Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-gb8f7 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-25T00:37:25.620Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

THE CARING FISCAL-MILITARY STATE DURING THE SEVEN YEARS WAR, 1756–1763*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 November 2009

ERICA CHARTERS*
Affiliation:
University of Oxford
*
Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, University of Oxford, 45–7 Banbury Rd, OxfordOX2 6PE; [email protected]

Abstract

This article re-examines the concept of the fiscal-military state in the context of the British armed forces during the Seven Years War (1756–63). This war, characteristic of British warfare during the eighteenth century, demonstrates that British victory depended on the state caring about the wellbeing of its troops, as well as being perceived to care. At the practical level, disease among troops led to manpower shortages and hence likely defeat, especially during sieges and colonial campaigns. During the 1762–3 Portuguese campaign, disease was regarded as a sign of ill-discipline, and jeopardized military and political alliances. At Havana in 1762, the fear, reports, and actual outbreaks of disease threatened American colonial support and recruitment for British campaigns. Throughout the controversial campaigns in the German states, disease was interpreted as a symptom of bad governance, and used in partisan criticisms concerning the conduct of the war. Military victory was not only about strategy, command, and technology, but nor was it solely a question of money. Manpower could not simply be bought, but needed to be nurtured in the long term through a demonstration that the British state cared about the welfare of its armies.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer, Dr William Ashworth, Prof Laurence Brockliss, Prof. Mark Harrison, Dr Holger Hoock, and especially Ms Joanna Innes for their comments on drafts of this article. I am also grateful to the Huntington Library, CA, for a W. M. Keck Foundation Fellowship, which allowed me to complete research for this article.

References

1 [I. Mauduit], Considerations on the present German war (London, 1760), p. 68.

2 J. Brewer, The sinews of power: war, money and the English state, 1688–1783 (London, 1994); P. K. O'Brien, ‘The political economy of British taxation, 1660–1815’, Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 41 (1988), pp. 1–32; Mathias, P. and O'Brien, P. K., ‘Taxation in Great Britain and France, 1715–1810’, Journal of European Economic History, 5 (1976), pp. 601–50Google Scholar; P. G. M. Dickson, The financial revolution in England: a study in the development of public credit, 1688–1756 (London, 1967).

3 On mobilization of resources and the nature of ‘partnerships’ between state and local and private interests, see S. Conway, War, state and society in mid-eighteenth-century Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 2006), esp. ch. 2; Mackillop, A., ‘The political culture of the Scottish Highlands from Culloden to Waterloo’, Historical Journal, 46 (2003), pp. 511–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Innes, ‘The domestic face of the military-fiscal state: government and society in eighteenth-century Britain’, in L. Stone, ed., An imperial state at war: Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London, 1994), pp. 96–127; J. E. Cookson, The British armed nation, 1793–1815 (Oxford, 1997).

4 L. Stone, ‘Introduction’, in Stone, ed., Imperial state, pp. 5–6.

5 On conserving manpower by preventing disease, see S. Gradish, The manning of the British navy during the Seven Years' War (London, 1980), and more broadly, J. C. Riley, The eighteenth-century campaign to avoid disease (Basingstoke, 1987); P. Mathias, ‘Swords into ploughshares: the armed forces, medicine and public health in the late eighteenth century’, in J. Winter, ed., War and economic development: essays in memory of David Joslin (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 73–90.

6 Regarding popular perceptions of commanders, see Rogers, N., ‘The dynamic of news during the American War: the case of Admiral Keppel’, Parliamentary History, 25 (2006), pp. 4967CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and with Jordan, G., ‘Admirals as heroes: patriotism and liberty in Hanoverian England’, Journal of British Studies, 28 (1989), pp. 201–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilson, K., ‘Empire, trade and popular politics in mid-Hanoverian England: the case of Admiral Vernon’, Past and Present, 121 (1988), pp. 74109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7 J. Black, Warfare in the eighteenth century (London, 2003), pp. 173–4.

8 M. Pelling, ‘Contagion/germ theory/specificity’, in W. F. Bynum and R. Porter, eds., Companion encyclopedia of the history of medicine (2 vols., London, 1993), i, pp. 309–34; C. Hannaway, ‘Environment and miasmata’, in Bynum and Porter, eds., Companion encyclopedia, i, ch. 15, pp. 292–308; A. Kessel, Air, the environment and public health (Cambridge, 2005).

9 An attack on Fort St George, Oriental and India Office Collection (OIOC), British Library London (BL) MSS Eur. E.1, fo. 6.

10 An attack, OIOC, MSS Eur. E.1, fo. 5.

11 Cumberland to Ligonier, 24 June 1757, BL, Cumberland papers, MFR 687 (reel 80), box 53, fo. 38.

12 Cited in J. R. McNeill, ‘The ecological basis of warfare in the Caribbean, 1700–1804’, in M. Ultee, ed., Adapting to conditions: war and society in the eighteenth century (University, AL, 1986), p. 37.

13 P. D. Curtin, Migration and mortality in Africa and the Atlantic world, 1700–1900 (Aldershot, 2001); K. F. Kiple and B. T. Higgins, ‘Yellow fever and the Africanization of the Caribbean’, in J. W. Verano and D. H. Ubelaker, eds., Disease and demography in the Americas (London, 1992), pp. 227–48.

14 C. Buchet, ‘Quantification des pertes dans l'espace caraibe et retombées strategiques’, in C. Buchet, ed., L'homme, la santé et la mer (Paris, 1997), p. 188; see also McNeill, ‘The ecological basis’, pp. 26–42.

15 Returns of Nov. 1759, Dec. 1759, Jan. 1760, Feb. 1760, Mar. 1760, Apr. 1760, The National Archives, London (TNA), CO 5/64.

16 Return of 24 Apr. 1760, TNA, CO 5/64, fo. 209.

17 Murray's journal, introductory letter to Pitt, 25 May 1760, TNA, CO 5/64, fo. 42; see also Charters, E., ‘Disease, wilderness warfare, and imperial relations: the battle for Quebec’, War in History, 16 (2009), pp. 124.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Clive to Secret Committee, 22 Aug. 1757, OIOC, MSS Eur./Orme India x, fo. 93.

19 V. A. Harden, ‘Typhus, epidemic’, in K. F. Kiple, ed., The Cambridge world history of human disease (New York, NY, 1993), p. 1081; J. C. Snyder, ‘Typhus fever rickettsiae’, in F. L. Harsfall and I. Tamm, eds., Viral and rickettsial infections of man (4th edn, Toronto, 1965), p. 1075, and reference to the Serbian typhus epidemic of 1915 with 70 per cent mortality, p. 1060; P. D. Holtom and J. M. Leedom, ‘Rickettsial infections’, in D. Schloisberg, ed., Current theory of infectious disease (2nd edn, Toronto, 2001), p. 647; Hardy, A., ‘Urban famine or urban crisis? Typhus in the Victorian city’, Medical History, 32 (1988), p. 406CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

20 K. Weiss, ‘The role of rickettsioses in history’, in D. H. Walker, ed., Biology of rickettsial diseases (Boca Raton, FL, 1988), p. 3; F. Prinzing, Epidemics resulting from wars (Oxford, 1916), chs. 4–5; K. F. Kiple and K. C. Ornelas, ‘Typhus, ships and soldiers’, in K. F. Kiple, ed., Plague, pox and pestilence (London, 1997), pp. 104–90.

21 H. L. DuPont, ‘Diarrheal diseases (acute)’, in K. F. Kiple, ed., The Cambridge historical dictionary of disease (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 92–4.

22 Orders for 10 Aug. 1759, National Army Museum, London, 9608-191.

23 Townshend to Loudoun, 29 July 1762, Huntington Library, CA (HL), Loudoun papers (LO) Add. MS 52, 1762–3 Portugal.

24 Townshend to Loudoun, 2 Aug. 1762, HL, LO Add. MS 52.

25 Townshend to Loudoun, 9 Aug. 1762, HL, LO Add. MS 52.

26 Townshend to Loudoun, 9 Aug. 1762, HL, LO Add. MS 52.

27 Townshend to Loudoun, 9 Aug. 1762, HL, LO Add. MS 52.

28 Orders, Punkirk, 9 Aug. 1762, HL, LO Add. MS 52.

29 Townshend to Loudoun, 20 July 1762, HL, LO Add. MS 52.

30 Townshend to Loudoun, 29 July 1762 HL, LO Add. MS 52.

31 Pownall to Abercromby, 28 Mar. 1758, HL, Abercromby papers, box 2, item 84.

32 Abercromby to Pownall, 3 Apr. 1758, HL, Abercromby papers, box 3, item 107.

33 J. Lind, An essay on diseases incidental to Europeans in hot climates (London, 1768), p. 146.

34 ‘Plans of the means to conquer Bengal’, OIOC, MSS Eur./Orme India vi, fo. 87.

35 Caillaud, ‘Of the militia establishment’, OIOC, MSS Eur./Orme India xiii, fos. 160, 166.

36 Lind, Hot climates, p. 188.

37 Albemarle to the governor of Jamaica, 16 July 1762, TNA, CO 117/1, fo. 98.

38 D. E. Leach, ‘The Cartagena expedition, 1740–1742, and Anglo-American relations’, in Ultee, ed., Adapting, pp. 43–55; Harding, R., ‘The growth of Anglo-American alienation: the case of the American regiment, 1740–1742’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 17 (1989), pp. 161–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Blakeney to Newcastle, 21 Aug. 1740, TNA, CO 5/41, fo. 227.

40 Egremont to Albemarle, 18 Feb. 1762, TNA, CO 117/1, fo. 32.

41 TNA, CO 5/62, fo. 148, and Colden to Amherst, 20 May 1762, Suffolk Record Office (SRO), HA 67/969/h47.

42 Wentworth to Amherst, 25 Mar. 1762, TNA, WO 34/24, fo. 108.

43 See, e.g., Amherst to Fitch, 1 June 1762, TNA, CO 5/62, fo. 156.

44 Pocock to Cleveland, 14 July 1762, TNA, ADM 1/237, fo. 58.

45 TNA, CO 117/1, fo. 94; SRO, HA 67/969/e8.

46 6 Aug. 1762, TNA, ADM 50/12.

47 TNA, CO 117/1, fo. 107 and see fo. 81.

48 Albemarle to Egremont, 21 Aug. 1762, TNA, CO 117/1, fo. 136.

49 Amherst to Calcraft, 21 Sept. 1762, TNA, WO 34/99, fo. 192.

50 Albemarle to Egremont, 7 Oct. 1762, TNA, CO 117/1, fo. 149.

51 SRO, HA 67/969 e17.

52 SRO, HA 67/969 e7.

53 See, e.g., the London Gazette Extraordinary, 30 Sept. 1762.

54 See, e.g., the London Evening-Post, 30 Sept.–2 Oct. 1762; the letter appears in most London newspapers.

55 Newcastle to Hardwicke 30 Sept. 1762, BL, Add. MS 32942 (Newcastle papers), fo. 427, reprinted in G. de Blanck, ed., Papeles sobre la toma de la Habana por los ingleses en 1762 (Havana, 1948), p. 194.

56 See, e.g., the London Evening-Post, 22–4 June 1762 and 24–6 June 1762; General Evening-Post, 22–5 May 1762, 17–19 June 1762.

57 London Evening-Post, 24–6 June 1762; London Evening-Post, 20–2 July 1762; General Evening-Post, 17–20 July 1762; London Evening-Post, 16–18 Sept. 1762.

58 Boston Evening-Post, 2 Aug. 1762.

59 Boston Gazette, 6 Sept. 1762.

60 Ibid., 20 Sept. 1762.

61 Ibid., 8 Nov. 1762.

62 Gage to Amherst, 17 Nov. 1762, TNA WO 34/5, fo. 242.

63 Amherst to Colden, 26 May 1762, TNA WO 34/30, fo. 230.

64 J. Duffy, Epidemics in colonial America (London, 1972), pp. 161–2.

65 J. Shy, Toward Lexington: the role of the British army in the coming of the American Revolution (Princeton, NJ, 1965), pp. 108–23.

66 Greene, J. P., ‘The Seven Years’ War and the American Revolution: the causal relationship reconsidered', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 8 (1980), pp. 85105CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also F. Anderson, A people's army: Massachusetts soldiers and society in the Seven Years' War (Chapel Hill, NC, 1984) for a detailed examination of the extent and nature of provincial military contributions.

67 G. Paquette, Enlightenment, governance, and reform in Spain and its empire, 1759–1808 (Basingstoke, 2008), pp. 140–1.

68 Hoppit, J., ‘Political arithmetic in eighteenth-century England’, Economic History Review, 49 (1996), pp. 516–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar, specifically p. 528 on medical ‘arithmetic’ or statistics; A. Rusnock, Vital accounts: quantifying health and population in eighteenth-century England and France (Cambridge, 2002); J. Innes, ‘Power and happiness: empirical social enquiry in Britain, from “political arithmetic” to “moral statistics”’, in J. Innes, ed., Inferior politics: social problems and social policies in eighteenth-century Britain (Oxford, 2009).

69 Newcastle to Granby, 13 Jan. 1761, BL, Add. MS 32917, fo. 273.

70 Newcastle to Kinnoul, 19 May 1761, BL, Add. MS 32923, fo. 183; R. Middleton, Bells of victory: the Pitt–Newcastle ministry and the conduct of the Seven Years' War, 1757–1762 (Cambridge, 1985), p. 181.

71 The Annual Register, or a View of the History, Politicks, and Literature, of the year 1760 (London, 1761), p. 51.

72 [I. Mauduit], Occasional thoughts on the present German war (4th edn, London, 1762), pp. 23–4.

73 A cabinet meeting discussing the ill-management of hospitals in Germany (at which Barrington would have been present) did not take place until mid-May 1761: W. Cavendish, The Devonshire diary: William Cavendish, fourth duke of Devonshire, memoranda on state of affairs, 1759–1762, ed. P. D. Brown and K. W. Schweizer (London, 1982), entry for 11 May 1761, p. 97; Barrington to Drummond, 21 Nov. 1766, W. Barrington, An eighteenth-century secretary at war: the papers of William, viscount Barrington, ed. T. Hayter (London, 1988), pp. 334–5; see also BL, Add. MS 73632 regarding Barrington on ending the selling of surgeon posts during the 1770s.

74 Rodney to Grenville, 13 Oct. 1757, G. Grenville, The Grenville papers, ed. W. J. Smith (London, 1852–3), i, p. 214.

75 Historical Manuscript Commission 49, Report on the manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville (London, 1904), Sir John Irwine to Sackville, 21 Sept. 1758, i, pp. 297, 296, 297–301 on the failed landing.

76 Anon., The case of the British troops serving in Germany (London, 1761), pp. 63, 60–1.

77 J. Brown, An estimate of the manners and principles of the times (5th edn, London, 1757), pp. 181–2.

78 Ibid., p. 138.

79 D. Solkin, Painting for money: the visual arts and the public sphere in eighteenth-century England (London, 1993), p. 204.

80 Solkin, D., ‘Portraiture in motion: Edward Penny's “marquis of Granby” and the creation of a public for English art’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 49 (1986), p. 3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.