus would not make amends for the accession of Estonia to the tsar and for the building up of a power which must thereafter become a troublesome neighbour’.

¹⁷⁵ Arkhiv... Kurakina (Saratov, 1896), VI, 16–21.

¹⁷⁶ A.S.V., loc. cit. CXXXVIII, fo. 526 and 526^v, the nuncio (B. Odescalchi) to the secretary of state (Cardinal F. Paoiucci), Warsaw, 6 September 1713.

¹⁷⁷ Ibid fos. 542–543 ^v, the same to the same, 20 September 1713.

¹⁷⁸ Arkhiv... Kurakina (Moscow 1902), X, 188–202.

¹⁷⁹ Chance, George I..., pp. 102–6; Sbornik..., LXI, 407.

¹⁸⁰ Russia Company Papers, loc. cit. fos. 290–2, 24 April 1714 (o.s. ?).

¹⁸¹ Reprinted in Boyer's Political State of Great Britain–see note 162 and cf. note 2.

¹⁸² Sbornik..., loc. cit.

¹⁸³ Chance, Brit. Diplom. Instr., pp. 107, 109; the same, ‘The Northern Pacification of 1719–1720’, E.H.R., XXII (1907), 478–507, 694–725; XXIII, 35–64, p. 44.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ P.R.O., S.P. 90.14, Whitworth to Townshend, Berlin, 3 May 1721.

¹⁸⁵ Hedemann, O., Dzisna i Thuja, magdeburskie miasta (Vilno, 1934), pp. 150–1;Google Scholar the same, Dawne puszcze i wody, as above, pp. 58, 81, 83; Malowist, M., ‘A certain trade technique in the Baltic countries in the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries’, Poland at the Xlth International Congress of Historical Sciences in Stockholm (Warsaw, 1960), pp. 103–16;Google Scholar cf. chapter V of the treaty concluded in Warsaw on 18 November 1705 between Charles XII and Stanislas Leszczyhski, text in Dumont, op. cit. vin, part 1 (1731), 173–8.

¹⁸⁶ Pol. Sob. Zak. VI, ukase no. 4415 of 14 January 1724, o.s.

¹⁸⁷ Ensh, G. (Jensch), ‘Polonica v rizhskom gosudarstvennom arkhive’, Uchenye Zapiski Instituta Slavyanovedeniya, II (1950), 311-25, p. 322.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁸ Dzhidzhora, I., ‘Ekonomichna politka rosiis'kogo pravitel'stva suproti Ukraini v 1710–1730 rr.’, Zapiski Tovaristva imeni Shevchenka, XCVIII, 55–74; CI, 63–100; CIII (1910), 54–67; CV (1911), 50–91; XCVIII, 63, 65, 71;Google ScholarUlyanitsky, V. A., ‘Istoricheskii ocherk russkikh konsul'stv za granitsey’ in Moskovskii Glavnyi Arkhiv, Sbornik, vyp. 5–6 (1880);Google ScholarWendt, H., ‘Schlesien und der Orient’, Darstellungen und Quellen zur schlesischen Geschichte, XXI (1916), 168.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁹ Cf. note 161; Pis'ma i bumagi..., XI, part 2, 284.

¹⁹⁰ Dzhidzhora, op. cit. p. 97, cf. the map appended to Jensch, Der Handel Rigas...

¹⁹¹ Pol. Sob. Zak., v, ukases no. 2767 and no. 2768 of 30 June 1714, o.s.

¹⁹² Dzhidzhora, loc. cit. XCVIII, 71, CI, 66.

¹⁹³ For legislation prohibiting this abuse see Vol. Leg., VII (1860), 230, cf. Jasiński, L., Beiträge zur Finanzgeschichte Polens im XVIII. Fahrhundert (Poznań, 1910), p. 144.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁴ According to Jasinski, loc. cit., the revenue from the source in 1712, 190,000 zlotys or 63·333 1/3 rix-dollars amounted to only half the corresponding figure for about 1650. From the inadequate data (Jasiński, op. cit.; H. Rachel, ‘Polnische Handels- und Zollverhältnisse im 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert’, Fahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich, XXXIII, part 2, 1909, 41–62), it is impossible to calculate the rate at which customs duty was levied on goods crossing Poland in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. In 1723 at the request of the Emperor the tsar eased the restrictions on the trade between the Ukraine and Silesia (Pol. Sob. Zak, VI, no. 4159), which received a further stimulus from the agreement concluded in 1727 between the representatives of the Emperor and of Poland. This lowered the duty on the goods passing to and from Silesia through Poland and simplified its collection (Dzhidzhora, op. cit. (1911), pp. 50–7; Wendt, op. cit. p. 69; Tschierschky, S., Die Wirtschaftspolitik des schhsischen Kommerzkollegs, 1716–1740, Gotha, 1902, pp. 112–14).Google Scholar

¹⁹⁵ Nordberg, op. cit. III (1748), 62–3; Bonnesen, S., Studier över August II's utrikespolitik, 1712–1715 (Lund, 1918), I, III.Google Scholar

¹⁹⁶ See note 185.

¹⁹⁷ P.R.O., CO. 388.23, fo. 56, J. Jefferyes to Townshend, Danzig, 30 August 1721, o.s.

¹⁹⁸ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CLII, fo. 83, news from Danzig, 14 March 1723.

¹⁹⁹ Hildebrand, K.-G. (‘Ekonomiska syften i svensk expansions-politik’, Karolinska Förbundets Arsbok, 1949, pp. 7–40) has drawn very similar conclusions from an examination of the economic aspects of the treaty of Warsaw.Google Scholar

²⁰⁰ Riksarkivet, Stockholm, Polonica CXXV, Protokoll vid underhanlingarna 1705, minutes of conference held on 17 October 1705 (Swedish style). This document was originally referred to by Professor Hildebrand, op. cit. p. 30.

²⁰¹ Chance, ‘The Northern Pacification...’, p. 63.

²⁰² A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLIV, fos. 333–6, Dolgoruky's memorandum to Augustus II, 9 February 1716 (Latin translation); ibid. CXLVIII, fo. 399, news from Warsaw, 13 December 1719; Cieślak & Rumiński, op. cit. p. 50

²⁰³ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXXII, fos. 136–7, news from Dresden, 15 March 1700; the pamphlet Ekscytarz polski... (1700), copied in Bib. Czart. MS. 194, fos. 323–32 speaks for the small minority which was in favour of the war and looks forward to its felicitous conclusion as a future bond between His Majesty and the Republic, ‘the first step towards a secure peace with our neighbours and the renewal or revision of our treaties with them’.

²⁰⁴ A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXXV, fos. 85–7, the nuncio (F. Pignatelli) to the secretary of state (Cardinal F. Paolucci), Pless, 26 July 1702; CXXIX, fos. 25–8, the nuncio (O. F. Spada) to the above, Cracow, 5 February 1704; ibid. CXXIII, fos. 246–9^v, a MS. copy of the pamphlet Brevis et dolens sermo maerentis et in libertatibus suis nimis vulneratae matris, Reipublicae Polonae... , Vratislaviae, n.d., cf. a MS. copy of the PoUsh version in Bib. Czart., MS. 196, fos. 959–92, fos. 976–9: ‘the Muscovites have ever been sworn enemies of the Polish nation’.

²⁰⁵ Under the Swedish-Hanoverian convention of July 1719, but Hanoverian troops had occupied Bremen and Verden in October 1715. Mediger, W., Russlands Weg nach Europa (Braunschweig, 1952), p. 20.Google Scholar