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British Trade Unions and Popular Political Economy, 1860–1880
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
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This paper is a study of the relationship between economic culture and trade union economic subculture during the years in which both the Victorian trade union movement and the classical economists' view of it reached their maturity. This period represented a turning point in the history of the movement, which achieved a full institutionalization and legitimation. The Webbs, and a historiographic tradition since them, maintained that these results were obtained at the price of a complete submission to the ideological hegemony of the bourgeoisie. In the 1960s R. V. Clements challenged this view and argued that such a subordination had never taken place, and that trade unionists had managed to keep their independent views – especially at the level of economic thought. Recent discussions have been content to stress the sound and ‘aseptic’ pragmatism of the working men, and the abstruse dogmatism of the economists. A footnote quoting Clements' article seems to be all that readers can reasonably ask for. The possibility of an alternative interpretation – namely, that classical economics could actually be useful to trade union strategies and interests – has not yet been sufficiently considered. The aim of this paper is to argue that there is much evidence in support of such an interpretation.
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References
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47 Ibid. p. 646. Cf. Taussig, F. W., Wages and capital, p. 248Google Scholar. That could have happend through a prolonged and successful trade union campaign to obtain major increases of wages, in the hypothesis that the whole of the workforce were organized. In a fiscal and monetary context different from that of Victorian Britain, inflation would have vanified such an effort: but in the days of Mill the gold standard imposed a rigid control over the price of money. Moreover, free trade forced the employers to keep prices of manufactured goods at least as low as those of imported goods of the same kind and quality; otherwise consumers would have bought exclusively imported goods. Therefore, employers' profits and workers' wages had to come out of an amount of money the value and quantity of which could not have been easily increased or decreased by inflation, and bargaining was about the actual distribution of wealth.
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79 Ibid. p. 209.
80 Ibid. p. 197.
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