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The Supremacy and the Episcopate: The Struggle for Control, 1534–1540
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
Extract
The assumption by Henry VIII of an effective supremacy over the English church and the enforcement of the legislation which accompanied it has received considerable attention in recent years. Yet, though the main themes of the story are clear, the obstacles which the central government met in the dioceses of England, and the way in which policy emerged as a response to them, has not been examined so meticulously. The problems confronting the government in 1534 are obvious enough: the bishops, as well as many others, who had been brought up in the first three decades of the sixteenth century, and who had administered the affairs of church or state in the period before the divorce, were left in a state of suspense in 1534. What tangible effect would the royal supremacy have? If it was to bring in a new order, what would that order be? And what part should bishop, priest or layman take in promoting or hindering it? For the bishops who had obtained their sees by papal bull before 1534, the dilemmas posed in the years to come were great. For Fisher of Rochester, the way forward was to the scaffold. Others, like Warham of Canterbury, Sher-burne of Chichester, Nix of Norwich, West of Ely, Blythe of Lichfield and Coventry, died during the crucial period 1533–8, thereby making room for those who had not been bishops before the assumption of the supremacy. But, for a small group of bishops, there was no escaping the problems of comparison which these years brought. Between 1534 and 1538, the translation of the royal supremacy into a practical reality in the dioceses and parishes of England was attempted.
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References
1 For the main outline of the story see Dickens, A. G., The English Reformation (London, 1964), esp. pp. 102–196Google Scholar; Lehmberg, S. E., The Reformation Parliament 1529–1536 (Cambridge, 1970)Google Scholar; Scarisbrick, J. J., Henry VIII (London, 1968), p. 163 ffGoogle Scholar. For the enforcement see Elton, G. R., Policy and Police (Cambridge, 1972)Google Scholar; Knowles, D., The Religious Orders in England III. The Tudor Age (Cambridge, 1959), p. 195 ffGoogle Scholar. For a discussion of, and recent bibliography to, the Pilgrimage of Grace see my ‘Lincolnshire 1536: Heresy, Schism or Religious Discontent?’ in Baker, D. (ed.), Studies in Church History IX. Schism, Heresy and Religious Protest (Cambridge, 1972), p. 195 ffGoogle Scholar. For a more general discussion see Palliser, D. M., The Reformation in York 1534–1553 (Borthwick Paper, no. 40)Google Scholar, and Walker, R. B., ‘A History of the Reformation in the Archdeaconries of Lincoln and Stow 1534–94’ (Liverpool Ph.D. thesis, 1959)Google Scholar.
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14 Muller, op. cit., p. 56.
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30 L.A.O., D.C. Wills, fo. 10.
31 Ibid. fo. 5 (LP, VIII, 1044). For the phraseology compare The Statutes of the Realm (London, reprint 1963), 16 Richard II c. 5, p. 84. The distinction is made between king, crown, regality and realm: ‘le Roy, sa Corone & so regalie et tout son Roialme’.
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50 L.A.O., Register 25, passim.
51 L.A.O., Register 26, fos. 286v ff.; see also Vj 12, fo. 23 for this formula for a vicar general. The word ‘fulcitus’ is sometimes replaced by ‘munitus’. This authority became statutorily based after the parliament of 1539, see Statutes of the Realm, 31 Henry VIII c. 14. The formula was in use before, however; see below p. 243.
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55 L.A.O., D.C. Wills, fos. 1–lv (second numeration).
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59 There are a number of examples of the bishop fulfilling these duties in earlier years, see especially L.A.O., Register 26, fo. 152. The ambiguity of the licence leaves the exegesis to the bishop, see above, p. 236.
60 British Library, Cottonian MSS, Cleopatra E. IV, fo. 62 (LP X, 66).
61 L.A.O., Register 27, fo. 6IV.
62 L.A.O., Register 26, fo. 269V. The profession is given in its full form in English.
63 Lehmberg, art. cit. pp. 225–7, for a discussion of the time lag; see also L.A.O., Register 26, fos. 259v, 260.
64 Cf. Knowles, op. cit. III, 354. ‘London played no part at all in the campaign of inquisition and calumny in 1535–36’. Professor Knowles was unaware of London's training as royal visitor of the secular clergy.
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68 L.A.O., Vj II, fo. 32.
69 Ibid. fo. 37V.
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71 Ibid. fo. 25.
72 Ibid. fo. 25V. Brackets indicate conjectural readings as the manuscript is torn at one edge.
73 The entry for Grantham looks as though it is the churchwardens' written complaint rather than the usual summary by a scribe.
74 L.A.O., Vj II, passim.
75 Lehmberg, art. cit. pp. 232–3.
76 British Library, Cottonian MSS, Cleopatra F. ii fo. 130 (LP IX, 569).
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78 LP XIII, i, 29.
79 British Library, Add.MS 48022, fo. 83. I am grateful to Miss J. Crossley for checking through this licence for me.
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83 Ibid. p. 102 (italics mine), Estates is a term easily misinterpreted; ecclesiastical courts had jurisdiction over the goods of deceased persons and never their lands, and I have chosen to use the term goods rather than estates to avoid all confusion.
84 For Cranmer's licence (cited by Kitching) see British Library, Add.MS 48022, fo. 98. For a discussion of the complex arrangements made between diocesans and the prerogative court see Churchill, op. cit. p. 380 ff.; Kelly, M., ‘Canterbury Jurisdiction and Influence during the Episcopate of William Warham 1503–32’ (Cambridge Ph.D., 1963), p. 58–94 ffGoogle Scholar.; Bowker, M., Secular Clergy in the Diocese of Lincoln 1495–1520 (Cambridge, 1968), p. 10 ffGoogle Scholar.
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87 LP, X, 128.
88 L.A.O., Register 26, fo. 275.
89 Chitty and Malden, op. cit. p. 79. Gardiner's licence of 2 March 1547 was renewed once more in June 1547 after a further inhibition (ibid. p. 84).
90 L.A.O., Vj II, passim; Vj 12, passim. Northampton Record Office, Court Book 3, passim.
91 LP, XII, i, 697.
92 LP, XVI, 449.
93 Elton, , Policy and Police, p. 255Google Scholar.
94 Unfortunately the first document in which the new title and power is stated ‘suprema authoritate [sic] regia sufficienter fulcitus’ is undated. It cannot, however, be later than 1 August 1538. See Chitty and Malden, op. cit. p. 71 (cf. p. 235 above). For a later example see p. 7.
95 Cox, op. cit. pp. 490, 494, 509. Cranmer's title is more obviously derived from 31 Henry VIII c. 14.
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97 I am indebted in the preparation of this paper to the helpful comments of the Editor and to some pertinent criticisms put forward by Professor Elton and Dr Christopher Haigh.
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