¹ The fullest account of Dugard's career is found in Salter, J. L., ‘Warwickshire Clergy 1660–1714’, (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Birmingham 1975), Pt. II: ‘Biographical List’, pp. 129–30Google Scholar. Dugard's comfortable situation in later life is indicated by a tithe case of the 1650s in the course of which Dugard's opponent declared the tithes of Barford to be worth £160 per annum (they were let for £90 per annum); by his daughter's marriage-settlement of 1676 with a portion of £300; and by his own will which mentioned more than two yard lands and a house owned in Barford, plus a personal estate of almost £600–£138 in money, £100 in books and £188 in ‘debts good’: Public Record Office (P.R.O.) E134 1657, Michaelmas 45; Warwick County Record Office (W.C.R.O.), Warwick Castle MSS CR1866/6498A and B; Hereford and Worecester C.R.O., Worcester, will proved 5 November 1683. In the Heralds' Visitation of 1682/3, Dugard disclaimed armigerous status on the heralds' first journey, but his pedigree was entered on the second: Styles, Philip, ‘The Heralds' Visitation of Warwickshire 1682/3’ in Studies in seventeenth century West Midlands history (Kineton, 1978), p. 284Google Scholar, n. 67.

Dugard, William's career is given in the Dictionary of National Biography and recited at the beginning of his 1662Google Scholar will: P.R.O. Prob 11/309 fo. 153. He was a schoolmaster in Stamford, Colchester and ultimately master of the Merchant Taylors' School, London. He was imprisoned for printing royalist tracts in 1650 but was also closely associated with Milton and Harrington.

² The diary is British Library (B.L.) Additional MSS 23,146. Other sources will be discussed below. Dugard's compulsive versifying is revealed in the epitaphs he included in the Barford parish register (microfilm at W.C.R.O.).

³ B.L. Add. MSS 23,146 fos. 3iv–32r. The pair were married on 24 August 1635: ibid. fo. 43r. The diary is in Latin; all translations are my own.

⁴ Dugard discussed the scriptures, dined with and wrote to Judith Burgoyne of Wroxhall, Lady Harvey of Morton Morrell and Lady Hales of Warwick amongst local gentlewomen: B.L. Add. MSS 23,146 fos. 40r, 64r, 51V, 43V, 62r.

⁵ For the significance of diary keeping see Mendelson, Sara Heller, ‘Stuart Women's Diaries and Occasional Memoirs’ in Prior, Mary (ed.), Women in English society 1500–1800 (London, 1985), pp. 183–9Google Scholar, and Watkins, Owen C., The Puritan experience (London, 1972), especially p. 21Google Scholar where a Puritan diary is said to record ‘progress and setbacks in the lifelong struggle with the enemy’. Dugard's diary is not nearly as dramatic.

⁶ See Dugard's dedication to his tutor and uncle in The change or The blind eye opened (London, 1641)Google Scholar.

⁷ Curtis, Mark H., ‘The alienated intellectuals of early Stuart England’, in Aston, Trevor (ed.), Crisis in Europe (London, 1974), especially p. 311Google Scholar.

⁸ Green, Ian, ‘Career prospects and clerical conformity in the early Stuart church’, Past and Present, XC (1981)Google Scholar is an effective critique of Curtis. Collinson, Patrick, The religion of protestants (Oxford, 1982), ch. 3 (the quotation is from p. 98)Google Scholar; O'Day, Rosemary, The English clergy, the emergence and consolidation of a profession 1558–1642 (Leicester, 1979)Google Scholar, especially chs. 1 and 12. See also, Barratt, D. M., ‘The condition of the English parish clergy from the Reformation to 1660, with special reference to the dioceses of Oxford, Gloucester and Worcester’ (unpublished D. Phil, dissertation, University of Oxford, 1949)Google Scholar.

⁹ Green, ‘Career prospects and clerical conformity’.

¹⁰ Elton, G. R., ‘A high road to civil war?’ in Carter, C. H. (ed.), From the renaissance to the counter reformation: essays in honour of Garratt Mattmgley (London, 1966)Google Scholar; Russell, Conrad, Parliaments and English politics (Oxford, 1979), pp. 424–6Google Scholar; Sharpe, Kevin, ‘The personal rule of Charles I’, in Tomlinson, Howard, (ed.), Before the English civil war (London, 1983)Google Scholar.

¹¹ Russell, Conrad, ‘Why did Charles I call the Long Parliament?’, History, LXIX (1984), 379Google Scholar for the ‘somewhat startling phenomenon’ of the lack of help for Charles against the Scots; Fletcher, Anthony, The outbreak of the English civil war (London, 1981)Google Scholar, especially ch. 6.

¹² Cope, Esther S., ‘Politics without parliament: the dispute about muster-masters' fees in Shropshire in the 1630s’, Huntington Library Quarterly, XLV (1982)Google Scholar; Lake, Peter, ‘The collection of Ship Money in Cheshire: A case study of the relations between central and local government’, Northern History, XVII (1981)Google Scholar; Fincham, K., ‘Thejudges' decision on ship money in February 1637: the reaction of Kent’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, LVII (1984)Google Scholar.

¹³ Add. MSS 23,146 fos. 8r–15v. The importance of Sidney Sussex to the Dugard family is seen in the wills of Richard and William Dugard. Richard left £120 for the college ‘to some good and permanent use’: Prob 11/235 fo. 143!/309 fo. 153. See also Collinson, , Religion of protestants, pp. 115–8Google Scholar, for the importance of family and college links in clerical careers.

¹⁴ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 16V–19V.

¹⁵ For Brooke see below; for Gataker see D.N.B. and his own summing up of his position in reply to an attack by the astrologer William Lilly in the 1650s, ‘for my judgment concerning Church-Government, it is the same still that ever it was, since I first began to enquire into matters of that nature. A dulie bounded and well-regulated Prelacie joined with a Presbyterie,’: Gataker, , A discours apologetical (London, 1654), p. 24Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Add MSS 23, 146 fo. 39r.

¹⁷ For Dugard's preaching ibid., passim and especially fos. 98r–v. For his editing of Bryan, 's The vertuaus daughter (London, 1636)Google Scholar and Trapp's various publications: ibid. fos. 51V, 70r, 92r. Trapp, 's Commentary on the Old and New Testaments (5 volumes, London, 1867–1868Google Scholar, originally published in several parts between 1647 and 1662) included many dedicatory verses by Dugard. Add MSS 23,146 fos. 43r, 21r, 69v for the Bryan contacts.

¹⁸ Ibid., passim for the Warwick lecture. For the suppression of the Stratford lecture: The works of Archbishop Laud, volume v, 354; Collinson, , Religion ofprotestanls, pp. 133–4Google Scholar for market day lectures in general.

¹⁹ Spencer, Thomas, ‘The genealogie, life and death of the Right Honourable Robert, Lord Brooke’, ed. Styles, Philip, Miscellany, I, Dugdale Society Publications, XXXI, (Oxford, 1977), 163Google Scholar.

²⁰ Greville, Robert published The nature of truth, its union and unity with the soule (London, 1640)Google Scholar and A discourse opening the nature of that episcopacy which is exercised in England (London, 1641)Google Scholar. His links with London separatists are discussed in Tolmie, Murray, The triumph of the saints (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 26, 49Google Scholar. For an interesting analysis of his views see James, Mervyn, English politics and the concept of honour, Past and Present, Supplement III (1978), 80–3Google Scholar.

²¹ See, for example, W.C.R.O. C R 1866, the accounts of Brooke's stewards John Halford and Joseph Hawkesworth, 1640–1643. A fuller discussion of Brooke's connexions is in Hughes, Ann, ‘Politics, society and civil war in Warwickshire 1620–1650’, (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Liverpool University, 1980), pp. 211–2Google Scholar.

²² ‘The accounts of John Halford’; Add MS S 23: 146 fos. 27V, 69V, 84V, 86v for examples of transactions and discussions between Ashe and Dugard. Ashe's career is described in the D.N.B.

²³ Pinto, Vivian de Sola, Peter Sterry: Platonist and Puritan (New York, 1968), pp. 10–20, 34Google Scholar for Brooke and Sterry; Add MSS 23,146 fos. 77r–v, 81v, 95V for examples of Dugard's contacts with Sterry.

²⁴ Ibid. fos. 21r (Poynter); 41 v, 99r, 100r (Hughes); gov (St Giles). For Poynter and Hughes see Seaver, Paul, The Puritan lectureships (Stanford, 1970), pp. 246–7Google Scholar; Matthews, A. G., Calamy revised (Oxford, 1934), pp. 281, 397Google Scholar. For St Giles, , The works of Archbishop Laud, IV (London, 1854), 327Google Scholar.

²⁵ Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 19V, 44V, 62V, 82r (Hill); 27V (the quotation) 28r–v, 44r, 54V, 62r, 85V (Ball). Huntington Library, Temple MSS 1876–1896, Sibthorpe letters, Sibthorpe to Lambe on Hill, 7 June 1639 (I am grateful to Richard Cust for this reference). For Hill and Ball see D.N.B. and (for Hill), Collinson, Religion of protestants, p. 81 and Tuckney, Anthony, Anatokazia or death disarmed (London, 1654)Google Scholar, Hill's funeral sermon. I owe this last reference to John Adamson. Tuckney dedicated this work to Francis Ashe, a London merchant and cousin of Simeon. Tuckney was also a trustee of Simeon Ashe's will: Prob 11/308 fo. 105 (1662). In the summer of 1641 Dugard met several other important Puritan clerics in London, presumably through Brooke and Ashe. They included Stephen Marshall, William Rathband and John Bastwick: Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 94r–v.

²⁶ Clarke, , Thirty-two English divines, p. 231Google Scholar for Hill's marriage. The story does not appear in Tuckney, Death disarmed, the basis for Clarke's account. The governess was for Lady Frances Rich, a daughter of the earl of Warwick who lived with Brooke. Clarke, pp. 147–155 for Ball, p. 155 for Ashe and Ball. Clarke's work had a preface by Ashe and commendatory verses by Dugard. Ball, John, A treatise of the covenant of grace (1645)Google Scholar is an example of a posthumous publication involving Ashe and Hill.

²⁷ Dugard preached in Stamford, home of his brother William, in 1634 and 1637; at Fulletby, his uncle's parish, also in Lincolnshire in 1637, 1639 and 1641; he preached on a score of occasions in Worcestershire in the period covered by the diary, particularly in his home town of Grafton, and at Bromsgrove where he also had kin: Add MSS 23, 146 passim. For his hearing of Whateley and Harris: ibid. fos. 39V, 51r, 53r, 75V. For Whateley and Harris see D.N.B.

²⁸ ibid. fo. 86v.

²⁹ Cf. Donegan, Barbara, ‘Puritan ministers and laymen: professional claims and social constraints in seventeenth century England’, Huntington Library Quarterly, XLVII (1984), 94–7Google Scholar on clerical social inferiority.

³⁰ Add MSS 23, 146 fo. 42r where Dugard notes acting as a clerk for Brooke in the absence of Clarke, the Baron's usual aide.

³¹ Hughes, , ‘Politics, society and civil war’, pp. 207–13Google Scholar.

³² Beier, A. L., ‘The social problems of an Elizabethan country town: Warwick 1580–1590’, in Clark, Peter (ed.), Country towns in pre-industrial England (Leicester, 1981), pp. 48–52Google Scholar; W.C.R.O. CR 1618, W21/6 (Warwick Corporation Minute Book), pp. III, 115–6, for troubles over ministers' maintenance but p. 127 has two local ministers advising the corporation on the choice of a new bailiff in Michaelmas 1637. ibid. p. 277, in the ‘Remonstrance’ concerning Warwick's troubles with the local gentry, the author Edward Rainsford, deputy recorder in this period, describes how John Bryan smoothed over tensions between himself and Brooke. Add MSS 23, 146 fo. 93V for Dugard and Bryan mediating for Rainsford with Brooke in June 1641.

³³ Dedications to Brooke in works published in the 1630s make this point: Downame, John's dedication in Sutton, Thomas, Lectures upon the eleventh chapter to the Romans (London, 1632)Google Scholar; Whitfield, Henry, Some helpes to stirre up to Christian duties (2nd edn, London, 1634)Google Scholar. For Warwick: Hunt, William, The Puritan moment (Cambridge, Mass. 1983), especially pp. 163–6, 295Google Scholar; for Lincoln: Cust, Richard, ‘The forced loan and English politics 1626–8’ (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, London University, 1984), pp. 269–274Google Scholar.

³⁴ Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 69r, 81r, 91r for examples of contacts with White; Collinson, , Religion of protestants, pp. 120–28Google Scholar, for clerical sociability in general.

³⁵ For the training of young ministers: Collinson, , Religion of protestants, p. 119Google Scholar; Barratt, , ‘Condition of the parish clergy’, pp. 73–6Google Scholar. Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 11r, 19V, 80r, 83r. Dugard wrote to Evans on his first day at Warwick school in July 1633.

³⁶ Ibid. fos. 31V, 33V for Dugard's notes of Coppe's progress as a pupil in 1634; fos. 93r, 97r for his later preaching. It is interesting to note that this future Ranter had an orthodox and privileged Calvinist training. Cardwell, Edward, Documentary annals of the reformed church of England, II (London, 1844), 230Google Scholar for market-day lectures.

³⁷ Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 9r, 31V for examples of Dugard's pride in his teaching at Cambridge and Warwick. Ibid. fo. 34r for trouble with pupils in December 1634, when Dugard expelled seven boys, including the sons of three burgesses of the town. A few days later he successfully persuaded the corporation to allow him an undermaster after complaining of the ‘lost idle rascals of the town’. Much later, Dugard left £4 per annum in his will for teaching ‘the children of the poor neighbours’ of Barford to read: Worcester Diocesan Records, will proved 5 November 1683.

³⁸ After a Chancery Suit in the early 1630s, finally settled by the Assize Judges in 1636, the Master of Warwick School received £30 per annum plus fees from pupils from outside Warwick. It is clear that many of Dugard, 's pupils were the sons of neighbouring gentry and clerical families: Victoria county history of Warwickshire, II, 304–309Google Scholar; Add MSS 23, 146 passim.

³⁹ Ibid., passim, fo. 85r for Lucy.

⁴⁰ The change is Dugard's published series of sermons; for his editing of others' work see n. 17 above, and further below.

⁴¹ Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 51r (baptising children at Tachbrook, April 1636), 84r–v (administering the communion service, performing marriages, and a burial at Warwick, April 1639).

⁴² Ibid. fo. 22r, for Dugard's preaching debut. Overton was Clarke's brother-in-law: Matthews, , Calamy revised, p. 376Google Scholar. Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 22v, 30r for preaching at Warwick Castle and St Mary's before ordination. I am grateful to Dr Andrew Foster and Dr Kenneth Fincham for advice on the legality of Dugard's preaching.

⁴³ Cardwell, Edward, Documentary annals, 11, 233–7Google Scholar on titles to benefice allowing ordination. Dugard was not even an M.A. of five years' standing. Dugard was ordained as Deacon by Bishop Goodman of Gloucester whose reputation for laxity led to trouble from Laud. However he presumably had the letters dismissory required by the 1604 Canons as he had visited Worcester, before proceeding to Gloucester, : The works of Archbishop Laud, V (London, 1853), 330Google Scholar; Add MSS 23,146 fo. 34r; Cardwell, Edward, Synodalia (London, 1842), I, 266Google Scholar. In December 1633 Dugard had visited Bishop John Thornborough of Worcester with testimonials from the Warwick ministers Thomas Hall an d Richard Roe. This was probably to be licensed as a schoolmaster. Thornborough ordained Dugard as a priest: Add MSS 23, 146 fos. 23r, 53r. For diocesan variations in ordination policies: Collinson, , Religion of protestants, p. 69Google Scholar; Barratt, , ‘Condition of the parish clergy’, p. 14Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Add MSS 23, 146 fo. 87V. This practice was not universally approved of by Puritans: Oliver Heywood commented in his life of his father-in-law Angier, John of Denton, , ‘though Mr Harrison of Ashton (his intimate and intire friend) and he lived near together for twenty years, yet never did they exchange places for one day in that time to ease themselves’: Chetham Society, n.s. XCVII (1937), 72Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ For preaching in Lincolnshire and Worcestershire see n. 27 above; for Baxter Add MSS 23, 146 fo. 93r; Kem, ibid. fo. 94V.

⁴⁶ For examples of visitors and ritual occasions at the school: ibid. fos. 27V, 81r–v, 91v, 96v. Cf. Thomas, Keith, Rule and misrule in the schools of early modern England (Stenton Lecture, Reading, 1977)Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 37r, 39r, 64r, 43V, 44V, 34r, 87r, 96r.

⁴⁸ Ibid. fo. 37r for Dugard's first attendance at an assize dinner.

⁴⁹ Ibid. fos. 22r, 44V, 83V for Bosvile; fo. 43V, 57V, 79r for the dinners at the Castle. On this last occasion Roe of St Nicholas Warwick preached the sermon. Digby's presence on this occasion is explained by the fact that he was Brooke's brother-in-law.

⁵⁰ Ibid. fos. 21r, 64V, 68V for visits to Knightley; fo. 86r for Lincoln. Curtis, , ‘Alienated intellectuals’, p. 300Google Scholar.

⁵¹ Collinson, , Religion of protestants, pp. 246–68, 275–82Google Scholar.

⁵² Add MSS 23,146 fos. 44 V, 56r, 63V; 70r, 74r; Collinson, , Religion of protestants, pp. 265–7Google Scholar. For Ashe and Huitt see Huitt, Ephraim, The whole prophecy of Daniel explained (1644)Google Scholar. As Huitt was by then in New England, the book's dedication to Brooke's widow was composed by Ashe, William Overton (once of Budbrooke) and Samuel Clarke.

⁵³ Cardwell, , Documentary annals, 11, 230Google Scholar; SP16/293/128 fo. 10r; B.L. Add MSS 23,146 fos. 44r–V, 89r (Warwick); 49r, 59r (Barford, Morton and Warwick); 85V, 86r, 92V (Wroxhall, Honiley, Knowle); 59V–60r (January 1636/7).

⁵⁴ For the problems experienced by Samuel Clarke: Clarke, , Lives of sundry eminent persons in this later age (London, 1683), pp. 5–7Google Scholar; for John Gilpin, the incumbent at Knowle: Lichfield Joint Record Office, Metropolitical visitation of 1635: B/V/1/56: Gilpin was accused of giving the sacrament sitting to the Burgoynes and others, and of not using the surplice or the cross in baptism. For Ephraim Huitt see n. 71 below. John Bryan had been cited for ceremonial non-conformity in his first, Leicestershire, living: Welch, C. E., ‘An ecclesiastical dispute at Woodhouse’, Transactions of the Leicestershire Archaeological Society, XXXV (1959)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Richard Cust for this reference.

⁵⁵ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 27V, 37V, 83r V, 85V. The 1639 ‘contribution’ was probably that requested from the clergy for the first Scots war. One wonders how useful a testimonial from Brooke was by 1639.

⁵⁶ The works of archbishop Laud, V: Thornborough sent in no certificate in 1633, 34 or'35; reported very little in 1636, 37 or 38; and claimed ‘all’ was ‘well’ in 1639: pp. 322, 331, 336, 343, 354, 357, 369; Clarke, , Lives of sundry eminent persons, p. 6Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ W.C.R.O. D87/2 Churchwardens Accounts of St Nicholas, Warwick 1621–1760 (pagination damaged).

⁵⁸ Collinson, , Religion of protestants, p. 146Google Scholar for the Book of Sports in general; for Ashe and Ball see D.N.B.; for Clarke see his account of his own life, n. 54 above; for Dugard himself see n. 91 below.

⁵⁹ For an example of a less comfortable situation see the ‘Life of Christopher Love’ by his wife, describing Oxford in the 1630s: Love ‘desires acquaintance with none but such as were Godly; which he knew not how to obtain being a stranger in the place and the times (then) so dangerous that the people of God which spake often one to another were very cautious who they received into their society’: B.L. Sloane MSS 3945 fo. 84. I am grateful to Olivia Johnson of Manchester University for this reference.

⁶⁰ Cf. Zagorin, Perez, The court and the country: the beginning of the English revolution (London, 1969) ch IV, especially 90–103Google Scholar. Zagorin perhaps overestimates the coherence and ‘oppositional’ nature of such groupings.

⁶¹ Dugard, , The change, Bryan's dedication and pp. 9–10, 17, 27–43Google Scholar; Greville, , The nature of truth for example, p. 88Google Scholar where the distinction between substance and accident is described as an ‘aged imposture’.

⁶² The change, pp. 29–30.

⁶³ Ibid., pp. 126–7; Lake, Peter, Moderate Puritans and the Elizabethan church (Cambridge, 1982), p. 12CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ch. VII for the community of the ‘godly’ in general. See Dugard, 's account of his own conversion experience in his collection, Philobasileus, philoepiscopus, philophilus (London, 1664), pp. 53–4Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ For the views of the gentry see Hughes, ‘Politics, society and civil war’, chs. III and IV; The Warwickshire ministers' testimony to the trueth of Jesus Christ and to the solemn league and covenant (London, 03 1648)Google Scholar was signed by Bryan, Butler, Thomas Richardson of Newbold Pacey, Spencer, James Sutton of Fenny Compton, Trapp and Venour of Dugard's close associates of the 1630s (and by Dugard himself). For the Kenilworth Classis see Ley, John, A discourse of disputations (London, 1658), p. 6Google Scholar: members of the classis listed include Dugard, Trapp, Bryan and Butler.

⁶⁵ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 18r, 25r, 64V, 67V, 86r for examples of reading. Dugard also systematically read through the Bible between his arrival in Warwick and December 1634 and then began again, but he either did not finish, or else he stopped noting his daily progress. The diary reveals the ample availability of books from provincial booksellers in towns like Coventry, Stafford, Lichfield and Worcester: Dugard was an inveterate browser in the bookshops.

⁶⁶ Ibid. fos. 25V, 41r, 63r–64V, 73r–V; Ley, John, Sunday a sabbath or a preparative discourse for discussion of sabbatory doubts (London, 1641)Google Scholar; idem, ‘A letter against the erection of an altar’, an appendix to Defensive doubts, hopes and reasons for refusall of the oath imposed by the sixth canon of the late synod (London, 1641). Dugard also read Ley's funeral sermon for Recorder Whitby of Chester which was never published: Add MSS 23,146 fo. 84V, 89r (1639 and 1641). For Ley's career see D.N.B.

⁶⁷ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 84r–85r; Hall's will included a bequest to Dugard and was written in the schoolmaster's presence: Prob 11/180 f.73.

⁶⁸ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 50r, 64r, 75r give examples of Dugard standing in for Roe. Roe's problems are indicated in W.C.R.O. CR1618/W21/6, pp. 97, 105.

⁶⁹ Add MSS 23,146 fo. 40r; SP16/293/128 fo. 11V; Clarke, , Lives of sundry eminent persons, p. 6Google Scholar; W.C.R.O. CR1866, Halford Accounts for the annuity to John Roe. The younger Roe was an early pupil of Dugard and was another aspirant preacher given a turn in Warwick pulpits when on vacation from Emmanuel College, Cambridge (in December 1638 and 1639): Add MSS 23,146 fos. 31V, 81V, 87r. Richard Roe preached at Warwick Castle in September 1638 before Bedford, Pym and Knightley: ibid. fo. 79r.

⁷⁰ See nn. 24, 25, 54 above; and D.N.B. for Ashe and Ball.

⁷¹ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 73V–74r, 51r 84r for Hall, ‘Ursula’, Chauncy and Dugard's correspondence with members of the Willis family of Fenny Compton who went to New England. Ursula may have been their servant. Ibid. fos. 73V–74r (March 1638) for Huitt and Bryan; Works of archbishop Laud, v 357. See n. 84 below for futher evidence of worried discussions about New England amongst Dugard's contacts.

⁷² Cope, , ‘Politics without parliament’, pp. 280–1Google Scholar.

⁷³ See Zagorin, , Court and country, pp. 90–103Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 55r, 56r, 58r. The oration is printed in Latin, in Philobasileus, philoepiscopus, pp. 14–16Google Scholar. I am grateful to Richard Cust for help with the translation. CR 1618/W21/6 p. 119 gives details of the royal visit. For the 1617 occasion, Calendar of state papers domestic 1611–1618, p. 477.

⁷⁵ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 80V, 82V, 87r. There is no proof that the preacher was Samuel Ruther-ford but it is just possible, given what else is known of his schedule at this time. I am grateful to Peter Donald of the University of Cambridge for discussion on this point. CRI866, Halford's accounts include some references to Brooke's contacts with the Scots: is id was paid for tobacco in the winter of 1640–41 ‘when the Scots Lords suppt here’ (in London) and £7 was paid to Dr Rutterford and Mr Frost through Peter Sterry in January 1641. Gualter Frost, later secretary to the Commonwealth council of state acted as an intermediary between English opposition figures and the Scots in the late 1630s: Aylmer, G. E., The state's servants (London, 1973), pp. 254–6Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Conrad Russell for this reference. SP16/413/92, 120 for Brooke and the privy council. The diary of Robert Woodforde, steward of Northampton, 1637–1640, a more overtly ‘political’ record than Dugard's, notes discussions about ‘the businesse of Scotland’ in Coventry in June 1638: New College, Oxford, MSS 9502 fo. 86V. I am very grateful to John Fielding of Birmingham University for this reference.

⁷⁶ Add MSS 23,146 fo. 90r; Wedgwood, C. V., The king's peace (London, 1972, paperback edition), pp. 321–2Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Add MSS 23,146 fos. 8gr, 92V, 96r, 97r, 93r.

⁷⁸ Ibid. fos. 9IV, 94r 95r, 96r–97V; CR1618/W21/6 pp. 277–281.

⁷⁹ Warmstry, Thomas, A convocation speech (London, 1641)Google Scholar; Add MSS 23,146 fos. 94V–95r. Warmstry became a royalist and lost his living in the 1640s; his alienation in 1640 is a useful illustration of how Laudianism had provoked moderate clergymen:Matthews, A. G., Walker revised (Oxford, 1948), p. 178Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Clarke, , Lives of sundry eminent persons, pp. 7–8Google Scholar; Add MSS 23,146 fo. 91V; Fletcher, , Outbreak of the English civil war, pp. 97–8Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Ashe, Simeon, Gray hayres crowned with grace (London, 1655)Google Scholar, preached 1 August 1654, sig A₄. Robert Harris, Anthony Tuckney, Thomas Blake and Anthony Burgess were amongst the living moderate Puritans commended by Ashe.

⁸² Ashe, , Gray hayres crowned with grace, pp. 72–5Google Scholar. The comparison with Whitaker was an important motif in the 1650s reconstruction of moderate Puritanism: Cf. Tuckney's funeral sermon for another Dugard contact of the 1630s, Hill, Thomas, Death disarmed, pp. 51–2Google Scholar, ‘I have heard that at Dr Whitaker’ funerals in this place there were very many wet eyes, and I believe now at Dr Hill's are very many sad hearts’. Tuckney emphasised Hill's opposition to ‘free-will’ and his adherence to a moderated Presbyterianism. Gataker's life of Whitaker is included in the compilation of another ex-fellow of Sidney, one whose career took a rather different tack: Fuller, ThomasAbel redevivus (London, 1651)Google Scholar. For Whitaker's career see Peter Lake, Moderate Puritans, chs. VI and VIII. Without this work one might be tempted to regard Elizabethan moderate Puritanism as an ‘invented tradition’ of the 1650s.

⁸³ Clark, Thirty-two English divines; idem, The marrow of ecclesiastical history (First edn, 1649) had a preface by Ashe and John Wall where the distance between non-conformity and ‘Brownistical separation’ was clearly emphasised; and included lives of Whitgift, Grindal and Whitaker as part of a very broad moderate tradition. Ashe's funeral sermons were clearly notorious: in Jacombe, Thomas, Enoch's walk and change (London, 1651)Google Scholar, the funeral sermon for the former Warwickshire minister Richard Vines, Jacombe confessed that he was a late replacement as preacher, the first choice being ‘one whose head and heart God hath inured to funeral sermons’. In the margin of the copy owned by Thomas Hall, Presbyterian pastor at King's Norton, Worcestershire (now in Birmingham reference library) Hall has written ‘Mr Ashe’ Works of Love published by Ashe, , Calamy and other Presbyterians include, The zealous Christian taking heaven by holy violence (London, 1654)Google Scholar and Heaven's glory, hell's terror (London, 1655)Google Scholar. See also, Collinson, , Religion of protestants, p. 275Google Scholar: Haller, William, The rise of Puritanism (New York, 1957 ed.), pp. 102–8Google Scholar, for Clark's enterprise.

⁸⁴ Indicative of worries already current in Dugard's cicle in the 1630s are the debates between the ministers of ‘old England’ and those of New England over practices concerning baptism and excommunication amongst the exiles which the old English ministers feared would lead to separatism. A letter querying these practices was written in 1637, an answer was received in 1639 and a further reply was written by John Ball and sent to New England in 1640. All these letters were published by Simeon Ashe and William Rathband in 1643 as A letter of many ministers in old England requesting the judgement of their reverend brethren in New England concerning nine positions.

⁸⁵ Dugard, Thomas, Death and the grave (1649)Google Scholar. Dugard's account of Lady Lucy in this sermon was the source for Clarke's entry in his Lives of sundry eminent persons.

⁸⁶ A general martyrologie (3rd edition, 1677) sig. A2 (second sequence).

⁸⁷ Sterry, Peter, England's deliverance from the northern presbytery compared with its deliverance from the Roman papacy (London 1652)Google Scholar, sermon preached 5 November 1651, dedication to ‘the High Court of Parliament’. Sterry was not suggesting that Presbyterians were as bad as papists but that the ‘Great Whore’ was most dangerous when she worked most subtlely (ie. through those one thought were one's allies).

⁸⁸ Cf. a later censorship of Brooke's role: after the Restoration Richard Baxter, ‘prudently blotted out’ a passage in the Saints everlasting rest where he looked forward to meeting Brooke, Pym and Hampden in heaven: Hill, Christopher, The experience of defeat (London, 1984), p. 213Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ An example from Warwick indicates how personal ties were shattered. In the 1650s Dugard, Henry Butler, vicar of St Nicholas and Thomas Glover, master of the town's Leicester Hospital, all acted together as trustees of Glover family property. In 1662 Glover took over Butler's living when the latter was ejected: CR 1866/2610, 6695; Worcester Diocesan Records, BA2951, Liber clen.

⁹⁰ On 15 October 1661, Dugard subscribed the three articles required by the bishop (as under the 1562 canons); at the bishop's visitation the next day he exhibited his ordination by Bishop Thornborough, and, more strangely, his institution to Barford in 1647/8 by Bishop John Pndeaux (bishop from 1641). He took the declarations required by the Act of Uniformity on 19 or 20 August 1662 (leaving it rather late?): Worcester Diocesan Records: BA2736, Subscription Book 1661–1681 fo. IOV; BA2951, Liber clen, September-October 1661; BA2697, Subscription Book 1662–3 fo.18r.

⁹¹ SP 29/85/101.

⁹² Philobasileus, Philoepiscopus…, passim and pp. 29–30 for Gauden.

⁹³ For the Kenilworth Classis see n. 64 above; Worcester Diocesan Records BA 2049/1/47 is a copy of an ordination by Dugard and five other ministers in 1658 as ‘the Associated Presbytry’ of Warwickshire and Coventry.

⁹⁴ Only the occasional conventicle is reported in Barford, in Quarter Sessions Records: Quarter Sessions Records, Easter 1674, to Easter 1682, edited Ratdiff, S. C. and Johnson, H. C. (Warwick County Records VII, Warwick 1946), p. lxxxiiiGoogle Scholar. Dugard's return to the Bishop of Worcester in 1676 reported 112 conformists and no papists or dissenters: BA 2289/2. The Compton Census figures are 178 conformists, I papist and 7 non-conformists: Quarter Sessions Records, 1674–1682, p. lxxxiii. BA2729/1/34 is a testimonial from Dugard and others for a local schoolmaster. Surveys and visitations for the 1670s and 1680s have little for Barford: BA 2058, BA 2884.