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Foreign Policy in the Age of the Reformation: French Involvement in the Schmalkaldic War, 1544–1547

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

D. L. Potter
D. L. Potter
Affiliation:
University of Kent
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Extract

On 24 April 1547 the forces of the leading protestant princes in Germany were annihilated at Miihlberg by Charles V, and the political wing of protestantism received a blow from which it never entirely recovered. Events during the preceding year had moved with a startling rapidity. Diplomats had widely expected a drawn contest in the summer of 1546, while John Frederick of Saxony and Philip of Hesse had sent a series of missions to France and England to request the military aid and intervention which might tip the balance decisively against the emperor. The diplomatic experts of the Schmalkaldic League had expected France to take advantage of the emperor's difficulties in Germany. The outbreak of war there might seem to have brought to fruition decades of French efforts to cripple the emperor by embroiling him with his German subjects, and 1546 certainly saw a culmination of French diplomatic activity across the Rhine. Yet the outcome of the frenetic negotiations which accompanied the war showed, on the part of the French, a lack of decisiveness at this critical time which is not easy to explain. Four years before, a grand anti-Habsburg coalition had been the pivotal point of French foreign policy. Now, in 1546, any chances of such a coalition were frittered away in petty negotiations with the English and a marked lack of faith between the French and the Germans.

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Articles
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The Historical Journal , Volume 20 , Issue 3 , September 1977 , pp. 525 - 544
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1977

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References

1 For details of this project see Rördam, H. F., ‘Résidents français près de la cour de Danemark’, Bulletin de l'Académie royale des sciences et des lettres de Danemark, (1898);Google ScholarRoberts, M., The early Vasas (Cambridge, 1968), p. 130;Google ScholarBers, G. E., Die Allianz Frankreich- Kleve (Köln, 1969), p. 43;Google ScholarPotter, D. L., ‘Diplomacy in the mid-sixteenth century: England and France 1536–1550’ (unpub. Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge, 1973), p. 60.Google Scholar

2 The major studies of the diplomacy surrounding the Schmalkaldic War, written largely from German sources, are Baumgarten, H., ‘Zur Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Kriegs’, Historische Zeitschrift, 1876;Google ScholarHasenclever, A., Die Politik der Schmalkaldener vor Ausbruch des Schmalkaldischen Kriegs (Berlin, 1901).Google Scholar The years before the war have been studied recently by Mariotte, J.-Y., ‘François Ier et la ligue de Smalkalde’, Zeitschrift für Schweizerische Geschichte, (1966), pp. 206–47,Google Scholar and in a general way by Pariset, J.-D., ‘Les relations des rois de France et des princes protestants allemands’, Positions des thèses de l'École des Charles, (1972), pp. 137–42.Google Scholar The present study is largely based on the papers of three French ambassadors, Jacques Mesnage (in B[ibliothèque] N[ationale], Paris, B[ritish] M[useum], Pierpont Morgan Library and Library of the Historical Assoc. of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia); Bassefontaine (BN and the château of Villebon, Eure-et-Loire); Jean de Fraisse (published in Des Monstiers Mérinville, Un évêque ambassadeur au XVI'siécle, Limoges, 1895).

3 For instance, see Villa Nuova to Gritti and Ibrahim Pasha, Venice, 8 Aug. 1534: ‘Il primo fondamento del negotio de la verita di questo: Il Re di Franza per esser stato molto calumniate del suo primo consiglio del Parlamento de Paris de la gran praticha stretta fatta con la Maestà del nostro Signor…’ (Simancas, Estado, Leg. 1310 fos. 160–2; copy in BM Add. MSS 28587 fo. 12r-v).

4 Tomasseo, N., Relations des ambassadeurs vénitiens sur les affaires de France au XVI'siècle (Paris, 1838), I, p. 67;Google ScholarCharrière, E., Négotiations de la France dans le Levant (Paris, 1840–1860), I, 283;Google ScholarUrsu, J., La politique orientate de François Ier (Paris, 1908), p. 134.Google Scholar

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6 For an expression of the opportunistic nature of the French attitude to the English alliance, see Jean du Bellay to Montmorency, 30 June 1529 in Scheurer, R., La correspondence du cardinal Jean du Bellay (Paris, 1969- ), I, no. 17, p. 59.Google ScholarFriedmann, in Anne Boleyn (London, 1884) erroneously supposed that French coolness towards England in the 1530s was caused by Henry VIII's religious policy (pp. 13–14).Google Scholar

7 The correspondence of the French envoys is printed in Kluckhohn, A., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl V, I (reprint, Göttingen, 1962).Google Scholar Cf. also Mignet, M., Rivalité de François Ier et de Charles V (Paris, 1875), I, 159–60Google Scholar

8 Deutsche Reichstagsakten, I, 812,Google Scholar Francis I to Orval and Guillart, 17 June 1519; ibid. pp. 855–7, Orval, Bonnivet and Guillart to Francis I, Koblenz, 29 June 1519.

9 On these men, see Bourrilly, V.-L., ‘Jean du Bellay, les Protestants et la Sorbonne’, part 3, Bulletin de la Société de l'histoire du Protestantisme fran¸ais [BSHPF], 1904, pp. 97–103;Google ScholarSchmidt, J., La vie et les travaux de Jean Sturm (Strassburg, 1858);Google ScholarBaumgarten, H., Sleidans Briefwechsel (Strassburg, 1881),Google ScholarÜber Sleidans Leben und Briefwechsel (Strassburg, 1881);Google ScholarRott, J., ‘Nouveaux documents sur Jean Sleidan’, Bulletin philologique et historique, (1967), ii.Google Scholar

10 In 1532, 100,000 crowns was paid to Dukes Wilhelm and Ludwig of Bavaria to oppose Ferdinand's candidature to the kingship of the Romans. For their receipts, cf. BN fr. 3016, fo. 76. Chapuys reported to Charles V, 19 Dec. 1534, that the 100,000 crowns due to be paid by the French to Henry VIII had taken the road to Germany to make a brewing, Letters and papers of Henry VIII (hereafter L&P), VII, 1554.

11 Bourrilly, , ‘Jean du Bellay’, part 1, BSHPF, 1903, p. 111;Google Scholaridem, Guillaume de Bellay, seigneur de Langey, 1497–1542 (Paris, 1905), pp. 147–72.Google Scholar

12 Cf. Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, ed. Bourrilly, V.-L. (Paris, 1910), p. 101;Google ScholarImbart de la Tour, Les origines de la Réforme (Paris, 1905–1914), III, 205–7.Google Scholar

13 Knecht, R. J., ‘The early reformation in England and France: a comparison’, History (1972), pp. 12–16.Google Scholar

14 The reason for failure was Charles V's unwillingness to go through with his promise to relinquish Milan as part of a marriage alliance. This had been realised in France by April 1540 (cf. Wyatt to Cromwell, 5 Apr. 1540, L&P XV, 462), and forced the Constable to change his policy; cf. Decrue, , Anne de Montmorency, grand maître et connétable de France à la cour, aux armiés et au conseil du roi François Ier (Paris, 1885), p. 394.Google Scholar

15 Bourrilly, , ‘Lazar de Baif et le landgrave de Hesse’, BSHPF (1901), pp. 369–76;Google Scholar Pinvert, Lazar de Baíf, 1496–1567 (Paris, 1898), appendix, no. xi, Francis I to Baif, 15 June 1540. These instructions on gaining friends were a formula and were repeated in Francis I to Mesnage, 26 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fo. 64r.Google Scholar

16 Cf. an ‘Advis’ sent to the duke of Cleves by Frotté, Marguerite of Navarre's secretary: ‘Et s'ilz vous replicquent que le Roy, avant leur seurete, les a mys es mains de l'empereur, vous les asseurerez cela jamais n'estre venu du coste du Roy, mais par maulvais mynistres …’ (Staatsarchiv, Düsseldorf, Jülich-Berg II, 1940, fo. 158V, Oct. 1540, passages in cipher italicised.)

17 Weiss, N., La chambre ardente (Paris, 1889), pp. XV-XX;Google ScholarGaffarel, P., ‘Les massacres de Cabrières et de Mérindol en 1545’, Revue historique (1911), pp. 245–7.Google Scholar

18 Philip of Hesse to his chancellor, Feige, 23 Nov. 1540, Marburg, Staatsarchiv, Pol. Arch. 556, fo. 14. As late as 1543 Philip was doing the same thing; cf. Mariotte, ‘François Ier’, p. 237, n. 100.

19 In October 1540 Montmorency and du Bellay were trying to run a German policy counter to the king's official policy. They sent the duke of Würtemburg to Germany ‘et a icelluy due asseure le Roy et ceulx de ceste compagnye que vous [i.e. Cleves] n'avez amy desdictz Protestans qu'il ne puisse vous oster’ (Advis of Frotté, cited above, note 16). The Cleves ambassador, Cruser, commented that Würtemberg was sent by Montmorency and du Bellay ‘affin qu'ilz puissent par cela rentrer en leur credit’ (Düsseldorf, Jülich-Berg II, 1940, fo. 165).

20 Hasenclever, A., ‘Die Geheimartikel zum Frieden von Crépy von 19. September 1544’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 45 (1926), pp. 418–26;Google Scholar BM Egerton 990, fos. 412–13: ‘Francoys etc…. et mesmement leur baillerons nous toutte assistence et faveur en ce qui concernera lad. reduction et pacification du discord de ladicte religion en la Germanie’.

21 François, M., Le cardinal Francois de Tournon (Paris, 1951), pp. 197–201;Google ScholarDermenghem, E., ‘La grandeur et la disgrace de l'amiral Claude d'Annebault’, Revue du XVI' Stécle, IX (1922), pp. 34–50,Google Scholar claims that d'Annebault was solely in charge of French foreign policy in the years after Crépy and that Tournon managed internal affairs. The role of Tournon in foreign policy was dominant in these years and is indicated in all the sources.

22 Du Bellay was only a member of the conseil privé. See Decrue, , Anne de Montmorency, connétable et pair de France sous les rois Henri II, Francois II et Charles IX (Paris, 1889), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar His old friendship with Montmorency is indicated in Frotte's ‘advis’, cited above, note 16; Dandino to Farnese, 31 Dec. 1540, Lestocquoy, J., Acta Nuntiaturae Gallicae, III: La correspondance des nonces en France Capodiferro, Dandino et Guidiccione (Paris, Rome, 1963), n. 6 bis;Google Scholar‘Advertences de Martin van Rossem’, 1544, ed. Paillard, C., Revue Historique (1878), p. 367.Google Scholar

23 François, M., Francois de Tournon, p. 197–201.Google Scholar

24 The Catholicism of Tournon's policy is one of the themes of François's biography.

25 On Mme d'Étampes' political role in this period, see Paris, P., Études sur François Ier (Paris, 1885), II, 294–325;Google ScholarPaillard, C., L'invasion allemande en 1544 (Paris, 1884), pp. 338–42.Google Scholar Both writers seek to exonerate Mme d'Étampes from the charge of treason. It is clear, however, that she was strongly supporting the negotiations for peace.

26 English envoys to Henry VIII, Brussels, 7 Nov. 1544, L&P, XIX, ii, 568. For co-operation between the Dauphin and Du Bellay, cf. State papers of Henry VIII (Record Commission, 1830–1852), X, 520–2.Google Scholar

27 François, M., François de Tournon, pp. 207–11.Google Scholar

28 In 1546, Mme d'Étampes was already referring to the protestants as her brothers, cf. Saint-Mauris to Charles V, 15 Nov. 1546. (Formerly in Archives Nationales, K 1486 no. 70-now returned to Simancas). In September 1545, soon after Orléans' death, Johann Sturm reported that Mme d'Étampes ‘syncere et candide et blande nobiscum egit’; Winckelmann, , Politische Correspondent der Stadt Strassburg im Zeitalter der Reformation (hereafter Pol.Cor.) (Strasbourg, 1887–1898), III, 604.Google Scholar

29 For a comment on responsibility for policy formulation and participation in affairs, see Acta Nuntiaturae Gallicae, III, 205, letter of Guidiccione. From those series of dispatches that are reasonably complete for the period, it seems that responsibility for diplomatic affairs was divided as follows between the secretaries: Bayard, Apr.-Nov. 1545; L'Aubespine, Dec. 1545-Mar. 1546; Bayard, Mar.-July 1546; series broken Mar.-Oct. 1546; L'Aubespine Oct. 1546 to the end of the reign. From Mar. to Nov. 1546, Bayard, L'Aubespine and Bochetel all drew up dispatches.Google Scholar

30 Ulrich Chelius described Tournon as ‘ein bose, listig Katz’. See his letter to Bing, 2 Nov. 1545, A. Hasenclever, ‘Neue Aktenstiicke zur Friedensvermitdung zwischen Frankreich und England in Jahre 1545’, Zeitschrift für Geschichte des Oberrheins, n.F. XX, (1905), 244 (hereafter N.A.)Google Scholar

31 François, M., François de Tournon, pp. 178–82.Google Scholar

33 Saint-Mauris to Mary of Hungary, 20 Apr. 1547, Revue Historique (1877), ed. Paillard, C., p. 108.Google Scholar

33 Fraisse became bishop of Bayonne and Bassefontaine bishop of Limoges and close adviser to Catherine de Medici.

34 Francis I to Mesnage, 3 July 1546, Pierpont Morgan (RF) MA 147, in cipher. The king was anxious not to be blamed for breaking the treaty. In the papal nuncio's words, the King ‘a grandissimo desiderio di riposare’, Acta Nuntiaturae Gallicae, VI, 5.Google Scholar

35 Saint-Mauris to Granvelle, 21 Mar. 1547, Calendar of Letters… Relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain (hereafter Spanish Calendar) IX, 62–4. Francis I's military pre- parations are the theme of the closing section of Martin du Bellay, Mémoires (Michaud et Poujoulat, 1850), pp. 566–8.

36 Mesnage to Francis I, 21 July 1546, draft, BN fr. 17889, fo. 375V: ‘Je ne me suis ouvert davantaige pour la doubte que j'ay que l'Empereur ne pregne suspicion que, luy aiant commence le guerre en la Germanye, vous luy voulsissiez courir sus et pour ceste cause il se voulsist retirer de ceste entreprinse et chercher quelques moiens de se pacifier’ (fo. 378-passage marked for cipher). French disquiet about the security of Piedm !ont is clear in this period, cf. Mesnage to Francis I, 17 Apr. 1546, fr. 17889 fo. 190; to d'Annebault, ibid. fo. 193; to Francis I, 11/12 May 1546, ibid. fos. 202–6. Cf. also the spy report of Apr. 1546, Vienna, Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv, P.A. (Belgica) 62, fos. 113–14.

37 Mesnage to Francis I, 13 Nov. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fos. 308–11, draft: ‘Sire, l'on m'a aussi diet que entre les cappitulacions d'amytie d'entre le Pape et l'Empereur il y en a une expresse par laquelle le Pape promect audict Seigneur Empereur de [se] declairer vostre ennemy si en quelque maniere que ce soit vous aydez aux protestans durant ceste guerre’ (fo. 308r).

38 See Sleidans Briefwechsel, nos. 39, 45, 61 and also the reference in the ‘Histoire particuliére de la cour de Henri II’, ed. Cimber et Danjou, Archives curietisses de l'histoire de France, 1st ser. III, 278.Google Scholar

38 Saint-Mauris to Charles V, 21 Dec. 1544, Brussels, Archives du Royaume, MSS Divers 1761, p. 4. Cf. also Gaffarel, ‘Les massacres’, pp. 252–6.

40 Francis I to protestant princes, Vérìcon-sur-Seine, igFeb. 1546, London, Public Record Office, SP1/214 fo. 114r-v (contemporary copy). Compare this with the moderation of Francis I's earlier excuses to the protestant leaders, 1 Feb. 1535, Corpus Reform. 11, 828.

41 The only French document on this mission is the journal kept by Bassefontaine, found at Villebon in the last century but now lost, partly printed by Paris, L., Négotiations, lettres et pièces diverses relatives au règne de Francois II, tirèes du portefeuille de Sébastien de l'Aubespine (Paris, 1841), intro. pp. v-ix.Google Scholar

42 Letter to Philip of Hesse, Worms, 29 Apr. 1545, information from Johann Sturm, J. Rott, ‘Jean Sleidan’, p. 624, n. 5.

43 This question is dealt with at length in D. L. Potter, ‘England and France 1536–1550’, ch. 3, sec. 2.

44 For Fraisse's mission to frustrate English troop recruitment, see Potter, D. L., ‘England and France 1536–1550’, ch. 3, sec. I.Google Scholar

45 Fraisse exchanged several letters with the chancellor of Hesse, Bing, in which he attempted to further the progress of the protestant mediation. Marburg, Pol. Arch. 1836, fo. 29, 34–5, 38, 43–50.

46 Potter, D. L., ‘England and France 1536–1550’, pp. 128–36.Google Scholar

47 Cf. above, note 36.

48 As late as June 1546, Mesnage could report: ‘je ne puis encore escripre plus certainement a vostre mageste si l'Empereur fera la guerre, car jacoit qu'il en face toutes les demonstracions qu'il peult, toutesfois plusieurs esperont qu'il se retirera sans ouverture de ladicte guerre’. Letter to Francis I, 25 June 1546, draft, BN fr. 17889, fos. 162–5.

49 Francis I to Mesnage, 15 Feb. 1546, orig. missing, summary in BN fichier Charavay, 161, 271; d'Annebault to Mesnage, 15 Feb. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fo. 124; Mesnage to Francis I, Maestricht, 24 Feb. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fos. 115–22, 112–13, 123; Francis I to Mesnage, 28 Feb. 1546, Pierpont Morgan RF (MA 147): ‘J'ay este tresaise d'entendre…ce que I'Empereur vous a diet du traicte qu'il a dernierement faict avecques l'Anglois et l'asseurance qu'il me donne que e'est seullement une declaration… par ou ledict Empereur demeure moins oblige a l'Anglois qu'il n'estoit…’

50 Francis I to Mesnage, 12 Jan. 1546, Pierpont Morgan RF (MA 147): Mesnage is instructed to minimize the difficulties with England. ‘Toute la dimculte que s'i est trouvee …est seullement le respect des Escossois’. For the king's talks with Saint-Mauris, see Spanish Calendar, VIII, 180.

51 Mesnage to Francis 1,30 Nov. 1545, BN fr. 17889, fos. 112–13; Memoire to Malestroict, 1 Dec. 1545, ibid., fos. 88–9; Francis I to Mesnage, 3 Dec. 1545, BN fr. 17890, fos. 51–2. Martin du Bellay claimed that suspicion entered the king's mind on d'Annebault's return from his fruidess mission to the emperor in Nov. 1545, cf. Mémoires, p. 564.

52 Francis I to Mesnage, Villers-Cotterets, 14 Dec. 1545, BN fr. 17890, fos. 49–50.

53 Francis I to Mesnage, 28 Feb. 1546 (see note 49): propositions put forward ‘Affin d'essaier s'il y auroit moien de pouvoir faire et descouvrir s'il est possible ce qu'ilz en ont sur le cueur’. For the emperor's reply, see Mesnage to Francis I, Luxemburg, 18 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fos. 97–102.

54 Francis I to Mesnage, 8 Mar. 1546, Paris (Pierpont Morgan RF (MA 147) in cipher): If the emperor ‘ne leur faict poinct la guerre, ce sera plus de crainte d'empirer son marche que autrement’.

55 Mesnage to Francis I, 18 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fos. 99v-100r. The king echoed this in his reply to Mesnage of 26 March: ‘il se peult juger, selon la faveur ou defaveur que auront les affaires de l'Empereur en Allemaigne, il se rendra facille ou dificille a venir a condicions raisonnables pour perpetuer la paix et amytie entre noz successeurs.’ BN fr. 17890, fo. 64r (in cipher).

56 Cardinal Hippolyto II of Ferrara to Ercole II, Lyons, 16 Mar. 1546 (Modena, Archivio di Stato, Casa e Stato, Carteggio tra principi estensi 1360/47 in cipher): ‘Sua Maestà Christianissima… mi dise anco come pur scrisi che non pensava che sto fuse per questo ano inovatione ne cosa alcuna contra di lei, anzi che da questo et altri segui pare a che si dimostrase d'alcuni giorni in qua phù amorevoli et grati propositi, il che Sua Maestà pensa che proceda dal haver trovato sto quei principi protestanti piu duri et piu difficili di…. che si promettava forse prima…’ The king ‘atendera guardareetconservar queste sue frontiere che habi segnato di fortificare’. The cardinal was a trusted adviser of the king and his information is confirmed by du Bellay's description of the king's policy in 1546.

57 Potter, D. L., ‘England and France 1536–1550’, pp. 137–42.Google Scholar

58 Cf. the report of the imperial agent, Vienna, P.A. (Belgica) 62, fos. 113–14: the price of food was high and the army could not be equipped until the next harvest. The king had to borrow 700,000 crowns from Lyon.

59 For a revival of fears about English contacts with the emperor, see Mesnage, 30 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fo. 106v. In April, Mesnage was still not sure whedier the emperor favoured closer links with the English but within the terms already proposed by d'Annebault or wished to break openly with France (Mesnage to d'Annebault, 13 Apr. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 188). Habsburg courtiers were telling Mesnage that the emperor ‘ne fera la paix avec vostre mageste sans la rendicion de Piedmont, et par leurs parolles demonstrent avoir quelque plaisir et esperance de ce que le Roy d'Angleterre demeure en guerre avec vostre mageste’ (Mesnage to Francis I, Regensburg, 19 Apr. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 222r). The emperor's ministers ‘craignent grandement que vous aiez la paix avec le Roy d'Angleterre’ (Mesnage to Francis I, 20 May 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 10r.)

60 Mesnage to Francis I, 20 May 1546: the protestants ‘estyment que ledict Seigneur Empereur leur sera plus doux et gracieux si vous avez la paix avec ledict Roy anglois.’ Even during the Diet, the protestants concluded dlat, widi peace secured, die emperor 'fera plus favorables conclusions pour ledictz Protestans’ (Mesnage to Francis I, 9 June 1546, BN fr. 17889, fos. 177 f.). Other observers came to the same conclusion, e.g. Mocenigo and Navagero to the doge, 14 May 1546, Turba, and Stich, , Venetianische Depeschen vom Kaiserhof (Vienna, 1889-1895) I no. 145, p. 486. Cf. also Sturm to du Bellay, 28 Mar. 1645, BN f.lat. 8584, fo. 1; Chelius to du Bellay, 14 June 1546, Pol. Corr. IV, 88.Google Scholar

61 Charles V obviously hoped to perpetuate the Anglo-French war (Spanish Calendar, VIII, 213) and hold Francis I to the Treaty of Crepy. By early 1546 he was well aware of French opportunism (ibid. vm, 94, 180 f.).

62 Mesnage was convinced that Charles feared an Anglo-French peace, cf. note 59. He thought that the emperor was delaying his proposition to the Diet until he knew the outcome of the negotiations at Calais.

63 Mesnage to Francis I, Spire, 30 March 1546, BN fr. 17890, fos. 106–7.

64 Bassefontaine's mission concerning English troop-recruitment was also a serious business (see Potter, D. L., ‘England and France 1536–1550’, pp. 108–9).Google Scholar For his main mission, see Francis I to Bassefontaine, 18 and 18 Apr. 1546, Archives de Villebon, liasse 21; Francis I to Mesnage, 26 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 65r. After visiting Heidelberg, Bassefontaine reported to Mesnage at Regensburg on his interviews with the chancellors of Hesse and Cologne: ‘Sire, ledict Sr de Bassefontaine a veu secretement les chancelliers de langrave et de l'evesque de Coulongne, et a son retour m'a diet qu'ilz ont dict que absolutement ilz ne feront aucun accorde avec l'Empereur… ilz luy ont diet aussi que, quelque chose qu'ilz puissent faire avecluy, les estatz de la Germanye ne luy bailleront aucun aide contre Vostre Mageste’. Mesnage to Francis I, 20 May 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 9V.

65 On instructions, Mesnage visited the Elector Palatine ‘lequel m'a faict demonstration qu'il desire grandement demourer vostre humble serviteur. Je luy ay diet que les estatz de la Germanie ont a considerer que vous, Sire, et voz predecesseurs leur avez garde inviolablement vray amytie et icelle vostre amytie leur peult aider et ne leur peult nuyre. Il m'a diet que je vous puis escripre que, quelque chose que facent lesdictz estatz, ilz ne prendront pour l'Empereur aucunement les armes et ne feront aucune chose a l'encontre de vous.’ Mesnage extracted a promise of service and that neither the Palatine nor the Landgrave would attend the Diet. The Palatine's secretary was to be sent to France. See Mesnage to Francis I, Spire, 30 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fo. 106r-v, draft; Francis I to Bassefontaine, 17 May 1546, Fontainebleau, Villebon, liasse 21.

66 See note 42. The reference to the dauphin should be placed in the context of his correspondence with the duke of Würtemberg. Cf. Drüffel, , Beiträge zur Reichsgeschichte 1546–51 (Munich, 1873), nos. 3, 4, 10, 24, 35, 37,40,46,48, 52; esp. no. 35, articles presented on the dauphin's behalf by Boisgaudry ‘et quant a ce que lui désire fort entrer en une alliance avec les estatz protestans’.Google Scholar

67 Chancellor Olivier advised Bassefontaine not to visit Philip himself (in July) but to send a trustworthy man after consulting Mesnage. See Bayard to Bassefontaine, 26 July 1546, cipher, Rouen Bib. mun., coll. Léber 5719 (3204), fo. 4, accompanying the royal despatch of 25 July (Villebon, liasse 21). Bassefontaine took the advice. Cf. Varnbüller's report, 30 July 1546, Marburg, Pol. Arch. 1837, fos. 9–10; Bassefontaine to Giinterode, 24 July 1546, ibid., fo. 11.

68 For instance, when the question arose of the Landgrave's forwarding a despatch to Bassefontaine, Mesnage noted that ‘si ladicte depesche estoit entierement ouverte, il n'y a ung seul mot d'importance duquel Ton puisse avoir quelque suspicion qui ne soit en chiffre’. Mesnage to Francis I, 17 Aug. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 132V.

69 Francis I to Mesnage, 26 Mar. 1546: ‘faictes que voz communications ne soient pas longues affin que l'Empereur n'en puysse faire son proffit faignant, comme ses ministres sont coustumiers, qu'il soit de moy recherche pour faire ligue contre les allemans’. Cipher, BN fr. 17890, fo. 64V.

70 Mesnage to d'Annebault, 30 Mar. 1546, BN fr. 17890, fo. 107r-v.

71 Cf. also Mesnage to Francis I, 13 Apr. 1546: ‘Sire, l'on ne parle plus que l'Empereur vueille faire la guerre aux protestans, mais chacun a ceste suyte tient pour certain qu'il ne leur face aucunement’. BN fr. 17890, fo. 80r, draft; same to same, 17 Apr. 1546, fr. 17889, fos. 190–2: ‘Il est aussi chose notoire que l'Empereur a delibere ne faire la guerre aux protestans’.

72 For the course of Anglo-French negotiation, see Potter, D. L., ‘England and France 1536–1550’, pp. 137–63. The reports of Mesnage are full of news of English recruitment in Germany and remarks like ‘en cest an ledict Roy anglois veult faire ses plus grans effors’. Mesnage to Francis I, 17 Apr. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 192.Google Scholar

73 Thalassius represented Metz at the Diet but often acted as an agent for English and French envoys. In 1545 he was working for the English (L&P, XX, i, 918, 319, ii 18, 45) while in 1546 he worked for Mesnage. His main usefulness was his contact with both protestant and catholic estates. In April 1546 he reported to Mesnage on ‘la pacification de la religion, sur laquelle il pense estre impossible que l'Empereur se puisse accorder avec les estatz de PEmpire’. BN fr. 17889, fo. 217r-v.

74 Mesnage to Francis I, 25 June 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 164r.

75 Mesnage to Francis I, 27 Aug. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 136V; same to same, 28 Aug. 1546, ibid., fo. 359V. These despatches are based on reports from the emperor's camp by Garrel, Mesnage's secretary, ibid., fos. 369–70, 368, 352–3.

76 Sleidan to du Bellay, ia Mar. 1546, Sleidans Briefwechsel, cit sup. nos. 68, 69. The protestant envoy to England was Hans Bruno von Niedpruck, who had earlier been involved in the mediation of the previous winter. For a summary of information on him see Zeller, G., La réunion de Metz à la France (Strassbourg, Paris, 1926), I, 82–3.Google Scholar

77 Mentioned in Francis I to Richer, n.d., Ribier, G., Lettres et Mémoires d'Estat (Paris, 1666), I, 607–9.Google Scholar Richer was ambassador to the Landgrave at this moment. For details of monetary arrangements, see François, M., François de Tournon, p. 224, n. 2.Google Scholar

78 Redlich, F., The German military enterpriser and his workforce (Wiesbaden, 1964), I, 83.Google Scholar

79 Baumgarten, ‘Zur Geschichte des Schmalkaldischen Kriegs’, n. 31, p. 69. Dandino, papal nuncio in France, reported that Tournon had told him that the king was willing ‘di accettar da Lutherani il nome et elettione d'Imperatore in persona, se non dal Re, almeno di mons. Delphino’, and also the lordship of ‘tutte le terre del Imperio che sono di qua dal Reno della lingua francese come è Mes, Verdun, Cambrai et simili’. Acta Nuntiaturae Gallicae, VI, no. 38.Google Scholar

80 I.e. Saxony, Brandenburg, Palatinate, Cologne. On Cologne, cf. Deckers, M., Hermann von Wied, Erzbischof und Kurfürst von Köln (Cologne, 1840).Google Scholar

81 Schmidt, C., Jean Sturm, p. 69. Letter of Jean Sturm concerning a meeting with Francis I on 22 Dec. 1546: ‘benigne et clementer audivit, respondit etiam benigne causam belli honestissimam esse se indicasse semper, velle etiam se causam nostram et nobis optare quot volumus, societatem belli nobiscum facere non posse absque rege Angliae. pecuniarum vero ducenta millia coronatorum mutuo dare velle…’ This dispatch emphasizes the key role of Bassefontaine in these negotiations. Marburg, Samtarchiv, 66, 34a, fos. 9–12.Google Scholar

82 Tournon to Mesnage, 21 Oct. 1546, Correspondance du Cardinal Fran¸ois de Tournon, ed. François, M. (Paris, 1946), no. 389.Google Scholar

83 François, M., François de Tournon, pp. 222–4. Tournon was concerned to keep Strozzi's mission as informal as possible.Google Scholar

84 Pariset, J.-D., ‘Les relations des rois de France et les princes protestants allemands (1541–59)’, Positions des thèses de l'École Nationale des Chartes (1972), pp. 137–42.Google Scholar

85 Malestroict to Mesnage, 12 Dec. 1546, in cipher, BN fr. 17888, fos. 214–17.

86 Mesnage to Francis I, 12 Nov. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fos. 324–8; Francis I to Mesnage, 18 Nov. 1546, Ligny, BN fr. 17890, fos. 43–4.

87 Mesnage to Francis I, 12 Nov. 1546, BN fr. 17889, fo. 311.

88 Malestroict to Mesnage, 12 Dec. 1546: ‘La creance que m'a baillee Monsieur l'admiral est que, pour le mariaige, vous regardez a tumber tout de loing en propos avec [cipher name?] de I'amictye d'entre le Roy et l'Empereur, et combien elle est utille et necessaire pour le bien de toute la Chrestiente non seullement de l'entretenir, mais aussi de l'acorobrer et perpetuer, que si les hommes avoint ceste oppinion que fust bien ferme, plusieurs n'entraprendroin [sic] pour ce qu'ilz entreprennent, come font les protestans, que voici le tems qu'on y debvroit penser et que les plustost le meilieur', passage in cipher, BN fr. 17888, fo. 215r.

89 Francis I to Mesnage, 22 Dec. 1546, autograph, Pierpont Morgan RF (MA 147).

90 Francis I to Bassefontaine, ?Jan. 1547, Ribier, Lettres, 1, 609–10: ibid., 17 Feb. 1547, pp. 617–18.

91 Francis I to Bassefontaine, 26 Mar. 1547, Ribier, Lettres, 1, 635–6. At the very end of the reign, de la Garde was in England to try to negotiate the return of Boulogne. See Potter, D. L., ‘England and France 1536–1550’, p. 163.Google Scholar

92 At the end of 1546 the emperor had given Mesnage a considerable dressing-down about French military preparations. Mesnage was dumbfounded and Charles gave him an assurance that he contemplated no attack on Piedmont. See Charles V to Saint-Mauris, 19 Jan. 1547, Drüffel, Reichsgeschichte 1546–51, no. 81. Mary of Hungary thought Francis was preparing for war in the same way as in 1542, cf. ibid., no. 77. Du Bellay makes it quite clear that the French expected an attack in Champagne (Mémoires, pp. 565–7), while it is clear that in February 1547 instructions were being sent by the king to his agents in Italy to negotiate a new league ‘qui est, à mon advis, le meilleur expedient que l'on pourroit trouver pour refrener l'ambition de l'Empereur et empêcher l'execution de son entreprise, qui continue à se voulloir faire monarque’. See Baguenault de Puchesse, Jean de MorviUiers (Paris, 1870), pp. 58–9;Google ScholarCharrière, E., Négotiations, I, 648.Google Scholar

93 In particular, the death of Francis I ruined the prospect of an agreement over the future of Boulogne negotiated by de la Garde in January. Cf. D. L. Potter, ‘England and France 1536–1556’, pp. 162–3.

94 For a survey of this hostile literature see Paris, P., Études sur François let (Paris, 1885), I, 1–25; 11, 324–72.Google Scholar

95 This was a policy which Francis I sometimes professed in periods of peace; see du Bellay, M., Mémoires, p. 488.Google Scholar

96 Kiewning, H., Herzog Albrechts von Preussen und Markgraf Johanns von Brandenburg Anteil am Fürstenbunde gegen Karl V, 1547–50 (Inaugural-Dissertation, Königsberg)Google Scholar and the same author's ‘Herzog Albrecht von Preussen and Markgraf Johann von Küstrin’ in Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen and Preussischen Geschichte, IV, (1891).Google Scholar