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‘The age of Cloe’? G. D. H. Cole and the British labour movement 1929–1933*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Abstract
The period 1929–33 was perhaps the most traumatic in the inter-war history of the British Labour movement; the ignominious collapse of the second Labour government led the Labour party to question not only the role of its former leaders but also its ideology. This article will reassess the role of the Oxford academic and socialist intellectual, G. D. H. Cole, in this period and will argue that his contribution to the reshaping of the party in the wake of the 1931 financial crisis and the formation of the national government was of much greater significance than has previously been acknowledged. In addition, it will analyse the effects that the political events of the 1920s and the failures of the Macdonald government had upon Cole's socialist ideology and will illustrate that his move away from his earlier guild socialism to a collectivist philosophy was more profound than he himself, and many commentators since, have been prepared to concede.
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References
1 Beatrice Webb, reported in Everyman, 16 Jan. 1930.
2 1993 saw the publication of two major studies of Laski, Isaac Kramnick and Barry Sheerman, Harold Laski: a life on the left (London) and Michael Newman, Harold Laski: apolitical biography (London).
3 Max, Beloff, ‘The age of Laski’, Fortnightly Review, 06 1950, CLXVII (1002), 378–84.Google Scholar
4 Aside from Wright's study and his article, ‘Guild socialism revisited’, Journal of Contemporary History, I (Jan. 1974)Google Scholar, and Barker, R. S., ‘Guild socialism revisited?’, Political Quarterly, XVI (1975)Google Scholar, the only other in-depth analysis of Cole in the last twenty years is Carpenter's, L. P.G. D. H. Cole: an intellectual biography (Cambridge, 1973)Google Scholar. Margaret, Cole's biography, The life of G. D. H. Cole (London, 1971)Google Scholar is a valuable and open account of Cole the man; Ben, Pimlott (ed.), The political diary of Hugh Dalton 1918–40, 1954–60 (London, 1986)Google Scholar and Margaret, Cole (ed.), Beatrice Webb's diaries 1924–32 (London, 1956)Google Scholar are also useful in this respect. Ben, Pimlott, Labour and the left in the 1930's (London, 1977)Google Scholar contains some helpful insights into the activities of Cole in the 1930s and Elizabeth, Durbin, New Jerusalems (London, 1985)Google Scholar is informative for Cole's economic influence on the left. Geoffrey, Foote'sThe Labour party's political thought: a history (London, 1985)Google Scholar provides a good overview of Cole's long-term ideological significance.
5 Professor Max, Beloff, review of ‘G. D. H. Cole’ in Encounter, Feb. 1972Google Scholar; Monica, Foot, review in Books and Bookmen, May 1972.Google Scholar
6 See for example, Marquand, D. in The Guardian, 9 Oct. 1971Google Scholar; Michael, Foot, The Evening Standard, 5 Oct. 1971Google Scholar and Asa, Briggs, The Times Higher Educational Supplement, 26 Nov. 1971.Google Scholar
7 For a taste of Cole's enormous bibliography see Wright, G. D. H. Cole and Margaret Cole, G. D. H. Cole.
8 Unfortunately it has proved to be impossible to quantify sales figures for Cole's work since none of the publishing records appears to have survived. However, there is little doubt that Cole sold many thousands of copies to a wide readership. Through his journalistic activities in a very great number of journals and newspapers, particularly The Daily Herald (which became the first daily in the world to reach a circulation of two million in 1933) and The New Statesman, together with the large number of popular detective stories which he wrote with his wife, Cole became a household name from the 1930s.
9 Cole, G. D. H., ‘Why I am a Socialist’, Aryan Path, Feb. 1930Google Scholar, subsequently reissued as one of a collection of essays entitled Economic tracts for the times (London, 1932).Google Scholar
10 We still unfortunately await a comprehensive study of this much overlooked socialist theory; the best available treatment aside from Wright is to be found in Foote, G., The Labour party's political thought (London, 1985), pp. 102–25.Google Scholar
11 See Tawney, R. H., The acquisitive society (London, 1921)Google Scholar, which incorporates a number of guild socialist ideas, most notably the idea of functional democracy; Ramsay, MacDonald, Socialism: critical and constructive (London, 1921)Google Scholar and Sidney and Beatrice, Webb, A constitution for the socialist commonwealth of Great Britain (London, 1920)Google Scholar endorsed the need for the decentralization of power in a socialist society.
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16 See uncredited article ‘Trade unionism and the future’, The New Statesman, 15 Sept. 1928.Google Scholar
17 ‘Trade unionism and polities’, The New Statesman 22 Sept. 1928, pp. 721–2Google Scholar. The Mond-Turner talks have correctly been singled out by historians as innovatory for they represented the first occasion on which trade unions and employers met to discuss issues which were wider than wages and hours. The Cook–Maxton manifesto had condemned these talks on the grounds that they were collaboration with the class enemy.
18 ‘The Labour party and the nation’, The New Statesman, 13 Oct. 1928.Google Scholar
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26 ibid. ch. XV, ‘Local government’.
27 ibid. p. 46.
28 In an attempt to revitalize their flagging fortunes, the Liberal party led by Lloyd George had set up an industrial inquiry in 1928 composed of politicians and economists which resulted in the famous ‘Yellow book’ or Britain's industrial future, a grandiose scheme for government intervention in the economy. Cole differed from most of their suggestions in that he wanted the scope of intervention to be much wider and to be aimed at a redistribution of wealth.
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30 ibid. pp. 49–65.
31 ibid. pp. 55–64.
32 For a typical union response to the idea of the national labour corps see the review of The next ten years in the Cotton Factory Times, 3 Jan. 1930.
33 The next ten years, pp. 226–42.
34 ibid. pp. 219 and 74.
35 ibid. p. 242.
36 ibid. pp. 130–56.
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38 ibid. pp. 178–88.
39 Cole, M., G. D. H. Cole, p. 165.Google Scholar
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51 ‘Evidence of G. D. H. Cole to committee on vagrancy, ministry of health’, 18 Feb. 1930, Oxford, Nuffield College, Cole papers, GDHC/F5/2.
52 ‘Memorandum of evidence submitted to the royal commission on unemployment insurance’ Mar. 1931, Cole papers, GDHC/F5/3.
53 Susan, Howson and Donald, Winch, The economic advisory council 1930–9 (Cambridge 1977), p. 42.Google Scholar
54 ‘How I would relieve unemployment’, Everyman, 3 Jul. 1930.Google Scholar
55 ‘The school age’, The New Statesman, 27 Jul. 1929Google Scholar and ‘Do the working classes want the Bill?’, The Schoolmaster and Woman Teachers' Chronicle, 13 Mar. 1930Google Scholar, Cole papers, GDHC/A1/24.
56 The minister for education, Sir Charles Trevelyan, ran into many obstacles, principally the demands of the religious bodies who expected the government to meet the cost of the extra year's tuition in the church schools. The bill was finally defeated in March 1931 by an amendment moved by one of the government's own M.P.s, John Scurr, a catholic, and resulted in Trevelyan's resignation.
57 ‘The government and the mines’, The New Statesman 26 Oct. 1929Google Scholar, and ‘Miners' wages’, 23 Nov. 1929.
58 ‘The Coal Bill’, The New Statesman, 21 Dec. 1929.Google Scholar
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61 See Howson, and Winch, , The economic advisory council, p. 39Google Scholar and ‘The ghost that walks’, 15 Mar. 1930.
62 Cole, M., G. D. H. Cole, p. 168Google Scholar; correspondence Cole and MacDonald 10–27 Dec. 1929 Public Record Office (P.R.O.), MacDonald papers, 30/69/672.
63 King's Norton Labour News, Jul. 1930, Cole's papers.
64 ibid. Margaret Cole unfortunately sheds little light upon the reasons for Cole's change of mind; he had told MacDonald on 4 Dec. 1929 that he was reluctant to give up his position at Oxford and felt that he had insufficient income to allow him to become an M.P. Cole's own papers contain little personal information and few references to Mosley at this juncture. It is clear that Cole wished to have nothing to do with Mosley as soon as he started campaigning against the Labour party from Dec. 1930; his letter to Beatrice Webb 9 Dec. revealed that he refused to sign Mosley's manifesto which he saw as a ‘conspiracy against the government’, Passfield papers II/4. Yet it is possible that Margaret Cole passes swiftly over Mosley and does not allude to her husband's connections earlier in 1930 with a man who, when she was writing, was still ‘beyond the pale’.
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66 Cole to Beatrice Webb, 9 Dec. 1930, B.L.P.E.S., Passfield papers, II/4.
67 Handwritten article, undated, c. 1928, Cole papers, GDH/A1/43.
68 Cole wrote a number of articles on the subject of this generational divide; see, for example, ‘The new world and its challenge’, Everyman, 2 Jan. 1930Google Scholar and ‘How things have changed’, 9 Jan. 1930.
69 Cole, M., G. D. H. Cole, p. 175.Google Scholar
70 B. Webb to Cole, 17 Feb. 1931, Nuffield College, Fabian society papers, J9/1, fo. 15.
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72 Cole to MacDonald, 9 Dec. 1930, P.R.O., MacDonald papers, 30/69/1175.
73 MacDonald to Captain E. N. Bennett, Labour M.P., 8 Aug. 1931, MacDonald papers, PRO 30/69/1176. Bennett had written to MacDonald to ask him whether he should take part in the activities of the N.F.R.B. and the prime minister gave the bodies his reluctant blessing.
74 N.E.C. minutes, Labour party archive, National Museum of Labour History, Manchester.
75 Covering letter with rules for new members of S.S.I.P., 1931, GDHC/D4/2.
76 Report of meeting 10 Jun. 1931, Fabian society papers, J2/3.
77 Cole's tremendous enthusiasm is apparent both from Margaret Cole's account of the foundation of the two bodies, G. D. H. Cole, pp. 174–82 and from Cole's letter to B. Webb, 9 Dec. 1930, Passfield papers, II/4.
78 Such was the severity of his illness in June that there seemed to be a genuine possibility that he would not recover; yet, in characteristic fashion, he refused to allow it to affect his work; Margaret Cole paints a vivid picture of her husband in his hospital bed surrounded by charts and diagrams, feverishly working away at what was to become British trade and industry (London, 1932)Google Scholar, Cole, M., G. D. H. Cole, p. 186.Google Scholar
79 A. W. Wright's criticism of Robert, Skidelsky, Politicians and the slump: the second labour government 1929–1931 (London, 1967)Google Scholar in G. D. H. Cole, pp. 185–6.
80 See ‘The economic council’, The New Statesman, 8 Feb. 1930.Google Scholar
81 Cole, Gold, credit and employment. This suggestion does strike one as somewhat economically flawed; it would seem at this juncture that Cole was not prepared to accept the logical conclusion of his argument, namely that Britain should abandon gold together.
82 See Howson, and Winch, , The E.A.C., pp. 34–5.Google Scholar
83 ibid. 25 Jul. 1930, p. 1.
84 ibid. 31 Oct. 1930, p. 1.
85 ‘Gold and the world trade crisis’, New World, Jun. 1931, pp. 1–2Google Scholar, Cole papers, GDHC/A1/12; notes for lectures on the economic situation, May–Jun. 1931, Cole papers, GDHC/E1/5, pp. 53–5.
86 ‘Money, wages and expansion’, The New Statesman and Nation, 18 Jul. 1931Google Scholar (The New Statesman had merged with The Nation in early 1931); see also Daily Herald, Cole's assessment of Macmillan report, 15, 17 and 20 Jul. 1931, p. 8, p. 6 and p. 6 respectively.
87 ‘Britain's economic future’, The New Statesman and Nation, 22 Aug. 1931.Google Scholar
88 For a comprehensive account of the 1931 crisis see Andrew, Thorpe, The British general election of 1931 (Oxford, 1991)Google Scholar and Philip, Williamson, National crisis and national government: British politics, the economy and the empire 1926 to 1932 (Cambridge, 1992).Google Scholar
89 Cole, M., G. D. H. Cole, p. 189.Google Scholar
90 ‘The old Labour party and the new’, The New Statesman and Nation, 14 Nov. 1931.Google Scholar
91 ‘Socialism – 1932 edition’, The Clarion, undated article, Cole papers, GDHC/A1/59.
92 ‘The old Labour party and the new’, New Statesman and Nation, 14 Nov. 1931.Google Scholar
93 ‘A socialist view’, The Economist, 17 Oct. 1931.Google Scholar
94 For the classic Labour discourse on these lines see Sidney, Webb, ‘What happened in 1931: a record’, The Political Quarterly, Mar. 1932.Google Scholar
95 ‘Was it a banker's conspiracy?’, The New Statesman and Nation, 29 Aug. 1931.Google Scholar
96 ‘Some essentials of socialist propaganda: a tract for the times’, Fabian tract, Apr. 1932, p. 7.
97 ibid.
98 Cole, , The intelligent man's guide through world chaos (London, 1932), pp. 611–12.Google Scholar
99 The majority of the members of the late cabinet had been defeated and Labour had been reduced to a rump of 46 seats.
100 ‘Some essentials of socialist propaganda’, pp. 4–5.
101 ibid. p. 17.
102 The intelligent man's guide, p. 612.
103 S.S.I.P. 1931 general election policy statement, Fabian society papers, J2/6.
104 ibid. pp. 612–16.
105 ‘The method of social legislation’, ch. xiv of Economic tracts for the times (London, 1932)Google Scholar, originally published in the Institute of Public Administration Journal, Jan. 1931.
106 See Cole papers, GDHC/D4/1.
107 Memorandum c. 1932, Cole papers, GDHC/D4/5.
108 The intelligent man's guide, pp. 612–13.
109 Annual report of S.S.I.P. for the year ending Mar. 1932, Cole papers, GDHC/D4/4.
110 ‘A Labour programme of action’, Fabian society papers, J13/1.
111 See Cole, , A history of the Labour party, pp. 283–4Google Scholar and correspondence Cole to Pritt, 19 Sept. 1932, Bevin to Cole 24 and 29 Sept., Cole papers, GDHC/D4/8.
112 For a detailed, if a little jumbled, account of the activities of N.F.R.B. in the 1930s see Elizabeth, Durbin, New Jerusalems: the Labour party and the economics of democratic socialism (London, 1985).Google Scholar
113 Wright, A. W., ‘Guild socialism revisited’, Journal of Contemporary History, 1 (1974), 166.Google Scholar
114 Cole tried to convince himself and his readership in the late 1940s and 1950s that he had never fundamentally deviated from guild socialism; in the introduction to Communism and social democracy, vol. IV, Part 1, p. 10 in his A history of socialist thought (London, 1958)Google Scholar he claimed that ‘I was –and I remain – a Guild Socialist’. As we have seen this was a convenient distortion of his 1930s collectivist period.
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