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Whig Tactics and Parliamentary Precedent: the English Management of Irish Politics, 1754–1756

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

J. C. D. Clark
J. C. D. Clark
Affiliation:
Peterhouse, Cambridge
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Extract

In 1949 Sir Herbert Butterfield showed, for one important episode, the necessity of treating England and Ireland as a single political world and of explaining public events in London and Dublin concurrently. Yet most modern scholarship has persisted in examining the two nations in isolation. Ireland is typically relegated, like Scotland, to a separate chapter in the manner of the Oxford history of England; and despite studies of Anglo-Irish constitutional disputes in the light of analogous debates over the American Revolution, the close texture of the reciprocal influence of English and Irish politics in the mid eighteenth century has still received almost no attention from historians. One, indeed, has positively asserted that ‘From the end of Queen Anne's reign until the 1770s Ireland was almost outside the range of British politics’. In reality the connexion was both strong and of several kinds. Many English politicians had an opportunity to learn through personal involvement in Ireland lessons which they were later to find applicable at home. The fourth dukes of Devonshire and Bedford, Richard Rigby, Lord George Sackville, Henry Seymour Conway, the duke of Newcastle and Henry Fox were all involved both in the Irish crisis of the 1750s and in the English ministerial controversies of the 1760s. The English ministry was kept fully informed about Irish politics through both formal and informal channels. Even statesmen not directly concerned had links which encouraged them to keep in touch with events in Dublin. Fox, in Ireland in the summer of 1750 visiting his brother-in-law the earl of Kildare, sent Henry Pelham perceptive accounts of the crisis to date in which he argued for the necessity of eventual legislative union between the two countries; Charles Townshend was aware of Irish problems at the same time as he was preparing, for Newcastle, his ‘Remarks upon the Plan for a General Concert’ of the American colonies.

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Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 21 , Issue 2 , June 1978 , pp. 275 - 301
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1978

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References

1 George III, Lord North and the people (London, 1949).

2 SirButterfield, Herbert, ‘Eighteenth-century Ireland’ in ‘Thirty years' work in Irish history’, I[risk] H[istorical] S[tudies], XV (1966–1997), 381–2.Google Scholar Most of what modern scholarship there is deals with the years before c. 1725 or after c. 1770; cf. Hayton, D. W., ‘Ireland and the English ministers, 1707–16’ (Oxford Univ. D.Phil, thesis, 1975)Google Scholar; Dralle, L. A., ‘Kingdom in reversion: the Irish viceroyalty of the earl of Wharton, 1708–1710’, The Huntingdon Library Quarterly, XV (1951–1952), 393–431Google Scholar; Bartlett, T., ‘The Townshend viceroyalty, 1767–72’ (Belfast Univ. Ph.D. thesis, 1976)Google Scholar; James, F. G., ‘The Irish lobby in the early eighteenth century’, E[nglish] H[istorical] R[eview], LXXXI (1966), 543–57Google Scholar, and especially his Ireland in the empire 1688–1770 (Harvard, 1973). This book rightly asserts the importanceof Anglo-Irish political links yet Professor James too often draws his account of them in the middle decades of the century from the work of Professor McCracken (see below) and is insufficiently acquainted with the course of English party politics. Nor did Dr James make use of such major sources as the papers of Newcastle, Holdernesse, Fox, the 3rd and 4th dukes of Devonshire, Sir Robert Wilmot, Henry Boyle or Lord George Sackville; as a result, his conclusions and analogies (Ireland, pp. 256–8) are deeply misleading.

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11 H.M.C. 12th Report, Appendix, Part X, Manuscripts and correspondence of James, first earl of Charlemont (London, 1891), 1, 5.

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17 Johnston, E. M., Ireland in the eighteenth century (Dublin, 1974), p. 115.Google Scholar I was unable to consult DrO'Donovan's, Declan Ph.D. thesis, ‘The Money Bill dispute of 1753’ (University College, Dublin, 1977).Google Scholar

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19 The hitherto accepted view that lords lieutenant before Carteret (1724–30) organized their own proprietary party in the Commons and that a radically different system of parliamentary management grew up c. 1724–33 has been ably criticized in Dr David Hayton's D.Phil, thesis (cited above) and in ‘The beginnings of the “Undertaker system”’. I am grateful to Dr Hayton for a copy of this as yet unpublished paper. In it he argues for the earlier existence of an undertaker system, of which events in c. 1715–25 produced only a rephrasing.

20 Cf. my article ‘The decline of party, 1740–1760’, E.H.R., XCIII (1978).Google Scholar

21 Kiernan, T. J., History of the financial administration of Ireland to 1817 (London, 1930), p. 156.Google Scholar

22 For which, see McCracken in I.H.S. (cited above).

23 The debate is summarized in the Newcastle papers: 33034, fo. 157.

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27 Primate to Andrew Stone, 24 Dec. 1753: 32733 fo. 541.

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30 It is anticipated in, for example, W. G. Hamilton (chief secretary) to John Hely Hutchinson (prime Serjeant), 10 Nov. 1762: H.M.C. Twelfth Report, Appendix, Part IX, The manuscripts of the duke of Beaufort, K.G., the earl of Donoughmore, and others (London, 1891), p. 239.Google Scholar

31 Conway to Hartington, 7 Aug. 1755: Dev[onshire MSS, Chatsworth] 416/8. I am grateful to his grace the duke of Devonshire and the trustees of the Chatsworth settlement for permission to consult, and quote from, the Devonshire MSS.

32 Sir William Yorke to Hardwicke, 12 Nov. 1754: 35593, fo. 54.

33 Chesterfield to Bishop of Waterford, 14 Nov. 1754, in Dobrée, B. (ed.), The letters of Philip Dormer Stanhope, 4th earl of Chesterfield (London, 1932), V, 2125.Google Scholar

34 Maxwell to Holdernesse, 11 Oct. 1753: Eg[erton MSS, British Library] 3435, fo. 22.

35 For Armagh's sense of that analogy, cf. Primate to Bute, 23 June 1763: Bute MSS 11/118, Cardiff Central Library.

36 Memo, 11 Sept. 1754: 32995, fo. 311.

37 Holdernesse to Albemarle, 3 Jan. 1754: Eg 3457, fo. 226. For a summary of the constitutional arguments, cf. Hamilton, W., A history of Ireland (Strabane, 1783), 11, 305–8Google Scholar; Kiernan, , Financial administration, pp. 148–204Google Scholar; Johnston, , Ireland, pp. 112–26.Google Scholar

38 Lord Hartington became 4th duke of Devonshire with the death of his father on 5 Dec. 1755.

39 Devonshire, to Newcastle, 31 01 1756: 32862, fo. 303.Google Scholar

40 Horatio Walpole to Devonshire, 11 Mar. 1756: Dev 180/46.

41 Hartington to Newcastle, 4 Oct. 1755: 32859, fo. 376.

42 This he achieved. John Ponsonby, Boyle's successor as Speaker, was not appointed a lord justice.

43 Devonshire to Newcastle, 3 Feb. 1756: 32862, fo. 321.

44 Conway to Sir Robert Wilmot, 18 May 1755: Catton [collection, Derby Central Library, Irish letterbooks], 20. I am grateful to Mr D. W. H. Neilson for permission to consult, and quote from, the Catton collection.

45 Conway to Fox, 27 Nov. 1755: 51381, fo. 77.

46 Primate to Andrew Stone, 27 July 1752: Sackville MSS, Drayton House I, no. 54.

47 Lord George Sackville to Primate, 10 June 1752: Catton 15.

48 Fox to Hartington, 12 Nov. 1755: Dev 330/74.

49 Walpole, George II, 11, 23–6, 183–4.

50 Granville to Bedford, 27 Nov. 1757, in Russell, Lord John (ed.), Correspondence of John, fourth duke of Bedford (London, 1843), 11, 307.Google Scholar

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53 Two sons of Bessborough, including John Ponsonby, were married to Harrington's sisters; his late wife was Lady Charlotte Boyle, and the Speaker thus his uncle by marriage. Fox, Harrington's closest political associate, was Kildare's brother-in-law.

54 Harrington to John Ponsonby, 8 Apr. 1755: Dev 260/130.

55 The fullest accounts of the terms are Harrington to Fox, 17 May 1755: 51381, fo. 9; Harrington to Devonshire, 11 May 1755: Dev 260/132; and Harrington to Sir Robert Wilmot, 11 May 1755: Catton 20.

56 Harrington to Newcastle, 16 May 1755: 32855, fo. 26; S. Carew to W. Morris, 8 May 1755: Dev 410/0.

57 Harrington to Fox, 23 May 1755: 51381, fo. 11; Walpole, , George II, 11, 24.Google Scholar

58 Newcastle to Hardwicke, n.d. [?19–21 May 1755]: 32855, fo. 56.

59 Newwcastle to Hardwicke, 19 May 1755: 32855, fo. 60.

60 Devonshire to Newcastle, 21 May 1755: 32855, fo. 86; Devonshire to Harrington, 20 May 1755: Dev 163/52.

61 Conway to Sir Robert Wilmot, 16 June 1755: Catton 20.

62 Newcastle to Hartington, 24 May 1755: 32855, fo. 170.

63 Newcastle to Holdernesse, 23 May 1755: Eg 3428, fo. 149.

64 Hartington to Newcastle, 1 June 1755: 32855, fo. 297.

65 Fox to Hartington, 29 May 1755: Dev 330/35.

66 Hartington to Fox, 6 June 1755: 51381, fo. 16.

67 Memorandum, 3 June 1755: 32996, fo. 127.

68 Hartington to Newcastle, 23 May 1755: 32855, fo. 156.

69 Holdernesse to Hartington, 1 June 1755: Eg 3435, fo. 81.

70 Newcastle to Holdernesse, 6 June 1755: Eg 3428, fo. 220.

71 Hartington to Newcastle, 15 June 1755: 32855, fo. 534.

72 Hartington to Fox, 22 June 1755: 51381, fo. 22; Harrington to Devonshire, 11 July 1755: Dev 260/151; Hartington to Sir Robert Wilmot, 19 June 1755: Catton 20.

73 Newcastle to Holdernesse, 11 July 1755: Eg 3429, fo. 78.

74 Newcastle to Holdernesse, 20 June 1755: Eg 3428, fo. 292.

75 Hartington to Newcastle, 20 July 1755: 32857, fo. 268; cf. Hartington to Devonshire, 16 July 1755: Dev 260/154.

76 Newcastle to Hartington, 23 July 1755: 32857, fo. 315; Conway to Hartington, 23 July 1755: Dev 416/4.

77 Walpole, , George II, 11, 24.Google Scholar

78 Legge to Hartington, 29 June 1755: Dev 257/21.

79 Newcastle to Holdernesse, 25 July 1755: Eg 3429, fo. 158.

80 Newcastle to Hartington, 8 Aug. 1755: 32858, fo. 57.

81 Hardwicke to Newcastle, 12 Aug. 1755: 32858, fo. 120.

82 Cf. Primate to Newcastle, 7 Nov. 1754: 32737, fo. 314: ‘A great part of the impertinence comes to one Mr Chaigneau an agent to Regiments here, from Mr Cakraft an agent to Regiments in England.’ Calcraft was at this time a business associate of Fox; his links with Pitt came only later.

83 William Pitt to Thomas Pitt, 25 Sept. 1755, in Taylor, W. S. and Pringle, J. H. (eds.), The correspondence of William Pitt, earl of Chatham (London, 1838–1840), 1, 146.Google ScholarSirDavies, John, A Discoverie of the True Causes why Ireland was neuer entirely Subdued, nor brought under Obedience of the Crowne of England, untill the Beginning of his Maiesties happie Raigne (London, 1612)Google Scholar; reprinted throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, including editions in London, 1747, and Dublin, 1761. Charles Lucas had no political impact while in England (1753–61) and petitioned Pitt without effect.

84 Hartington to Fox, 21 Aug. 1755: 51381, fo. 35.

85 Hartington to Fox, 21 Aug. 1755: 51381, fo. 33.

86 Conway to Fox, 28 Aug. 1755: 51381, fo. 38.

87 Newcastle to Harrington, 30 Aug. 1755: 32858, fo. 349.

88 Harrington to Fox, 7 Sept. 1755: 51381, fo. 42; Fox to Devonshire, 7 Sept. 1755: Dev 330/59; Harrington to Sir Robert Wilmot, 9 Sept. 1755: Gallon 21.

89 Harrington to Newcaslle, 18 Sept. 1755: 32859, fo. 136.

90 Harrington to Newcaslle, 17 Sept. 1755: 32859, fo. 112.

91 Conway to Sir Robert Wilmot, 20 Sept. 1755: Catton 21.

92 Newcastle to Harrington, 20 Sept. 1755: 32859, fo. 158.

93 Newcastle to Lady Katherine Pelham, 26 Sept. 1755: 32859, fo. 219.

94 Fox to Devonshire, 27 Sept. 1755: 51381, fo. 48.

95 Newcastle to Lady Katherine Pelham, loc. cit.

96 Harrington to Fox, 28 Sept. 1755: 51381. fo. 50.

97 Ibid. and Harrington to Devonshire, 29 Sept. 1755: Dev 260/173.

98 Hardwicke to Newcastle, 13 Oct. 1755: 32860, fo. 30.

99 Even Lady Kildare did not know whether an lord deputy or lord justices would be appointed on Devonshire's departure. Fox to Harrington, 28 Oct. 1755: Dev 330/70.

100 [Pery, E. S.], A Letter to his G—e the D—e of B—d (London, 1757), p. 40.Google Scholar This pamphlet has hitherto been incorrectly attributed to [Sir Richard Cox] in the British Library catalogue; Pery's draft of it is printed in H.M.C. Eighth Report, appendix 1, 175, where it is mistaken for a letter.

101 Newcastle to Hartington, 23 Oct. 1755: 32860, fo. 140.

102 Hartington to Fox, 29 Nov. 1755: 51381, fo. 79.

103 Fox to Hartington, 28 Oct. 1755: Dev 330/70.

104 Devonshire to Sir Robert Wilmot, 16 Dec. 1755: Catton 21.

105 Devonshire to Fox, 16 Dec. 1755: 51381, fo. 94.

106 Devonshire to Fox, 5 Jan. 1756: 51381, fo. 110.

107 Devonshire to Newcastle, 12 Jan. 1756: 32862, fo. 88.

108 Devonshire to Sir Robert Wilmot, 27 Feb. 1756: Catton 21.

109 Devonshire to Newcastle, 19 Jan. 1756: 32862, fo. 145.

110 Devonshire to Fox, 24 Jan. 1756: 51381, fo. 118.

111 Devonshire to Newcastle, 2 Mar. 1756: 32863, fo. 169; Devonshire to Ellis, 2 Mar. 1756: Dev 260/203.

112 Devonshire to Fox, 2 Mar. 1756: 51382, fo. 1; Devonshire to Sir Robert Wilmot, 2 Mar. 1756: Catton 21.

113 Fox to Devonshire, 9 Mar. 1756: Dev 330/123.

114 [Almon, J.], A history of the parliament of Great Britain, from the death of Queen Anne, to the death of King George II (London, 1764), p. 306.Google Scholar

115 Munter, R., The history of the Irish newspaper 1685–1760 (Cambridge, 1967), p. 173.Google Scholar

116 Cf. Fox to Harrington, 28 Nov. 1754: Dev 330/28.

117 Harrington to Fox, 15 June 1755: 51381, fo. 18.

118 McDowell, R. B., Irish public opinion 1750–1800 (London, 1944), p. 29.Google Scholar

119 Grenville, George to earl of Northumberland, 26 11 1763Google Scholar, in Smith, W. J. (ed.), The Grenville papers (London, 1852–1853), 11, 166.Google Scholar Northumberland (lord lieutenant April 1763 to June 1765) suspected W. G. Hamilton, the chief secretary he inherited from Halifax, as the link between English and Irish oppositions; cf. Hamilton to James Oswald, 10 Jan. 1764, Oswald MSS, Hockworthy House, no. 111. I am grateful to Mrs D. C. Bruton for permission to consult, and quote from, the Oswald MSS.

120 Cf. Primate to Andrew Stone, 24 Dec. 1753: 32733, fo. 541.

121 Barrow, , Macartney, 11, 128–30Google Scholar; Primate to Newcastle, 7 May 1752: 32737, fo. 110.

122 On Henry Pelham's instructions the attorney general did, however, draw up a detailed examination of the constitutional points at issue in the Money Bill dispute: cf. Dudley Ryder diary, 13 Jan. 1754, and Doc. 35(p), Harrowby MSS. I am grateful to the earl of Harrowby and the trustees of the Harrowby MSS Trust for permission to consult, and quote from, the Harrowby MSS.

123 Almon, , History of the parliament of Great Britain, p. 322.Google Scholar

124 Feiling, K. G., The second tory party 1714–1832 (London, 1938), p. 68Google Scholar, claimed he ‘dedicated himself to the extirpation of party’.

125 Cf. Brooke, John, The Chatham administration 1766–1768 (London, 1956), p. xi.Google Scholar

126 Newman, A. N., ‘Leicester House politics, 1750–60’, in Camden Miscellany, XXIII, 4th series, vol. 7, pp. 90, 109Google Scholar; Newman, , ‘Leicester House politics, 1748–1751’, E.H.R. LXXVI (1961), 588.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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128 Provisional though it must be to assert a negative, the theme is apparently absent from the sources for the internal history of the junior Court in the 1750s: Hartwell (Sir George Lee) MSS, Royal Archives and Buckinghamshire Record Office; Egmont MSS, British Library; Minto MSS, National Library of Scotland; Bute MSS, Mount Stuart and Cardiff Central Library; Lee-Herring correspondence, Corpus Christi College, Cambridge; Chatham MSS, Public Record Office; letters of Sir George Lee, Cresset, Andrew Stone and Waldegrave in the Newcastle, Hardwicke and Holland House MSS, British Library; Carswell, and Dralle, , Dodington journal; memoirs from 1754 to 1758 by James Earl Waldegrave KG (London, 1821).Google Scholar The undated and anonymous memorandum cited by McKelvey, J. L. in George III and Lord Bute. The Leicester House years (Durham, N.C., 1973), pp. 85–6Google Scholar contains only a condemnation of the past misconduct of the victorious whig party, not a programme to eliminate parties as such.

129 Brooke, , George III, pp. 90–2.Google Scholar

130 Fox to Devonshire, 25 Mar. 1756: Dev 330/131.

131 Hillsborough to Hartington, 7 July 1755: Dev 414/1.

132 Conway to Fox, 18 Mar. 1756: 51382, fo. 30.

133 Rigby to Pitt, 23 Dec. 1759, Chatham correspondence, 1, 475; cf. his views on an English mob's treatment of Bute: Rigby to Bedford, 26 Nov. 1762, Bedford correspondence, 111, 159.

134 Cf. Sackville to Maxwell, 11 Feb. 1754; 32734, fo. 131.

135 Dudley Ryder Diary, 27 Feb. 1754: Harrowby MSS.

136 Primate to Newcastle, 7 Nov. 1754: 32737, fo. 306.

137 Rigby to Pitt, 5 Dec. 1759, Chatham correspondence, 1, 468.

138 Sackville to Holdernesse, 9 Jan. 1754: Eg 3435, fo. 46.

139 H.M.C., Charlemont, 1, 5.

140 Ibid. 1, 6.

141 Devonshire to Fox, 5 Jan. 1756: 51381, fo. 110.

142 Hartington to Newcastle, 4 Oct. 1755: 32859, fo. 376.

143 Fox to [?Horatio Walpole], 3 Sept. 1755: 51428, fo. 89.

144 Cf. Horace Walpole to Conway, 15 Nov. 1755, in Toynbee, P. (ed.), The letters of Horace Walpole (Oxford, 1903–1925), 111, 365.Google Scholar

145 Barrow, , Macartney, 11, 137–8.Google Scholar Boyle took the tide earl of Shannon.

146 Bowes to Sir Robert Wilmot, 5 Jan. 1758: Catton 26.

147 Bowes to Sir Robert Wilmot, [4 Apr. 1758], Catton 26.

148 Hamilton to James Oswald, 10 Jan. 1764: Oswald MSS, no. 111.

149 This policy was anticipated in Lord Bristol's lieutenancy (1766–7); cf. Lord Bess-borough to John Ponsonby, 3 June 1767, in SirFortescue, John (ed.), The correspondence of King George the Third (London, 1927), 1, 484.Google Scholar

150 Beckett, , Making of modern Ireland, p. 197.Google Scholar

151 H.M.C., Charlemont, 1, 7.