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ANGLO-MOROCCAN RELATIONS AND THE EMBASSY OF AḤMAD QARDANASH, 1706–1708

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 September 2008

J. A. O. C. BROWN
J. A. O. C. BROWN*
Affiliation:
St John's College, Cambridge
*
St John's College, Cambridge, CB2 1TP[email protected]
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Abstract

Local conditions and responses to European expansion were important in the ‘interactive emergence of European domination’. However, the comparative lack of sources has tended to obscure what these were. In the early eighteenth century, Morocco was responding to the growth of English power in the Mediterranean; new sources presented here show how ʿAlī b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Ḥamāmī, one of Sultan Mawlāy Ismāʿīl's most powerful ministers, tried to co-operate with the English in order to manage their influence and consolidate his own political position. This offered them a potential means to overcome the obstacles that, compared to the North African regencies, made Morocco resistant to European political and economic influence. These efforts, however, were thwarted by a combination of factors. With al-Ḥamāmī's political credibility threatened, the development of co-operation between the English and a section of the Moroccan elite was undermined, leaving the fundamental dynamics of Anglo-Moroccan relations unchanged.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 51 , Issue 3 , September 2008 , pp. 599 - 620
Copyright
Copyright © 2008 Cambridge University Press

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References

1 I am very grateful to the Arts and Humanities Research Council, which is currently funding my Ph.D. and has enabled me to write this article, and also to Dr Amira Bennison, Dr Michael Brett, Prof. William Clarence-Smith, Miss Chiara Formichi, and the readers of this journal for their helpful comments and corrections. Note that all dates are given here as Common Era, except where Anno Hijrae is indicated.

2 For a recent discussion with particular relevance to North Africa, see Hunter, F. Robert, ‘Rethinking Europe's conquest of North Africa and the Middle East: the opening of the Maghreb, 1660–1814’, Journal of North African Studies, 4 (1999), pp. 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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4 Nabil Matar, ‘Arab views of Europeans, 1578–1727: the Western Mediterranean’, in Gerald MacLean, ed., Re-orienting the Renaissance: cultural exchanges with the East (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 126–47. Studies of Moroccan travellers in Europe include G. A. Wiegers, ‘A Life between Europe and the Maghrib: the writings and travels of Ahmad ibn Qasim ibn Ahmad ibn al-faqih Qasim ibn al-shaykh al-Hajari al-Andalusi (born c. 977/1569–70)’, in G. J. H. van Gelder and Ed C. M. de Moor, eds., The Middle East and Europe: encounters and exchanges (Amsterdam, 1992), pp. 87–115; ʿAbd al-Majīd al-Qaddūrī, Sufarā’ maghāriba fī Urubbā, 1610–1922 (Rabat, 1995); Freller, Thomas, ‘“The shining of the moon” – the Mediterranean tour of Muḥammad ibn ʿUthmān, envoy of Morocco, in 1782’, Journal of Mediterranean Studies, 12 (2002), pp. 307–26Google Scholar; Mercedes García-Areñal and Gerard Wiegers, A man of three worlds: Samuel Pallache, a Moroccan Jew in Catholic and Protestant Europe, trans. Martin Beagles (Baltimore, MD, 2003); Nabil Matar, In the lands of the Christians: Arabic travel writing in the seventeenth century (New York, 2003).

5 Cigar, Norman, ‘Mulay Ismaʿil and the Glorious Revolution’, Maghreb Review, 3 (1978), pp. 7–11Google Scholar. The earlier studies of Meunier and Erzini have recently been supplemented by Meunier's critical edition of Windus's account of Charles Stewart's embassy of 1721, although all these focus on the later years of Mawlāy Ismāʿīl's reign and afterwards. See Meunier, Dominique, ‘Le consulat anglais à Tétouan sous Anthony Hatfeild (1717–1728): étude et édition de textes’, Revue d'Histoire Maghrébine, 19–20 (1980), pp. 233–304Google Scholar; Nadia Erzini, Moroccan-British diplomatic and commercial relations in the early eighteenth century: the abortive embassy to Meknes in 1718 (Durham Middle East Papers No. 70, Durham, 2002); John Windus, Un voyage à Meknés d'après une relation publiée en 1725: nouvelle édition commentée et annotée, ed. Dominique Meunier (Paris, 2005).

6 The National Archives, London, State Papers Foreign, Barbary States, Morocco, 1701–11 – SP 71/15 (henceforth SP 71/15).

7 See P. G. Rogers, A history of Anglo-Moroccan relations to 1900 (London, n.d.), pp. 69–79; Anderson, M. S., ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States in the eighteenth century’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 29 (1956), pp. 87–107Google Scholar. On the National Archives (formerly the Public Record Office) as a source for Moroccan history, see M. Morsy and A. R. Meyers, ‘L'apport des archives britanniques á la connaissance de l'histoire du Maroc aux 17é–18é siècles: description des principales sources’, Hespéris-Tamuda, 14 (1973), pp. 177–93; R. Danziger, ‘The British consular reports as a source for Morocco's internal history during the reign of Sidi Muḥammad b. ʿAbdallah (1757–1790)’, Maghreb Review, 7 (1982), pp. 103–7; Williams, Ann, ‘English consular records for North Africa in the Public Record Office, Kew, London’, Revue d'Histoire Maghrébine, 105 (2002), pp. 213–21Google Scholar.

8 The British Library, London, Additional Manuscripts (henceforth Add. MSS) 61536, 61493, 61542, 61587, and 61588. On the history of the Blenheim papers, see Hudson, J. P., ‘The Blenheim papers’, British Library Journal, 8 (1982), pp. 1–6Google Scholar. These records are not included in Noel Matthews and M. Doreen Wainwright, A guide to manuscripts and documents in the British Isles relating to the Middle East and North Africa (Oxford, 1980).

9 Muḥammad Da'ūd, Tarīkh Tiḥṭwān (9 vols., Tetuan, 1959–98), at ii, p. 57 and n. 2.

10 ‘Jones, Jezreel (d. 1731)’, in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (60 vols., Oxford, 2004), at xxxix, pp. 542–3.

11 Add. MS 61542, fos. 131v, 39, 64 and 164–5.

12 Ibid., fos. 152–4.

13 SP 71/15, fo. 31r.

14 H. de Castries, P. de Cenival and P. Cossé Brissac, eds., Les sources inédites de l'histoire du Maroc: deuxieme série – dynastie Filalienne: archives et bibliothèques de France (6 vols., Paris, 1922–60). There are twenty-four volumes of Les sources inédites de l'histoire du Maroc, all published in Paris between 1905 and 1960 in sets according to the country the archives of which they collect. Rather than give the full publication details, editors' names, etc., for each set, references will henceforth be given as SIHM followed by the series number, country, and volume. For example, the volumes cited in this note will be given as SIHM 2ème France etc.

15 This very brief summary of these developments is based on Julian S. Corbett, England in the Mediterranean: a study in the rise and influence of British power within the Straits, 1600–1703 (2nd edn, 2 vols., London, 1917); W. F. Monk, Britain in the western Mediterranean (London, 1953); R. Davis, ‘England in the Mediterranean, 1570–1670’, in F. J. Fisher, ed., Essays in the economic and social history of Tudor and Stuart England, in honour of R. H. Tawney (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 117–37; Sari R. Hornstein, The Restoration navy and English foreign trade, 1674–1688: a study in the peacetime use of sea power (Aldershot, 1991); Jonathan I. Israel, ‘The emerging empire: the continental perspective, 1650–1713’, in Nicholas Canny, ed., The Oxford history of the British empire, i: The origins of the empire: British overseas enterprise to the close of the seventeenth century (Oxford, 1998), pp. 423–44; D'Angelo, Michela, ‘In the “English” Mediterranean (1511–1815)’, Journal of Mediterranean Studies, 12 (2002), pp. 271–85Google Scholar; Ignacio Martínez Ruiz, José, ‘De Tánger a Gibraltar: el estrecho en la praxis commercial imperial Británica (1661–1776)’, Hispania: Revista Española de Historia, 65 (2005), pp. 1043–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the treaties with Tunis, Tripoli, and Algiers, see Hertslet's complete collection of the treaties and conventions, and reciprocal regulations at present subsisting between Great Britain and foreign powers … etc. (30 vols., London, 1827–1924), i, pp. 58–74, 125–42, and 157–8.

16 See Ruiz, ‘De Tánger’, p. 1051; E. M. G. Routh, Tangier: England's lost Atlantic outpost, 1661–1684 (London, 1912), pp. 236–42.

17 Hornstein, Restoration navy, p. 253.

18 See Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, pp. 89–90.

19 On the corsairs of Salé during this period, see Roger Coindreau, Les corsairs de Salé (Paris, 1948), especially pp. 145–75 and 188–201; J. Bookin-Weiner, ‘The “Sallee rovers”: Morocco and the corsairs in the seventeenth century’, in Reeva S. Simon, ed., The Middle East and North Africa: essays in honour of J. C. Hurewitz (New York, 1990), pp. 307–31.

20 SP 71/15, fos. 73–4, 105r, and 128r.

21 Ibid., fos. 73–6 and 114r.

22 On the medieval period, see M. L. de Mas Latrie, Traités de paix et commerce et documents diverse concernant les relations des Chrétiens avec les Arabes de l'Afrique septentrionale au moyen âge (2 vols., Paris, 1866). Much of the information on the early modern period from the multiple volumes of SIHM was summarized in several articles by Caillé. See Caillé, J., ‘Le commerce anglais avec le Maroc pendant la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle: importations et exportations’, Revue Africaine, 84 (1940), pp. 186–219Google Scholar; idem, ‘Ambassadeurs et représentants officieux de la France au Maroc’, Hespéris, 38 (1951), pp. 355–65; idem, ‘Ambassades et missions marocaines aux Pays-Bas à l'époque des sultan saadiens’, Hespéris-Tamuda, 4 (1963), pp. 5–67.

23 See Weston F. Cook, Jr, The hundred years war for Morocco: gunpowder and the military revolution in the early modern Muslim world (Boulder, CO, 1994), pp. 89–93.

24 See Moujetan, B. A., ‘Legitimacy in a power state: Moroccan politics in the seventeenth century during the Interregnum’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 13 (1981), pp. 347–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 See ‘al-Dilā’' in Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd edn, 12 vols., Leiden, 1960–2003), at xii, pp. 223–4. On al-ʿAyyāshī and the Moriscos, see the critical essay in SIHM 1ère France, iii, pp. 187–98. On the England and the Moriscos see Cosse-Brissac, Philippe, ‘Robert Blake and the Barbary Company, 1636–1641’, African Affairs, 48 (1949), pp. 25–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Muḥammad Razūq, ‘Mulāḥaẓāt ḥawla ʿalāqat mūrīskiyyī al-Maghrib bi-Biriṭānīyā’, in Abdeljelil Temimi and Mohamed Salah Omri, eds., The movement of people and ideas between Britain and the Maghreb (Zaghouan, 2003), pp. 27–32.

26 See SIHM 1ère France, iii, pp. 82–3; SIHM 1ère Angleterre, ii, pp. 443–4, and iii, pp. 554–5 and 588–90; Abderrahim Oddi, El Gobierno de Tetuan por la familia Naqsis, 1597–1673 (Tetuan, 1955), pp. 11–19; Abdelmouniem Bonou, ‘Los An-Naqsis protagonistas de la situación política en Tetuán en lo siglo XII’, in Mohammad Salhi, ed., El siglo XVII hispanomarroqui (Rabat, 1997), pp. 159–67. For the treaty of 1661, see the British Library, London, Sloane Manuscripts 3509, fos. 2–3.

27 See SIHM 2ème France, i, p. 24; Routh, Tangier, pp. 97–8; Rogers, Anglo-Moroccan relations, pp. 48–9; Aḥmad b. Khālid al-Nāṣirī, Kitāb al-istiqṣā' li-duwal al-maghrib al-aqṣā', ed. M. al-Nāṣirī and J. al-Nāṣirī (9 vols., Casablanca, 1954–6), at vii, pp. 38 and 47. On the rise of the ʿAlawī dynasty, see ‘ʿAlawīs’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, i, pp. 355–8.

28 See Amira Bennison, Jihad and its interpretations in pre-colonial Morocco: state–society relations during the French conquest of Algeria (London, 2002), pp. 15–32.

29 See J. Brignon, Abdelaziz Amine, Brahim Boutaleb, Guy Martinet, Bernard Rosenberger, and Michel Terrasse, Histoire du Maroc (Paris, 1967), pp. 247–53; Younès Nekrouf, Une amitié orageuse: Moulay Ismaïl et Louis XIV (Paris, 1987); the reports of Jean-Baptiste Estelle and Françoise Pidou de St. Olon in SIHM passim.

30 On the embassy of ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAisha to France and the proposal, see SIHM 2ème France, v, pp. 1–10, 132, 313, 334, and 475–503; Nekrouf, Amitié orageuse, pp. 334–40; and Wilfrid Blunt, Black sunrise: the life and times of Mulai Ismail, emperor of Morocco, 1646–1727 (London, 1951), pp. 235–7.

31 SIHM 2ème France, v, p. 460. See also Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, pp. 102–3.

32 See Sir Godfrey Fisher, Barbary legend: war, trade and piracy in North Africa, 1415–1830 (Oxford, 1957), especially pp. 229–87.

33 Hunter, ‘Rethinking Europe's conquest’.

34 Brignon et al., Histoire, p. 248. On al-Ḥamāmī's long career, see SIHM 2ème France, i, passim; Da'ūd, Tarīkh, i, pp. 258–76, and ii, pp. 7–44.

35 Patricia Mercer, ‘Palace and jihād in the early ʿAlawī state in Morocco’, Journal of African History, 18 (1977), p. 551. See J.-L. Miège, M. Benaboud, and N. Erzini, Tétouan: ville andalouse marocaine (Paris, 1996), pp. 43–9.

36 Mercer, ‘Palace and jihād’, pp. 550–3.

37 Ibid., pp. 541–2.

38 Ibid., pp. 531–2. On Mawlāy Ismāʿīl, see ‘Mawlāy Ismāʿīl’, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, vi, pp. 891–3.

39 Rogers, Anglo-Moroccan relations, pp. 67–8; SIHM 2ème France, v, p. 268.

40 SP 71/15, fos. 101v, 126r, and 119r.

41 Ibid., fos. 132–40. In the European sources, his name is generally transliterated as ‘Cardenas’ or ‘Cardanash’. Like many from Tetuan, his family probably originated in Spain, possibly Granada. See Da'ūd, Tarīkh, ii, p. 57 and n. 1; SIHM 2ème France, vi, pp. 227 and 277–8; L. P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain, 1500–1614 (Chicago, IL, 2005), pp. 214–15, 359, and 361.

42 SP 71/15 fos. 136v–137. For Mawlāy Ismāʿīl's grants to the French, see SIHM 2ème France, vi, pp. 334–41.

43 Add. MS 61542, fo. 132v. On ʿAbd al-Salām Lūkas (sometimes ‘Lūqash’, and in the European sources ‘Lucas’, ‘Lukash’, etc.) and this important Tetuani family, who provided some of the governors of Tetuan later in the century, see Da'ūd, Tarīkh, ii, passim; SIHM 2ème France, vi, p. 501 (where the name is given as ‘el-Oua***************ach’); ʿAbd al-Salām b. Aḥmad al-Sukayrij, Nuzhat al-ikhwān fī akhbār Tiṭwān, ed.Yūsuf Iḥnāna (Tetuan, 2005), pp. 67–81; Miège, Benaboud, and Erzini, Tétouan, pp. 49–50. I have been unable to identify ‘Gennun’ other than that he was a rich Tetuani merchant (Add. MS 61542, fo. 129).

44 SP 71/15, fos. 11r, 102r, and 109r; Add. MS 61542, fos. 3r and 142r; Add. MS 61588, fo. 154v.

45 Add. MS 61542, fos. 133–4 and 139v. Al-ʿAṭṭar was governor of Salé and other towns (see SIHM 2ème France, passim). His reception upon his return to Morocco was in fact rather mixed, thanks in part to agitations during his absence by al-Ḥamāmī himself and others. See Routh, Tangier, pp. 220–30; Rogers, Anglo-Moroccan relations, p. 59; J. F. P. Hopkins, ed., Letters from Barbary, 1576–1774 (Oxford, 1982), pp. 23–30.

46 See Routh, Tangier, pp. 220–1; SIHM 2ème France ii, p. 344.

47 SIHM 2ème France, vi, p. 279.

48 SP 71/15, fos. 29r, 4–5, 12r, 76–7, 116; Add. MS 61588, fos. 155–9.

49 SP 71/15, fos. 18–19, 25–6, and 35r.

50 Ibid., fo. 59r.

51 Ibid., fo. 63r.

52 Ibid., fo. 117r. See T. Benady, ‘The Jewish community of Gibraltar’, in R. D. Barnett and W. M. Schwab, eds., The Sephardi heritage: essays on the history and cultural contribution of the Jews of Spain and Portugal, ii: The Western Sephardim (Grendon, 1989), pp. 144–80, at pp. 146–7.

53 SP 71/15, fos. 31r and 155r. For the later development of the English consulate in Morocco, see Meunier, ‘Le consulat anglais’.

54 SP 71/15, fos. 14–16.

55 Ibid., fos. 7–11.

56 Ibid., fos. 73–7 and 83r.

57 Ibid., fos. 109–13. See A. D. Francis, The Methuens and Portugal, 1691–1708 (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 284–5.

58 Add. MS 61536, fos. 37–8; Add. MS 61542, fo. 138r.

59 SP 71/15, fos. 59–61.

60 Ibid., fos. 9r, 11r, 14–15, and 134–7. See also Rogers, Anglo-Moroccan relations, p. 66. On Moroccans enslaved in France, see SIHM 2ème France, vi, pp. 53–84. On the wider phenomenon of Muslim slaves around the Mediterranean, see (despite the title) Salvatore Bone, Schiavi musulmani nell'Italia moderna: galeotti, vu' cumpra', domestic (Naples, 1999). I would like to thank Prof. William Clarence-Smith for this reference.

61 SP 71/15, fos. 134r and 136v.

62 Ibid., fo. 142v.

63 Ibid., fo. 117v; Add. MS 61536, fo. 39r.

64 SP 71/15, fos. 155r, 161r, and 178r.

65 Ibid., fos. 99r and 143r. Several of the party are named in the sources (Add. MS 61542, fos. 130–1 and 144) but I have been unable to identify them further.

66 Probably due to the inconsistency of the English spellings of Moroccan names, Rogers thought the man among the earlier party to have been ‘Mohammed Cardenas’, but that it was in fact the same Aḥmad Qardanash who came in 1706 is confirmed by remarks by Jones. See Rogers, Anglo-Moroccan relations, p. 67; Add. MS 61536, fo. 39v; Add. MS 61542, fo. 55r.

67 SP 71/15, fo. 155r.

68 Ibid., fo. 168r.

69 Ibid., fo. 174r.

70 Ibid., fos. 150r and 165r.

71 Ibid., fos. 190–4. Despite English interest, the plan for a joint attack on Ceuta was abandoned because it was considered impossible to interfere with a territory technically belonging to their ally Charles III, the Habsburg claimant to the Spanish throne. The plan was much later revived during the Napoleonic Wars. See Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, pp. 95–6; Mansour, Mohamed El, ‘Ceuta in Anglo-Moroccan relations (1806–1815)’, Maghreb Review, 4 (1979), pp. 129–33Google Scholar.

72 SP 71/15, fos. 153r and 183r. See SIHM 2ème France, vi, p. 420 and n. 3.

73 SP 71/15, fos. 172–3.

74 Ibid., fos. 185–6.

75 Ibid., fo. 163r; Add. MS 61542, fos. 11–12, 19r, 128r, and 139r; SIHM 2ème France, vi, p. 402.

76 SP 71/15, fo. 179r; Add. MS 61542, fo. 128r.

77 SIHM 2ème France, iv, p. 507. See H. de Castries, Moulay Ismail et Jacques II: une apologie de l'Islam par un sultan du Maroc (Paris, 1903), pp. 48–9.

78 SIHM 2ème France, v, p. 20 and n. 4.

79 De Castries, Moulay Ismail, p. 50; SIHM 2ème France, v, pp. 340–1.

80 Matar, Lands of the Christians, pp. 197–214.

81 SIHM 2ème France, vi, pp. 413–23. Ma'nīnu's paternal uncle, 'Ali Ma'nīnu, was a member of an earlier Moroccan embassy to France in 1680.

82 SP 71/15, fos. 180–1.

83 SIHM 2ème France, vi, pp. 349–54. Mawlāy Ismāʿīl had written directly to parliament before in 1689 to urge the restoration of James II. He clearly understood the subordinate position of the English monarch, although he apparently thought it very unfortunate. See Cigar, ‘Mulay Ismaʿil’; Budgett Meakin, The Moorish Empire (London, 1899), p. 154 and n. 2.

84 Add. MS 61493, fos. 23–4; Add. MS 61536, fos. 37–8; Add. MS 61587, fos. 26–7.

85 Add. MS 61536, fo. 38r.

86 Add. MS 61452, fos. 132–40.

87 Ibid., fo. 143v.

88 Ibid., fos. 142–3; Add. MS 61587, fos. 26–31. On Cansino's later career, see Erzini, Moroccan–British relations, pp. 15–16.

89 Add. MS 61542, fo. 146–7.

90 Ibid., fo. 146v.

91 Add. MS 61587, fo. 27r.

92 Add. MS 61542, fos. 19–20, 131r, and 147–9; Add. MS 61536, fos. 7r and 9r.

93 See J. Hassan, The treaty of Utrecht 1713 and the Jews of Gibraltar: lecture delivered to the Jewish Historical Society of England in London 15 May 1963 (London, 1970), pp.2–3.

94 Cited in Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, p. 93.

95 See J. B. Hattendorf, England in the War of the Spanish Succession: a study of the English view and conduct of the Grand Strategy, 1702–1712 (New York, 1987), pp. 86–7.

96 Ibid., p. 296.

97 See Ruiz, ‘De Tánger’, pp. 1053–61; Monk, Britain in the Western Mediterranean, pp. 34–5 and 43–55.

98 See Jeremy Black, British diplomats and diplomacy, 1688–1800 (Exeter, 2001), especially pp. 11–13. On the cultural dialogue governing diplomatic interactions between Europe and North Africa during the eighteenth century and its later breakdown, see Windler, C., ‘Tributes and presents in Franco-Tunisian diplomacy’, Journal of Early Modern History, 4 (2000), pp. 168–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Diplomatic history as a field for cultural analysis: Muslim–Christian relations in Tunis, 1700–1814’, Historical Journal, 44 (2001), pp. 79–106.

99 SP 71/15, fos. 178–80; Add. MS 61452, fos. 93–4, 121r, and 129v.

100 SP 71/15. fos. 114r and 126v.

101 Ibid., fos. 126–7.

102 An indication of how Bin Haddū was perceived can be seen in the portrait of him by the noted English portraitist Sir Godfrey Kneller, which is now at Chiswick House, London. See M. Birchwood and M. Dimmock, ‘Introduction’, in M. Birchwood and M. Dimmock, eds., Cultural encounters between East and West, 1453–1699 (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 1–12, at p. 3.

103 Add. MS 61542, fos. 1–4 and 119r.

104 Ibid., fos. 123–4 and 133r.

105 SP 71/15, fo. 188r; Add. MS 61542, fos. 15–16, 55r, 64–6, and 155–6.

106 SP 71/15, fo. 179r; Add. MS 61542, fos. 11r, 15r, 66r, and 124r.

107 Add. MS 61452 fos. 93–4.

108 Add. MS 61493, fos. 23–4; Add. MS 61587, fos. 26–7; Add. MS 61542, fos. 39r, 51–2, 55r, 65v–66, 68r, 155–7, and 160r.

109 Add. MS 61536, fo. 15r.

110 Ibid., fos. 3–4; Add. MS 61542, fo. 70r.

111 Add. MS 61536, fo. 15r.

112 Ibid., fo. 7r.

113 Ibid., fos. 11–21.

114 Ibid., fo. 17r.

115 Ibid. fo. 13r. For other examples, see Add. MS 61542, fos. 9r, 36r, and 47r; Add. MS 61587, fo. 22r; SP 71/15, fos. 125–8. See also Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, pp. 103–4.

116 Add. MS 61542, fos. 168–71.

117 See Wiegers, ‘A life’; Matar, Lands of the Christians, p. 201; Susan Gilson Miller, Disorienting encounters: travels of a Moroccan scholar in France in 1845–1846: the voyage of Muhammad as-Saffar (Berkeley, CA, 1992), pp. 1–9, 33–6, and 48–69.

118 Add. MS 61588, fos. 154–5; Windus, Un voyage, p. 71.

119 Add. MS 61536, fo. 21r.

120 SP 71/15, fo. 222r. On Pillet and his role in the decline of French influence in Morocco, see SIHM 2ème France, vi, pp. 572–9.

121 Add. MS 61493, fos. 29–30, 33–4, 47–8, and 51–2; Add. MS 61542, fos. 172–3 and 180–3. See Erzini, Moroccan–British relations, p. 6.

122 Add. MS 61542, fo. 112.

123 See Brignon et al., Histoire, p. 251.

124 See Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, p. 103.

125 See Rogers, Anglo-Moroccan relations, pp. 81–6; Erzini, Moroccan–British relations.

126 See Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, p. 104.

127 See Brignon et al., Histoire, p. 277.

128 See Erzini, Moroccan–British relations; Windus, Un voyage, p. 71.

129 Cited in Anderson, ‘Great Britain and the Barbary States’, p. 103.