Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-g7gxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-01T10:11:54.657Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

GASTRO-COSMOPOLITANISM AND THE RESTAURANT IN LATE VICTORIAN AND EDWARDIAN LONDON*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2013

BRENDA ASSAEL
BRENDA ASSAEL*
Affiliation:
Swansea University
*
History Department, Swansea University, Singleton Park, Swansea SA2 8PP[email protected]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article argues that the restaurant offers a useful site for mapping patterns of transnational and global exchange within late Victorian and Edwardian London. The dramatic expansion of public eating in this period was met in part by foreign-born entrepreneurs, and wait and kitchen staff drawn from a genuinely international labour market. Londoners and visitors to the metropolis were exposed to a variety of new, often hybrid, culinary cultures, which call into question simplistic binaries between Britain and the world beyond. The simultaneous presence in London's restaurant scene of French menus, Indian dishes, Italian cooks, German waiters, and Chinese and American diners reveals the complexity of the relationship between populations and places. London's ‘gastro-cosmopolitan’ culture reveals not merely the extent to which Britain's imperial metropolis was exposed to transnational forces, but that these influences were genuinely global and not confined to Britain's formal empire. London's cosmopolitan dining culture suggests that historians might be advised to move beyond the tropes of danger and anxiety when discussing late nineteenth-century London, and do more to acknowledge a range of responses – attraction and pleasure included – which more accurately reflected the metropolitan experience.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 56 , Issue 3 , September 2013 , pp. 681 - 706
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2013 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I am grateful to the British Academy for providing me with a Large Research Grant for this project. Earlier versions of this article were read to audiences at the Modern British History and the Metropolitan History seminars at the Institute of Historical Research, London, Leighton House Museum, the North American Conference on British Studies, the North American Victorian Studies Association conference, the Leeds Centre for Victorian Studies, the University of Warwick, and the Institute of English Studies at the University of London. Many thanks to the participants at these presentations for their useful comments. This article has also benefited from the careful reading and advice given by Peter Mandler, Seth Koven, and, especially, Martin Francis.

References

1 ‘Our city of nations’, Chambers's Journal, 8, 394 (1891), p. 453.

2 Ibid., p. 454.

3 For an encyclopaedic, transnational typology, see Kiple, Kenneth F. and Ornelas, Kriemhild Coneè, eds., The Cambridge world history of food (2 vols., Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar.

4 On slavery, diaspora, and food migrations, e.g. Carney, Judith A., Black rice: the African origins of rice cultivation in the Americas (Cambridge, MA, 2001)Google Scholar; on immigration and ethnic food, e.g. Diner, Hasia R., Hungering for America: Italian, Irish, and Jewish foodways in the age of migration (Cambridge, MA, 2001)Google Scholar.

5 E.g. Freedman, Paul, Out of the east: spices and the medieval imagination (New Haven, CT, 2009)Google Scholar.

6 E.g. Norton, Marcy, Sacred gifts, profane pleasures: a history of tobacco and chocolate in the Atlantic world (Ithaca, NY, and London, 2010)Google Scholar.

7 On the national context, see Ferguson, Priscilla Parkhurst, Accounting for taste: the triumph of French cuisine (Chicago, IL, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Trubek, Amy B., Haute cuisine: how the French invented the culinary profession (Philadelphia, PA, 2000)Google Scholar. A key popular study is Fernández-Armesto, Felipe, Food: a history (London, 2001)Google Scholar. Concerning one important chef, see Cowen, Ruth, Relish: the extraordinary life of Alexis Soyer, Victorian celebrity chef (London, 2008)Google Scholar.

8 Rebecca Spang's, EvenThe invention of the restaurant: Paris and modern gastronomic culture (Cambridge, MA, 2000)Google Scholar is largely a study of the relationship between the discursive practices of public eating and the wider political culture of revolutionary France.

9 See Burton, Antoinette, ‘Who needs the nation? interrogating “British” history’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 10 (1997), pp. 227–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilroy, Paul, The black Atlantic: modernity and double consciousness (Cambridge, MA, 1993)Google Scholar.

10 See, for instance, Sinha, Mrinalini, Specters of mother India: the global restructuring of an empire (Durham, NC, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pennybacker, Susan D., From Scottsboro to Munich: race and political culture in 1930s Britain (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar; Burton, Antoinette, The postcolonial careers of Santha Rama Rau (Durham, NC, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 See Buettner, Elizabeth, ‘“Going for an Indian”: south Asian restaurants and the limits of multiculturalism in Britain’, Journal of Modern History, 80 (2008), pp. 865–901CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 See Panayi, Panikos, Spicing up Britain: the multicultural history of British food (London, 2008)Google Scholar.

13 Beetham, Margaret, ‘Good taste and sweet ordering: dining with Mrs Beeton’, Victorian Literature and Culture, 36 (2008), pp. 391–406CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 E.g. Tames, Richard, Feeding London: a taste of history (London, 2003)Google Scholar.

15 An exception is Burnett, John, England eats out: a social history of eating out in England from 1830 to the present (Edinburgh, 2004)Google Scholar. More recent studies have confined their discussion of the restaurant to a single chapter: Rich, Rachel, Bourgeois consumption: food, space and identity in London and Paris, 1850–1914 (Manchester, 2011)Google Scholar, and Walkowitz, Judith R., Nights out: life in cosmopolitan London (New Haven, CT, 2012)Google Scholar. Moreover, the latter's discussion focuses on the Italian restaurant only, and mainly during the interwar years.

16 For the purposes of definition, this article also includes, under the rubric of ‘restaurant’, the dining rooms of hotels that catered to both residents and non-residents.

17 Weinreb, Ben and Hibbert, Christopher, eds., The London encyclopaedia (London, 1983), p. 614Google Scholar.

18 A conservative estimate of dining rooms alone, calculated by the author on the basis of entries in selected issues of the annually published London post office directory, would be as follows: 106 in 1840; 302 in 1850; 358 in 1860; 403 in 1870; 440 in 1880; 587 in 1890; 882 in 1900; 1,186 in 1910. However, these figures most certainly underestimate the total, and some contemporaries confidently asserted the number to be much higher. One writer for the Chambers's Journal estimated as early as 1837 that there were roughly 1,500 dining rooms in the metropolis, ‘and that is certainly under rather than above the mark’. ‘London eating houses’, Chambers's Journal, 282 (1837), p. 174.

19 Clipping, ‘Mitchell's restaurant’, City Press, 2 Apr. 1887; clipping, City Press, 9 Jan. 1897, Norman Collection, London Guildhall Library (LGL).

20 Clipping, ‘Baker's chop house’, City Press, 1891, Norman Collection, LGL.

21 Clipping, ‘Turtle soup for the million: a new Cheapside enterprise’, City Press, Nov. 1903, Norman Collection, LGL.

22 Of the founders of the company in 1887, Isidore and Montague Gluckstein were the sons of Samuel Gluckstein, a German Jew who arrived in England in 1841, while Barnett Salmon and Joseph Lyons were London Jews. See Bird, Peter, The first food empire: a history of J. Lyons & Co. (Chichester, 2000)Google Scholar. There were obviously Jewish-owned restaurants with a more pronounced Jewish cultural inflection, notably those serving Kosher food. However, this did not preclude them from attracting a clientele that was less exclusive. For example, noted restaurant reviewer Nathaniel Newnham-Davis dined at the Kosher restaurant in the City, Goldstein's, and there are also references to Kosher restaurants that served German dishes with a view to attracting both Jewish and non-Jewish diners. See Newnham-Davis, Nathaniel, Dinners and diners: where and how to dine in London (London, 1899)Google Scholar; ‘Hotel news’, Caterer, 15 Feb. 1895, p. 53.

23 ‘Baker's chop house’, City Press, 1891, Norman Collection, LGL.

24 Benson, John, The rise of consumer society in Britain, 1880–1980 (New York, NY, 1994), p. 25Google Scholar.

25 Harrison, Mary, ‘Cookery as a business’, Nineteenth Century, 34 (1893), pp. 110–20Google Scholar; ‘Catering for householders’, Caterer, 15 Oct. 1894, p. 428; ‘British cooks’, St. James's Gazette, 28 Nov. 1898, p. 4; ‘Are we to be cookless?’, Caterer, 15 Dec. 1898, p. 606.

26 Press cuttings, ‘A new quick lunch restaurant’, 12 Mar. 1904, Restaurant Files, box Q-S, Bishopsgate Library, London.

27 Newnham-Davis, Dinners and diners, pp. 330, 164, 77, 76.

28 On the growing acceptability of female dining, see Scott, Clement, How they dined us in 1860 and how they dine us now (London, c. 1900)Google Scholar.

29 See Warde, Alan and Martens, Lydia, Eating out: social differentiation, consumption and pleasure (Cambridge, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Oddy, Derek J., From plain fare to fusion food: British diet from the 1890s to the 1990s (London, 2003)Google Scholar.

30 Plotz, John, Portable property: Victorian culture on the move (Princeton, NJ, 2008), pp. xiv–xv, 5–7Google Scholar.

31 Augustus Sala, George, Gaslight and daylight (London, 1859), p. 181Google Scholar.

32 ‘The looker on’, Hotel, 16 Oct. 1895, p. 17.

33 Ibid.

34 Ibid.

35 Ibid.

36 ‘Cookery and food exhibitions’, British Journal of Catering, 1 Mar. 1889, p. 17; ‘Sunday refreshments’, Hotel, 21 Aug. 1895, p. 13.

37 Barber, Peter and Jacomelli, Peter, Continental taste: Ticinese emigrants and their café-restaurants in Britain, 1847–1987 (London, 1997)Google Scholar; Kinross, Felicity, Coffee and ices: the story of Carlo Gatti in London (London, 1991)Google Scholar; ‘A dinner at Kettner's’, Caterer, 15 Feb. 1898, pp. 64–6; ‘The Café Royal and its creator’, Caterer, 15 June 1896, p. 253; ‘The Café Royal and its founder’, Caterer, 15 Feb. 1898, p. 74.

38 Brochure, The Florence Restaurant (London, 1902)Google Scholar, box 91.15, Hotels, Cafes, and Restaurants, Bishopsgate Library, London; ‘The development of the Swiss café in London: a visit to Reggiori's restaurants’, Caterer, 16 Aug. 1897, p. 434; ‘The King's Cross Restaurant’, Caterer, 16 Feb. 1891, p. 69; ‘A dinner at Wenzel's’, Caterer, 15 June 1892, p. 225.

39 ‘Spiers and Pond's Silver Grill at Ludgate Station’, press cuttings, 6 Jan. 1866, Restaurant Files, box C-F, Bishopsgate Library, London; ‘The genesis of Spiers and Pond’, 15 Apr. 1898, Caterer, p. 188.

40 For example, the proprietors of the Walbrook Grand Café Restaurant were identified as F. Giordano and A. Casiraghi. Handbill, Walbrook Café, c. 1880, LGL.

41 ‘On the wing’, Caterer, 15 May 1885, p. 119. Some other estimates suggest that the total number of foreign waiters in the capital was even higher, one authority offering a figure of 17,000. See ‘Notes and notions’, Hotel Review, Nov. 1886, p. 132.

42 Caterer, 15 Apr. 1891, p. 153.

43 Sponza, Lucio, Italian immigrants in nineteenth-century Britain: realities and images (Leicester, 1988)Google Scholar, 13; Panayi, Panikos, German immigrants in Britain during the nineteenth century, 1815–1914 (Oxford, Berg, 1995), p. 97Google Scholar.

44 Medly, Miss Kim and Lesser, E., An inquiry into the waiter's calling (London, 1911), p. 4Google Scholar.

45 Leppington, C. H. D'E., ‘Work and wages in hotels and restaurants’, Good Words, 33 (1892), p. 756Google Scholar.

46 Hotel Review, June 1886, p. 52; ‘Hotel notes and trade news’, Tourist and Traveller and Hotel Review, Dec. 1885, p. 304.

47 ‘The International Chefs and Waiters Society’, Restaurant, May 1910, p. 225.

48 ‘Correspondence’, Coffee Tavern Gazette and Journal of Food Thrift, 24 Apr. 1886, p. 28.

49 Gallati, Mario, Mario of the Caprice: the autobiography of a restaurateur (London, 1960), p. 36Google Scholar.

50 Ibid., p. 35.

51 Ibid., p. 44.

52 Letter from Mario Gallati to Giuseppina Frasca, 24 Oct. 1911, WBA, 896/24, City of Westminster Archives Centre, London.

53 Gallati, Mario of the Caprice, p. 45.

54 ‘Disreputable restaurant keepers’, Daily News, 11 Apr. 1900, p. 9.

55 ‘Gastronomic items’, Caterer, 15 July 1886, p. 198; British Journal of Catering, 1 Dec. 1889, p. 10; Caterer, 15 May 1894, p. 206; ‘The waiters’ column’, Caterer, 16 Nov. 1896, p. 555. The Amalgamated Waiters' Society's mouthpiece was the Waiters' Record, founded in 1900.

56 ‘The waiters' column’, Caterer, 15 June 1896, p. 304.

57 As reported in ‘Caterer's notebook’, Caterer, 15 Apr. 1899, p. 148. For more extensive statements made by the Amalgamated Waiters' Society, see Waiters' Record (Feb. 1900–Sept. 1914).

58 Clipping, ‘Foreign London at dinner: the resorts of our permanent visitors’, 1897, Norman Collection, LGL.

59 Medly and Lesser, An inquiry, pp. 4–6.

60 ‘Notes and notions’, Hotel Review, Nov. 1886, p. 132.

61 ‘Catering notes’, Caterer, 15 Mar. 1893, p. 111.

62 See, for instance, Hotel Review, Nov. 1886, p. 132; Restaurant, Aug. 1909, p. 6; and the following references in the Caterer: 16 Nov. 1885, p. 307, 15 Aug. 1893, p. 354, and 15 June 1896, p. 304 – all of which admitted to the superiority of the continental training of waiters, especially in Germany and Switzerland.

63 Newnham-Davis, Nathaniel, Gourmet's guide to London (London, 1914), p. 109Google Scholar.

64 ‘Chinatown in London’, Times, 25 Nov. 1913, p. 6.

65 ‘China in London’, Restaurant, Sept. 1911, p. 343.

66 Even this exposure to ‘Chinese’ food was possibly somewhat limited, given that one contemporary observer asserted that the food served at the exhibition's Chinese restaurant (the work of a French chef who was formerly resident in Beijing) was more reminiscent of that served in Paris than that found in China. See Roberts, J. A. G., China to Chinatown: Chinese food in the West (London, 2002), pp. 142–4Google Scholar.

67 ‘Wanted, an Anglo-Indian restaurant for London’, Caterer, 15 June 1891, p. 211.

68 Malabari, Behramji M., The Indian eye on English life; or, rambles of a pilgrim reformer (London, 1893), p. 45Google Scholar.

69 Newnham-Davis, Dinners and diners, p. 59.

70 Ibid., pp. 61, 63.

71 ‘Chops and changes’, Caterer, 16 Feb. 1885, p. 41.

72 ‘Chops and changes’, Caterer, 15 Apr. 1886, p. 112.

73 Handbill, ‘Curry, curry, curry: R. Banks’, 1886, Evanion Collection #6443, British Library (BL); ‘The cookery exhibitions’, Caterer, 15 Nov. 1886, p. 326Google Scholar.

74 Caterer, 15 Mar. 1886, p. 71. More speculatively, there is an intriguing reference to Indian curry being served in a metropolitan railway refreshment room. See ‘The curried dishes of the Indian empire’, Caterer, 15 Jan. 1887, p. 4.

75 ‘St. James's Hall Restaurant’, Caterer, 15 June 1897, p. 332.

76 ‘Indian cookery in London’, Caterer, 15 Dec. 1900, p. 661.

77 ‘Chops and changes’, Caterer, 15 Feb. 1892, p. 60.

78 ‘Cold storage of meat in London’, Caterer, 15 Sept. 1894, p. 384.

79 ‘Restaurant marketing’, Caterer, 15 Apr. 1891, p. 150.

80 ‘Odds and ends’, Caterer, 15 July 1895, p. 328.

81 ‘Live turtle!’, Hotel Review, Feb. 1887, p. 22; ‘Real turtle’, Caterer, 15 June 1898, p. xl.

82 Collingham, Lizzie, Curry: a biography (London, 2005), pp. 153–4Google Scholar; ‘A good Indian curry’, Chef, 18 July 1896, p. 10.

83 ‘A good Indian curry’, Chef, 18 July 1896, p. 10.

84 ‘Chops and changes’, Caterer, 15 Apr. 1887, p. 123; ‘Curries, sauces, &c.’, Caterer, 15 Dec. 1890, p. 487.

85 Newnham-Davis, Gourmet's guide, p. 109.

86 Dubois, Urbain, Cosmopolitan cookery (1870; London, 1886)Google Scholar; Johnson, Grace, Anglo-Indian and oriental cookery (London, 1893)Google Scholar; Kenney-Herbert, Arthur Robert, Wyvern's Indian cookery book (1878; London and Madras, 1904)Google Scholar.

87 ‘Book notices: Culinary jottings by “Wyvern”’, Caterer, 16 Aug. 1886, p. 242.

88 Bowman, Anne, The new cookery book: a complete manual of English and foreign cookery on sound principles of taste and science (1867; London, 1890)Google Scholar; Acton, Eliza, Modern cookery (London, 1845)Google Scholar.

89 Bowman, New cookery book, p. 345.

90 Beeton, Isabella, Mrs Beeton's book of household management, ed. Humble, Nicola (1861, Oxford, 2000), p. 124Google Scholar.

91 Menu, Grand Hotel, Trafalgar Square, 3 Nov. 1897, item #1897–296, Buttolph Menu Collection, New York Public Library (NYPL).

92 Menu, Monico, 22 July 1897, item #1897–237, NYPL; Menu, Savoy Restaurant, 22 Apr. 1897, item #1897–128, NYPL.

93 Sims, George R., My life: sixty years’ recollections of bohemian London (London, 1917), pp. 95–6Google Scholar.

94 ‘The looker on’, Hotel, 27 Nov. 1895, p. 17.

95 Handbill, Peninsular [sic] Restaurant, Nov. 1880, Evanion Collection #6639, BL.

96 Menu, Hotel and Restaurant Peninsulaire, 15 May 1880, Evanion Collection #6672, BL.

97 Menu, Holborn Restaurant, 1 Apr. 1882, 134.127/1, A3 Box Food and Drink, Ephemera Collection, Museum of London (ML).

98 ‘Catering notes and comments’, Caterer, 16 Mar. 1885, p. 59.

99 For other examples of menus (excluding banquets and other private occasions) which advertised hybrid dishes, see 24 Apr. 1901, Hotel Metropole, FF 942–1371, Hotel Metropole Album, City of Westminster Archive; 18 July 1914, Prince's, A3 Box Food and Drink, ML; 20 July 1892 (Gatti's) Adelphi Theatre Restaurant, item #1892–095, NYPL; 22 Apr. 1897, Savoy Restaurant, item #1897–128, NYPL; 22 July 1897, Monico, item 1897–237, NYPL; 11 Nov. 1898, Epitaux's Restaurant, item #1898–305, NYPL; 18 July 1896, Frascati's, item #1896–149, NYPL; 1889, (L. Azario's) Florence Restaurant, Evanion Collection #6798, BL; 1882, Horse Shoe Hotel and Restaurant, Evanion Collection #4234, BL.

100 ‘Restaurants and their function’, Nation, 1 (1865), p. 562.

101 Pascoe, Charles Eyre, Pascoe's London directory for American travellers (London, 1874), p. 5Google Scholar; idem, London of today: an illustrated handbook for the season (London, 1885), p. 43.

102 Handbill, Overton's Oyster Saloon, Nov. 1887, Evanion Collection #7068, BL; Brochure, the Hotel Cecil, Strand (London, 1896), box 91.15 Hotels, Cafés and Restaurants, Bishopsgate Library, London.

103 E.g. Paul, Howard, ‘How they eat in New York’, Caterer, 15 Dec. 1888, pp. 470–1Google Scholar; idem, ‘At “Delmonico's”, New York’, Caterer, 15 Nov. 1889, pp. 417–18.

104 For instance, see various establishments listed in ‘Noted restaurants and cafes’, International Travellers’ Journal, Jan. 1873, p. 3.

105 Press cuttings, 9 Apr. 1890, Restaurant Files, box G-L, Bishopsgate Library, London.

106 ‘Dining here and there’, Caterer, 15 Feb. 1889, p. 49.

107 Leal, Frederick, The Restaurant Frascati (London, c. 1894), p. 9Google Scholar. The same comment was made in ‘The Restaurant Frascati’, Era, 31 Aug. 1895, p. 16.

108 ‘Caterer's notebook’, Caterer, 15 Jan. 1897, p. 15.

109 Ibid.

110 ‘Paris catering notes’, Caterer, 15 Jan. 1886, p. 10.

111 Markino, Yoshio, A Japanese artist in London (London, 1910), p. 100Google Scholar.

112 Burton, Postcolonial careers; Gilroy, Black Atlantic.

113 Studies of immigrant populations in this period have tended to focus on discrete ethnic or racial groups, and their relationship with the host population, conceived in binary terms, rather than within a more complex trans-diasporic matrix. For example, Swift, Roger and Gilley, Sheridan, eds., The Irish in the Victorian city (London, 1985)Google Scholar; Sponza, Italian immigrants; Green, Jeffrey, Black Edwardians: black people in Britain, 1901–1914 (London, 1998)Google Scholar; Lahiri, Shompa, Indians in Britain: Anglo-Indian encounters, race and identity, 1800–1930 (London, 2000)Google Scholar; cf. Roediger, David R., The wages of whiteness: race and the making of the American working class (New York, NY, 2007)Google Scholar.

114 E.g. Cohen, Margaret and Dever, Carolyn, eds. The literary channel: the inter-national invention of the novel (Princeton, NJ, 2002)Google Scholar.

115 For an example of the rewards to be accrued from this approach, see Winter, Emma, ‘German fresco painting and the new houses of parliament at Westminster, 1834–1851’, Historical Journal, 47 (June 2004), pp. 291–329CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

116 There has been extensive attention to the ‘Americanization’ of British culture, but most of this literature has focused on the twentieth century. See the contributions to the special issue of Cultural and Social History 4 (2007). Exceptions would be Walkowitz, Judith R., ‘The “vision of Salome”: cosmopolitanism and erotic dancing in Central London, 1908–1918’, American Historical Review, 108 (Apr. 2003), pp. 337–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Koven, Seth, Slumming: sexual and social politics in Victorian London (Princeton, NJ, 2004), ch. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For China, see Auerbach, Sascha, Race, law, and ‘the Chinese puzzle’ in imperial Britain (New York, NY, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117 Cheah, Pheng and Robbins, Bruce, eds., Cosmopolitics: thinking and feeling beyond the nation (Minneapolis, MN, 1998)Google Scholar.

118 Agathocleous, Tanya and Rudy, Jason R., ‘Victorian cosmopolitanisms: introduction’, Victorian Literature and Culture, 38 (2010), p. 389CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

119 Walkowitz, Nights out, pp. 5–7.

120 Ibid., p. 102. Support for Walkowitz's claim that journalists, politicians, and fiction writers ‘returned again and again’ to this motif of ‘dangerous cosmopolitanism’ is confined to a single article in the Caterer from 16 Oct. 1905 and a brief reference to H. G. Wells's 1909 novel, Tono-Bungay.

121 ‘Dining experiences in London’, Tourist and Traveller, and Hotel Review, 1 Jan. 1885, p. 11.

122 See, for example, the numerous sanitation inspectors' reports collected in the records of the Commissioner of Sewers of the City of London, CLA/006/AD/05, and the London County Council Public Health Department, LCC/Ph/Reg/5, London Metropolitan Archives. For press coverage of specific complaints about the chop house, see Hotel, 24 July 1895, pp. 15–16; Nineteenth Century, 23, 133 (1888), p. 466. On unhygienic vegetarian restaurants, see Caterer, 15 Sept. 1899, p. 427; Vegetarian, 31 Mar. 1888, p. 8, and 14 Apr. 1888, p. 8; Food and Sanitation, 30 Dec. 1893, p. 410, and 23 Mar. 1893, p. 91. On fried fish shops and sanitary infractions, see Food and Sanitation, 27 Mar. 1897, p. 154, 6 Nov. 1897, p. 533, 12 Feb. 1898, p. 702; Anti-Adulteration Review and Food Journal, July 1882, p. 284, and Apr. 1893, p. 450.

123 For general comments, see ‘The looker on’, Hotel, 16 Oct. 1895, p. 17; and more specifically, see ‘The Café Monico Restaurant’, Anti-Adulteration Review and Food Journal, May 1883, p. 479; ‘Where to dine in London’, Food and Sanitation, 3 Mar. 1895, p. 72; ‘Chinatown in London’, Times, 25 Nov. 1913, p. 6.

124 See, for instance, Nava, Mica, Visceral cosmopolitanism: gender, culture and the normalisation of difference (Oxford and New York, NY, 2007), pp. 3–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

125 See, for instance, Grimes, William, Appetite city: a culinary history of New York (New York, NY, 2009)Google Scholar, and Hauck-Lawson, Annie and Deutsch, Jonathan, eds., Gastropolis: food and New York City (New York, NY, 2009)Google Scholar. For another comparative perspective, see Swislocki, Mark, Culinary nostalgia: regional food culture and the urban experience in Shanghai (Stanford, CA, 2009)Google Scholar.

126 Foreign waiters and their position’, Restaurant and Hotel Review, Sept. 1914, p. 460. See also Gallati, Mario of the Caprice.

127 E.g. Panayi, Spicing up Britain.