¹ Among present-day historians, A. William Salomone preserves the traditional liberal nationalist orientation in ‘The liberal experiment and the Italian revolution of 1848 – a reevaluation’, Journal of Central European Affairs, IX (1949), 267–88. For a fine social analysis of the failures of a middle class-peasant alliance in Venice, see Ginsborg, Paul, ‘Peasants and revolutionaries in Venice and the Veneto, 1848’, The Historical Journal, XVII (1974), 503–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Also on Venetian society are two articles by Bernardello, Adolfo, ‘La paura del comunismo e dei tumulti popolari a Venezia e nelle provincie venete nel 1848–49’, Nuova Rivista Storica, LIV (1970), 50–113Google Scholar, and ‘Burocrazia, borghesia e contadini nel Veneto Austriaco’, Studi Storici, XVII (1976), 127–52. On Lombardy see Perula, Franco Della, ‘I contadini nella rivoluzione lombarda del 1848’, Democrazia e socialismo nel Risorgimento (Rome, 1965), pp. 59–108.Google Scholar For southern Italy see the work of Pedio, Tommaso, Contadine, galantuomini nelle provincie del Mezzogiorno d'Italia durante i moti del 1848 (Matera, 1963).Google Scholar Two older works that remain invaluable because of the combination of the liberal nationalist tradition with an investigation of the economic context in which it evolved are Kent Greenfield, 's classic Economics and liberalism in the Risorgimento. A study of nationalism in Lombardy, 1814–1848 (Baltimore, 1934; rev. edn 1965)Google Scholar and Ciasca, Raffaele, L'origine del programma per ‘l'opinione nazionale italiana’ del 1847–1848 (Milan, 1916, reissued 1965).Google Scholar

² Much of the correspondence of Ricasoli, Bettino, Carteggi di Bettino Ricasoli, has been edited by Nobili, Mario and Camerani, Sergio, vols. I–VII (Bologna, 1939–1955).Google Scholar There is still some unpublished, especially estate papers, at Brolio. The best biography remains Hancock, W. K., Ricasoli and the Risorgimento in Tuscany (London, 1926)Google Scholar, valuable for social and political developments of the period. For Cosimo Ridolfi see the biography by his son, Luigi, , Cosimo Ridolfi e gli istituti del suo tempo (Florence, 1901).Google Scholar For Capponi see Reumont, Alfredo, Gino Capponi e il suo secolo (Milan, 1891)Google Scholar and a more recent analysis by Gentile, Rino, Gino Capponi: un aristocratico toscana dell '800 (Florence, 1974).Google Scholar For Guicciardini see Jacini, Stefano, Un riformatore Toscano dell'epoca del Risorgimento: Il Conte Piero Guicciardini, 1808–1886 (Florence, 1946)Google Scholar; the estate papers for the nineteenth century are still in the hands of the family in Florence. No full biographies exist for any of the members of the Fenzi family though the papers can be found in the Museo del Risorgimento in Florence.

³ Mirri, Mario, ‘Mercato regionale e internazionale e mercato nazionale capitalistico come condizione dell'evoluzione interna della mezzadria’ in Agricoltura e sviluppo del capitalismo (Rome, 1970), p. 400.Google Scholar

⁴ From the 1841 census figures, it is estimated that in the straw industry of the 5,293 men employed, 4,714 were in the country, of the 20,027 women employed, 18,559 were rural. In the textile industries of the 7,360 men employed, 4,553 were rural, and of the 44,525 women employed 32,557 were rural. See Pane, Luigi dal, Industria e commercio nel Granducato di Toscana nett 'età del Risorgimento (Bologna, 1971), II, 62.Google Scholar

⁵ The actual census figure is 1,489,980. Bandettini, Pierfrancesco, L'evoluzione demografica della Toscana dal 1810 al 1889 (Turin, 1960), p. 64Google Scholar; Pane, dal, Industria e commercio, II, 59.Google Scholar The other 4% belongs to other professions. For an analysis of agriculture see Biagioli, Giuliana, L'agricoltura e la popolazione in Toscana all'inizio dell'ottocento (Pisa, 1975)Google Scholar and Pazzagli, Carlo, L'agricoltura toscana nella prima metà dell'ottocento: techniche di produzione e rapporti mezzadrili (Florence, 1973).Google Scholar

⁶ The actual population of Pistoia for 1848 was 149,123. Prefettura di Pistoia to Ministero dell'Interno, Pistoia, 6 Nov. 1848, A.S.F., M.I. [Archivio di Stato, Firenze, Ministero dell'Interno], 3062.

⁷ B.C.F.P. [Biblioteca Comunale Forteguerriana, Pistoia]Google Scholar, Carte Giuseppe Mazzoni, Cassetta I, inserto I.

⁸ M.R.F. [Museo del Risorgimento, Firenze], Carte Fenzi. In a letter of Orazio to Carlo, S. Andrea, 3 Dec. 1849, he complained about the abuses of the steward on the estate of S. Andrea (abuses he had already remedied at another estate of Monte Firidolfi). He also felt it was time for another member of the family to do duty surveying peasant sharecroppers at harvest time, Carte Fenzi, Filza 67, inserto 8.

⁹ High prices remained after 1815 until 1819 when the decline began and continued throughout the 1840s. Between 1830–40 grain prices declined 33% compared to 1803–10 and 50% compared to 1811–20. See Biagioli, G., ‘Vicende dell'agricoltura nel granducato di Toscana nel secolo XIX: le fattorie di Ricasoli’, in Agricoltura e sviluppo del capitalismo, p. 149.Google Scholar

¹⁰ For the debates on the mezzadria see: Landucci, L., ‘Considerazione sulla povertà del contado Toscano’, Giornale Agrario Toscano, VI, no. 24 (1832), 520–21Google Scholar; Ridolfi, Cosimo, ‘Considerazioni sull'industria e specialmente sull'agricoltura’, Continuazione degli Atti dell' Accademia dei Georgofili, XII (1834), 32–59Google Scholar; Salvagnoli, V., ‘Prospetto della discussione sulle mezzerie suscitato dal Giornale Agrario Toscano’, Continuazione…Atti, serv. IV, vol. iv (1875), 218–21.Google Scholar

¹¹ Mori, Giorgio, La Valdelsa dal 1848 al 1900 (Milan, 1957), pp. 68–9.Google Scholar

¹² Biagioli, , ‘Vicende dell'agricoltura’, pp. 151–8.Google Scholar For experimentation at Barbanella in the 1850s see C.B.R. [Carteggi di Bettina Ricasoli], V, 282–4, 288Google Scholar, VI, 155–6.

¹³ Salvagnoli, Vincenzo, ‘Lettera al marchese Gino Capponi intorno alla colonia parziaria 20 marzo 1833’, Atti, ser. IV, vol. iv (1875), 181.Google Scholar

¹⁴ For the debate on free trade which took place in the 1830s and 1840s see Ronchi, Carla, I democratici fiorentini nella rivoluzione del' 48–'49 (Florence, 1963), pp. 7–47.Google Scholar

¹⁵ B.C.F., Carte Giuseppe Mazzoni, Cassetta I, inserto 2. See in particular the letters to Munt and Brown in London, 6 July 1830 to 30 Dec. 1840, comprising forty-five letters. Tuscan straw hats were beginning to meet competition from the growing English industry, and the new difficulties were attributed to the relatively high tariffs maintained since 1819. That the tariff reductions beginning in 1842 and ending in complete repeal by 1861 did not restore the Tuscan trade was due in part to improvements in the English product; earlier English producers had left the quality sector of the trade to Tuscan suppliers. See Dony, John G., A history of the straw hat industry (Luton, 1942), pp. 28–30, 43, 97 n, 98.Google Scholar An extraordinary session of the Florentine chamber of commerce was called on 20 Jan. 1847 by dealers in straw hats to discuss the competition of the French product now produced in Grenoble. C.d.C.F. [Camera di Commercio, Firenze] Archivio Storico, no. 94, IX, Registro degli atti 1843–1848, pp. 183–6.

¹⁶ Gotti, Aurelio, Vita di barone Bettina Ricasoli (Florence, 1894), p. 51.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Busacca, Raffaele, ‘Del credito pubblico in rapporti alla nationalità italiana’, Atti, ser. II, vol. XXVI (1848), 101–18.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Salvagnoli, Vincenzo, ‘Prospetto della discussione sulle mezzerie’, Atti, ser. IV, vol. iv (1874), 203.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Manfredi, Silvio, ‘I sottoscrittori italiani delle azioni della compagnia universale del canale di Suez’, Rassegna Storica del Risorgimento, XXVIII (1936), 371.Google Scholar

²⁰ See Herlihy, Patricia, ‘Russian wheat and the port of Livorno 1794–1865’, The Journal of European Economic History, v (Spring, 1976), 45–68.Google Scholar

²¹ Pane, Dal, Industria e commercio, II, 285.Google Scholar Herlihy suggests that Tuscan liberal trade policy attracted even Genoa in 1839 to use the expanded grain storage facilities, Herlihy, , ‘Russian wheat’, pp. 54, 68.Google Scholar

²² Bartolotti, Lando, Livorno dal 1748 al 1958 (Florence, 1970), p. 63Google Scholar; Mori, Giorgio, ‘Linee e momenti dello sviluppo della città del porto e dei traffici di Livorno’, La Regione, no. 12 (1956), 21.Google Scholar

²³ Herlihy cites an annual average of 1,554,490 Tuscan sacks between the years 1835–9, which increased by 1854 to 2,034,827 Tuscan sacks. The advent of the Crimean War interrupted this Tuscan dependence upon grain from the Black Sea, Herlihy, , ‘Russian wheat’, p. 66.Google Scholar

²⁴ Giuliano Ricci to Gino Capponi, Leghorn, 11 June 1848, B.N.F. [Biblioteca Nazionale, Firenze], Capponi, , XI, 54/2.Google Scholar

²⁵ C.d.C.L. [Camera di Commercio, Livorno], Deliberazione del anno 1845 al anno 1859 il 17 dicembre, date of entry is 23 07 1846.Google Scholar

²⁶ Raccolta di documenti relativi ai facchini livornesi ed ai facchini forestieri detti di dogana pubblicati per opera di F. D. Guerrazzi (Leghorn, 1848), p. 5.

²⁷ Capponi, Gino, ‘Settanta giorni di ministero’, Scritti editi e inediti (Florence, 1877), II, 103.Google Scholar

²⁸ Mori, , ‘Linee e momenti’, p. 21.Google Scholar Census figures for 1836 show 35,528 resident within the city and port, and 40,806 in the suburbs and surrounding countryside. See Marchi, Vittorio, Memorie e rimembranze nella vita di Agostino Micheli (Leghorn, 1969), pp. 250–1.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ibid. p. 47.

³⁰ Bortolotti, , Livorno, p. 76.Google Scholar

³¹ Badoloni, Nicola, Democratici e socialisti livornesi nell'ottocento (Rome, 1966), p. 77.Google Scholar

³² Marchi, , Memorie, p. 302.Google Scholar Within the space of eight years, 1838–46, twenty societies for the exploitation of subsoil were established, many of them less than successful, Ronchi, , I democratici, pp. 40–1.Google Scholar

³³ While part of the company was underwritten by certain Leghorn merchants such as the Casa Moores (an English firm), Casa Morpurgo e Tedeschi, to name a few, and despite the difficulty of knowing all the shareholders, nevertheless, the investment of Lombard and Austrian interests has been established. See Landi, Pier Luigi, ‘La Leopoldo’ La ferrovia Firenze-Livorno e le sue vicende (1825–1860) (Pisa, 1974), pp. 26, 54–7.Google Scholar

³⁴ See letter of Bartolommeo Baldelli to Bettino Ricasoli, Florence, 22 Feb. 1845, C.B.R., II, 14. The Strada Ferrata Maria Anlonia between Florence and Pistoia connecting important towns where domestic industries were concentrated was finished up to Prato by Feb. 1848 and the rest by July 1851.

³⁵ A.S.F., M.I., Rapporti contenenti i rapporti giornalieri e settimanale inviati al Ministero dell'Interno, Buste 2131–2211.

³⁶ Prefectural reports in the Archivio di Stato, Florence, as well as communal archives are filled with such incidents. One such bread riot recorded at Monsummano in a report of 4 Jan. 1847 is spoken of as a ‘scene of horror’ as 2,000 people pushed over stands in a rush to get at 200 sacks of grain, A.S.F. Archivio Buon Governo Segreta, Gabinetto, Appendice 22, inserto 2. See also reports of the prefect of Arezzo, 8 July 1848, or of Cortona, 9 July 1848, A.S.F., M.I. 2130, 2143. Because of incidents against bakers and landowners who were accused of hoarding grain and were victims of continuous attacks in Siena, the police reported to the prefect on 28 July 1848 that landowners were carrying their grain out of the city, A.S.S. [Archivio di Stato, Siena], report of the inspector of police, 1848, no. 360. A manifesto stamped ‘To the People’ posted at Borgo a Buggiano, outside of Prato, warned that richness came from work and not raiding bakeries! A.C.P. [Archivio Comunale, Prato] Carte Cironi, Cartella A.

³⁷ A report of the gonfaloniere of Prato, for example, describing conditions from 1 July to 31 Dec. 1846 laments the diminution of the straw plaiting industry and the cessation of beret manufacturing for the Levant. He comments that 1846 was the worst year since 1817, A.S.F., Archivio Buon Governo Segreta, Filza 309, pt. XII, 1847. Unemployed bricklayers, stonecutters, etc., of Montepulciano threaten and demand public works projects of the subprefect on 6 Nov. 1848, A.S.F., M.I., 2149.

³⁸ One such incident occurred in the Santa Croce district in Florence just after the opening of the railway in which carriage workers threatened the office, its manager, and forced passengers to descend coaches, A.S.F., M.I., 2135, prefectual report of 14 July 1848.

³⁹ The vicar of San Gimignano reported on 8 Sept. 1848 an incident of the 6th at Montaione in which a group of braccianti headed by a leader, Giovanni Rosi, came to the gonfaloniere and asked work. The latter calmed the men but let them know that there was nothing in his power that he could do and he asked them not to create any disorders. The vicar continued, ‘I, therefore, asked the gonfaloniere and magistrate of that community to get together with the wealthiest landowners to see whether in part the desire of the braccianti for work could be guaranteed…’, A.S.F., M.I., 2158. A cartello manoscritto in Tuscan dialect and found by the police on the walls of the city and reported on 30 Nov. 1848 read: ‘Down with the charlatan engineer of streets who sucks the blood of the worker and eats his bread’, A.S.F., M.I., 2152.

⁴⁰ Salvagnoli, Vincenzo, ‘Memoria letta il 3 settembre 1834’, Atti, ser. IV, vol. iv (1875), 239.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Il Democratico: Giornale del Popolo, no. 8, 30 Nov. 1848. The democratic press like L'Alba blamed the crisis on buying from abroad rather than producing at home, L'Alba, no. 52, 11 Oct. 1847. How can a country which has freedom of commerce and industry lack work asked L'Inflessibile, no. 13, 20 July 1848.

⁴² It seemed appropriate given the political moderation of the paper and its close affiliation with the agrarian elite that Bettino Ricasoli should have written for the first issue an article on landowners entitled ‘Dell' ufficio dei possidenti nelle magistrature e per le campagne’ in which he urged alternate residences in the country and the city!, La Patria, 2 July 1847, no. 1, 3–4. In 1827 Gian Pietro Viesseux published the first issue of Giornale Agrario Toscano designed to promote agrarian interests. He persuaded Ricasoli to write for it especially on social questions which concerned all landowners, for example, industry, pauperism, daily workers, education, etc., letter dated 27 April 1840, C.B.R., 1, 174–5.

⁴³ On the political circles see Ronchi, , I democratici, pp. 135–67Google Scholar; Andriani, G., ‘Socialismo e communismo in Toscana tra 1846 e il 1848’, Biblioteca della Nuova Rivista Storica, no. 4 (1921), 42–4.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ See the 3rd series, issues 26 May 1847, 2O May 1847, 13 July 1847. Organ of the radical-democrats was the Il Tribuno delle Plebe. For a complete list of all the journals see Rotondi, Clementina, Bibliografia dei periodici toscani 1847–52 (Florence, 1951).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ B.L.L. [Biblioteca Labronica, Livorno], Memorie, Carte Ricci.

⁴⁶ Letter to Sig. Marrocco, a Palermo lawyer, 28 March 1848, B.L.L., Carte Ricci. He contrasts this with French republicanism which he sees as little more than the absence of monarchy but associated voluntarily to the exaggeration of the authority of the state and to the repression of local autonomy.

⁴⁷ Monitore Toscano, no. 47, 27 Dec. 1848; Ricci to Ridolfi, 20 Oct. 1847, B.L.L., Carte Ricci; Ricci to Cironi, Florence, 10 Feb. 1848, B.L.L., Carte Ricci, Memorie; Vivoli MSS. Filza 40, Annali di Livorno dal 1846 al 1847. Not only did the bakers seek to regulate their activities along with typographers, but tailors also attempted in October 1847 to establish working hours and fixed prices.

⁴⁸ C.d.C.L., Deliberazione della Camera di Commercio del anno 1845 al anno 1849 il 17 dicembre. See session of 9 July 1847, 15 July 1847. In particular, strikes occurred in August against a privileged group of thirty porters from the Lombard town of Bergamo and were reported in Corriere Livornese, 13 August 1847, no. 15. The privilege ended in Dec. 1847. See also Jona, Palmiro, I moti politici a Livorno negli anni 1847–48 (Milan, 1909), pp. 20–1.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Badoloni, , Democratici, p. 107.Google Scholar Ties of Leghorn with republican exiles in Marseilles had been in existence since the early 1830s. See Peruta, Franco Della, ‘La democrazia Toscana tra la prima e la seconda Giovane Italia’, Francesco Domenico Guerrazzi nella storia politica e culturale del Risorgimento (Florence, 1975), pp. 143–4.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Guerrazzi had been jailed for his activities in Jan. 1848 which enhanced his popular appeal. He was released in March. B.L.L., Carte Ricci, Memorie, entry for 6 March, 16 March 1848; letter of Ricci, to Landucci, , Leghorn, 22 03 1848Google Scholar, Carte Ricci.

⁵¹ Letter to Puccini, Niccolò, 5 02 1848Google Scholar, B.C.F.P., Raccolta Puccini, Cassetta XV.

⁵² Ridolfi, for example, was gonfaloniere of Empoli June–Dec. 1840, 1841–3, 1844–6, Ridolfi, , Cosimo Ridolfi, p. 129.Google Scholar

⁵³ Memoria for Cempini, 5 March 1847, C.B.R., Diario, VII, 16–26; also 27 March 1847, 35–42. Conversations of Ridolfi with the grand duke on organization of the civic guard can be found in Ridolfi, , Cosimo Ridolfi, pp. 150–1.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Ricci, Giuliano, ‘Del municipio considerato come unità elementare delle citte e della nazione italiana’ (Leghorn, 1847), B.L.L., Carte Ricci.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Zobi, Antonio, Storia Civile della Toscana (Florence, 1853), V, 245–54.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ La Cecilia, Giovanni, Memorie storico-politiche (Varese, 1946), p. 579.Google Scholar Giorgio Candeloro perceptively analyses Montanelli's social philosophy as Proudhonian and anti-statist, with a belief in social and political order based on free association of workers and autonomous communes, ‘Giuseppe Montanelli’, Aretusa, II (1945), 80.

⁵⁷ Zobi, , Storia Civile, V, 387–405.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Ricasoli to his agent, Guazzesi, Antonio, Florence, 6 11 1848Google Scholar, C.B.R., III, 252. Ricasoli felt that Ridolfi had erred in identifying with the papacy. Ricasoli's pro-Piedmont affections are already apparent.

⁵⁹ La Cecilia, , Memorie, p. 591.Google Scholar At the same time Guerrazzi would often deny his responsibility for demonstrations such as in a letter to Mazzoni, 20 Sept. 1848, M.R.R. [Museo del Risorgimento, Roma], Archivio Jessie White Mario, Vol. III/I. Montanelli had predicted that if the Tuscan government continued to resist appointing Guerrazzi as governor, they would end up having to accept him in the ministry, Montanelli to Laffone, 4 Oct. 1848, M.R.R., 714/50. The British ambassador in Florence, Sir George Hamilton, in a letter to Lord Palmerston, 5 Jan. 1849 called Guerrazzi ‘one of the cleverest men in Italy – perhaps the most able minister that she possesses – he has a reputation of being a great rogue – I cannot see any signs of his reputed wickedness, all his measures are calculated for the preservation of order and good government, and his sentiments are those of an honourable man’, Historical Manuscripts Commission, London, Palmerston papers, GC/HA/135.

⁶⁰ Ricasoli, to Batistini, , 11 11 1848, 19 11 1848, C.B.R., III, 253–4, 257.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Il Popolo, 20 October 1848, La Patria, no. 146, 23 November 1848; La Patria, no. 148, 25 November 1848. See also A.S.F., M.I., 2156, Rapporto settimanale 28–30 Nov. 1848 from Radda in which the prefect reported a cartello manoscritto affixed to the walls of the Palazzo Comunale: ‘Down with Ricasoli, we don't want nobles, we want new electoral laws, long live the people’, followed by a threat to beat whoever tried to remove the manifesto. Ricasoli, ironically, had complained earlier to the Prefect of Florence, before his resignation, about denigration of honest citizens by wall graffiti, Ricasoli to Prefettura di Firenze, 28 Sept. 1848, C.B.R., III, 233. See also A.S.F., M.I., 2142 report of carabinieri of Florence, 16 Oct. 1848 of cartelli found on Guicciardini palace walls.

⁶² Foa, Ada, ‘La politica interna del governo provisorio toscana (8 febbraio – 13 aprile, 1849),’ Archivio Storico Italiano, LXXVII (1919), 232–62.Google Scholar The Tribuna della Plebe, no. 2, 18 December 1848 (a new radical journal) called for the end of privileges and abolition of titles.

⁶³ See letter of Enrico Scivi to the provisional government regarding efforts in Castiglion Fiorentino, 21 Feb. 1849, A.S.F., 3087 Carteggio 1848–49; Prefect Zannetti to Min. of Interior, 24 Feb. 1849, A.S.F., M.I., 2107 tells of efforts in Montepulciano. Prato's sagging domestic industries had made her as vulnerable as Leghorn to republicanism and democratic sentiments. An interesting chronicler of the republican period in Prato is that of Rainero Buonamici found in the Archivio Comunale, Prato, Carte Buonamici, 125.

⁶⁴ Ricci, Giuliano, ‘Delle condizione generali dell'agricoltura Toscana’, Giornale Agrario Toscano, XII, no. 49 (1838), 381.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Repliche delle Prefetture sullo spirito delle popolazione per una leva straordinaria nel granducato 1848, A.S.F., M.I., 3095–3096.

⁶⁶ Foà, , ‘La politica’, p. 250Google Scholar; L'Alba, no. 462,24 Feb. 1849. See also Bartolommei-Gioli, M., Il rivolgimento Toscano e l'azione popolare (1847–1860) dai ricordi famigliari del Marchese Ferdinande Bartolommei (Florence, 1905), p. 37.Google Scholar Though identified with the democrats Ferdinando Bartolommei had sent his family to the estate of a friend while he watched over the family possessions in Val di Nievole ‘against attacks from Leghorn’.

⁶⁷ Camera di Commercio, Livorno to Pietro Adami, 12 Jan. 1849 [it includes the petition of 99 signatories dated 9 Jan. 1849], A.S.F., M.I., 3089. That the government was having financial difficulty is reported in L'Alba, no. 421, 14 Jan. 1849 – a deficit of lire 7,533,000 in the year ending 1848. In writing to his Marseilles agent, Ricasoli complained that the rumour of issuance of paper money had come like a ‘thunderbolt’ and credit fell immediately and his buyer for oil backed out. In this letter in March he was still without a buyer and asked Guazzesi for help, Ricasoli to Guazzesi, Florence, 15 March 1848, C.B.R., III 333.

⁶⁸ Foà, , ‘La politica’, p. 261.Google Scholar See also Passerini, Luigi De'Rilli, Il quarantotto in Toscana, Diario inedito, edited by Martini, Ferdinando, (Florence, 1948), pp. 240 ff., pp. 283 ff.Google Scholar In a letter of Mordini to Guerrazzi, 21 Feb. 1849, Mordini says that he and Montanelli wished to have recourse to forced loans and to agitate for revolution but that Mazzoni and others were contrary to the idea. He asked Guerrazzi's opinion, A.S.F., Carte Bicchierai, Busta 3, inserto 107.

⁶⁹ Rapporto riservatissimo a S.A. Leopoldo II da Filippo Zannetti, 2 Aug. 1849, A.S.F., M.I., 3091.

⁷⁰ Pigli to [Marmocchi], no date, A.S.F., Carte Bicchierai, I, inserto 8.

⁷¹ Marri to Marmocchi, Poggibonsi, 4 April 1849, 7 April 1849, 10 April 1849, A.S.F. Carte Bicchierai, I, inserto 18. Marri suggested that Guicciardini had gone to Florence to pick up an armed guard.

⁷² Cerretani to Marmocchi, Siena, 22 Dec. 1848, A.S.F., Carte Bicchierai, I, inserto 12; Ricasoli to Batistini, 10 Feb. 1849, 14 Feb. 1849, 28 Feb. 1849, C.B.R., III, 312, 313, 322. In the letter of the 28th Ricasoli urged Batistini to protect Brolio from ‘brigands’.

⁷³ Fabbrini to Marmocchi, Castellina, 29 March 1849, A.S.F., Carte Bicchierai, I, inserto 20, tells of Torello Borghesi of Leghorn who sent literature to his peasants describing war, urging them not to trust the republican government and that the economic benefits of that government would not last long. He also instructed them on how to vote. S. Cipro to Pretura di Lucca, 30 March 1849 [Cipro was editor of La Campana del Popolo] was most upset by the anti-republican Bollettino delle Notizie circulating freely in Lucca.

⁷⁴ Even stewards were accused of republican sentiments as in the case of the steward on the estate of Marchese Tempi, A.S.F., Prefettura Segreta, Filza I (1849).

⁷⁵ That the faith in the political wisdom of the peasant is questioned is shown in the replies to a study on communal laws in 1849, A.S.F., M.I., 3063.

⁷⁶ Marchi, , Memorie, p. 165Google Scholar; Passerini, , Il quarantotto, pp. 31–64.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ricasoli, to Franciosini, Averardo, [19 07 1849]Google Scholar, C.B.R., III, 417–20.

⁷⁸ de Cambray-Digny, Guglielmo, ‘Cenni sui pericoli sociali in Toscana’ Atti, ser. II. vol. XXVII (1849), 27–35Google Scholar; Tabarrini, Marco, ‘Sui pigioni di campagna e sopra altre specie di proletari’Google Scholar, ibid., ser. II, Vol. XXIX (1851), 412–39.

⁷⁹ A.S.F., M.I., 3063, ‘Considerazioni sul progetto di legge comunale…’ 27 August 1849.

⁸⁰ Pansini, Giuseppe, “Gli ordinamenti comunali in Toscana dal 1849 al 1853”, Rassegna Storica Toscana, II (1956), 75.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Bandettini, P., La popolazione della Toscana alla metà dell'ottocento (Archivio Economico dell'unificazione Italiana, Vol. III–IV, Fase. I, Rome, 1956), p. III.Google Scholar

⁸² Archivio Municipale, Siena, 22nd categoria, Filza 9, letters of Pandini, P. to Gonfaloniere, 2 06 1851Google Scholar, 30 Sept. 1852; A.D.G. to A. Piccolomini, no date, [1852]. See Landi, , ‘La Leopoldo’, p. 203.Google Scholar See also Guidi, Elvira, “Le ferrovie Toscane dal 1849 al 1859” Rassegna Storica Toscana, II (1956), 153–5.Google Scholar

⁸³ Il Monitore Toscano, 2 March 1861.