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Puritanism and Science: A Reinterpretation

Part of: Retrospect: Science in History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

John Morgan
John Morgan
Affiliation:
Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario
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Extract

Compared to the rather large corpus of modern writing on puritan political and socio-economic opinions, very little has reached print concerning early-seventeenth-century puritan views on the intellect and the proper uses of reason. Much of what does exist is concerned primarily with the question of a connexion between puritanism and the ‘rise of science’ or the development of a learned mentality more interested in discovery than in repetition. Debate over the connexion has centred on the role of puritanism as a catalytic philosophy which drove men to cast off the bonds of ancient (classical) wisdom and search God's handiwork for further clues to the identity of the Master himself and his providence for the world. Most argument has relied on parading puritans who were, or were not, supporters of scientific endeavour. The evidence has, in the main, been highly selective. There has been very little consideration of the intellectual background of puritanism as a school of thought. Most of the evidence, too, has been taken from the years of the Revolution, when the meaning of the term ‘puritan’ was very different from what it had been eighty, or even thirty, years earlier. This article seeks to correct both these problems of methodology and interpretation by considering puritanism as a set of ideas which could lead to but one intellectual conclusion. It is the contention here that the argument that puritanism offered incentive and support to the ‘new learning’ cannot be supported from the evidence drawn from an examination of early-seventeenth-century puritan writers.

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Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 22 , Issue 3 , September 1979 , pp. 535 - 560
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1979

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References

1 Stimson, Dorothy, ‘Puritanism and the new philosophy in 17th century England’, Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine, III (1935). 321–24Google Scholar; Jones, R. F., Ancients and moderns: a study of the background of the battle of the books (1936)Google Scholar; Merton, R. K., ‘Science, technology and society in seventeenth century England’, Osiris, IV (1938), 360–632CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Merton's article was reprinted as a book in 1970. For an earlier reference to the ‘scientific spirit’ of Calvinism, see Foster, H. D., ‘The political theories of Calvinists before the puritan exodus to America’, The American Historical Review, XXI (1915–1916), 481–503Google Scholar.

2 Jones, Ancients and moderns, pp. 82–3, 43, 53, 56, 62–3

3 Stimson, ‘Puritanism and the new philosophy’, p. 321

4 Merton, ‘Science in England’, p. 425.

5 Ibid. p. 469. For similar opinions that puritanism stressed reason as a further glorification of God through its ability to appreciate and comprehend the Lord's work, see Lilley, S., ‘Social aspects of the history of science’, Archives Internationales d'Histoire des Sciences, no. 28 (1948), 434–6Google Scholar, and Hooykaas, R., ‘Science and reformation’, Journal of World History, III (1956), 112–13, 117 ffGoogle Scholar.

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7 Ibid. pp. 375–80.

8 Miller, Perry, The New England mind: the seventeenth century (1954, orig. 1939), p. 215Google Scholar.

9 Ibid. pp. 207, 208, 209–10, 211.

10 Ibid. pp. 211, 167.

11 See especially Mason, S. F., ‘The scientific revolution and the protestant Reformation’, Annals of Science, IX (1935), 65, 68Google Scholar; Mason, , ‘Science and religion in seventeenth-century England’, The intellectual revolution of the seventeenth century (ed. Webster, C., 1974), p. 206Google Scholar; Christopher Hill, ‘Puritanism, capitalism and the scientific revolution’, ibid. p. 244; Hill, , Intellectual origins of the English revolution (1972, orig. 1965), p. 26Google Scholar; Bush, Douglas, English literature in the earlier seventeenth century, 1600–1660 (1945), p. 20Google Scholar; Stearns, R. P., ‘The scientific spirit in England in early modern times (c. 1600)’, Isis, XXXIV (1942–1943), 296–7Google Scholar; Dillenberger, John, Protestant thought and natural science: a historical interptation (1961), p. 61Google Scholar.

12 Webster, Charles, The great instauration: science, medicine and reform 1626–1660 (1975), pp. 12ff.Google Scholar The prophecy referred to occurs in Daniel xii. 4: ‘But thou, o Daniel, shut up the wordes, and seale the boke til the end of the time: many shal runne to and fro, & knowledge shalbe increased’. The Geneva Bible (1560) marginal comment seemed to add fuel to the opinion that human knowledge would increase at the millennium: ‘Til the time that God hathe appointed for the ful revelation of these things: and then many shal runne to and fro to searche the knowledge of these mysteries, which things they obteine now by the light of the Gospel’.

13 Webster, Great instauration, pp. 15–16.

14 Ibid. p. 44.

15 Ibid. pp. 23, 25.

16 See the review article by Skinner, Quentin in The Times Literary Supplement, 2 07 1976Google Scholar.

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18 See Rabb, T. K., ‘Puritanism and the rise of experimental science in England’, Journal of World History, VII (1962), 47Google Scholar, note 3, who makes this point about both M. M. Knappen and M. H. Curtis.

19 For example, Haller, William, Liberty and reformation in the puritan revolution (1967, orig. 1955). pp. 139–40Google Scholar.

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28 For a good example of this, see Kearney's criticisms of Christopher Hill's opinions of Baconianism and the influence of Gresham College: H. F. Kearney, ‘Puritanism, capitalism and the scientific revolution’, The intellectual revolution, esp. pp. 256–58, and Kearney, , ‘Scientists and society’, The English revolution 1600–1660 (ed. Ives, E. W., 1968), esp. pp. 102, 110Google Scholar.

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30 Rabb, ‘Puritanism and the rise of science’, p. 49.

31 Ibid. p. 47.

32 Ibid. p. 49. For an extension of this view, see Rabb, ‘Religion and the rise of modern science’, The intellectual revolution, p. 263.

33 The qualities were utilitarian spirit, concern for the welfare of society, belief in progress, opposition to authoritarianism, opposition to scholasticism, stress on disciplined and systematic labour, and a reliance on the empirical method. Greaves, R. L., ‘Puritanism and science: the anatomy of a controversy’ Journal of the History of Ideas, xxx (1969), 346–7Google Scholar.

34 Ibid. pp. 347–55.

35 Ibid. pp. 359–60.

36 Ibid. pp. 368, 366.

37 Ibid. p. 368.

38 See, for example, Turner, C. E. A., ‘The puritan contribution to scientific education in the seventeenth century in England’ (unpublished University of London Ph.D. thesis, 1952), 4ff.Google Scholar, who admitted quoting only those people who supported his argument.

39 Merton, ‘Science in England’, p. 469; Stimson, ‘Puritanism and new philosophy’, pp. 321, 323; Mason, ‘Science and religion’, pp. 197–9; Mason, ‘Scientific revolution’, p. 80; Webster, Great instauration, esp. chapters 1 and 11.

40 Rattansi, ‘Social interpretation of science’, passim.

41 See, for example, Hill, Intellectual origins, chapter III, exp. pp. 93–4; Webster, Great instauration, passim, esp. chapters v and vn; Simon, Joan, Education and society in Tudor England (1967), 392–5Google Scholar.

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43 Bacon, Francis, The twoo bookes of Francis Bacon. Of the proficiencie and advancement of learning, divine and humane, Works (ed. Ellis, Spedding and Heath, , 1857–1874), III, 268Google Scholar. See also The new Organon, Works, pp. 41–2, 72; The great instauration, Works, IV, 14, 16–17, 20, 32; Valerius Terminus, Works, iii, 226–7.

44 Bacon, Advancement of learning, Works, iii, 282–3, 287

45 Bacon, Great instauration. Works, iv, 21; Valerius Terminus, Works, III, 218; New Atlantis, Works, in, 156; Advancement of learning, Works, III, 294; New Organon, Works, iv, 79–80, aphorism LXXXI.

46 Bacon, New Organon, Works, iv, 72, aphorism LXXI.

47 Ibid, IV, 87–8, aphorism LXXXIX.

48 Idem.

49 Bacon, Advancement of learning, Works, III, 329, 346 ff.

50 Bacon, Valerius Terminus, Works, III, 221.

51 Bacon, Advancement of learning, Works, III, 267–8. This was obviously a point of some importance to Bacon, since w e find the phrase expressed in almost exactly the same terms in Valerius Terminus, Works, III, 221.

51 Bacon, Advancement of learning, Works, III, 488.

52 Even his Confession of faith (Works vii, 219–26) reveals only standard protestant doctrine. The Religious meditations (Works, vii, 243–54) offers the usual contemporary admonition to search the Scripture for true religion, but exhibits no great desire on Bacon's part to promote fervent Christianity.

54 Bacon, Valerius Terminus, Works, iii, 219.

55 Merton, ‘Science in England’, p. 427.

56 The primary exception to this is Miller, New England mind. Miller, however, as noted in the first part of this article, argued that puritans placed great stress on the development of science as a reflexion of the importance of reason, a diametrically opposed opinion to that offered here.

57 For various opinions ascribing the origins of the covenant as a school of theology to Calvin, Perkins, William Ames, and to Zwingli and Bullinger, see, respectively, Møller, J. G., ‘The beginnings of puritan covenant theology’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, XVI (1963), 49Google Scholar; Little, David, Religion, order, and law: a study in pre-revolutionary England (1970), 257Google Scholar; Miller, New England mind, p. 374; and for Zwingli and Bullinger, Emerson, E. H., ‘Calvin and covenant theology’, Church History, xxv (1956), 136CrossRefGoogle Scholar; de Jong, P. Y., The covenant idea in New England theology 1620–1847 (1945), 23Google Scholar; McKee, W. W., ‘The idea of covenant in early English puritanism (1580–1642)’ (unpublished Yale University Ph.D. thesis, 1948), 14Google Scholar; Pettit, Norman, The heart prepared: grace and conversion in puritan spiritual life (1966), 39Google Scholar, argues that there is general agreement that Calvin was not a covenant theologian.

58 Both Tyndale and Robert Browne have been suggested as the earliest English exponents of covenant theology. For Tyndale, see Møller, ‘Beginnings’, p. 50, and Greaves, R. L., ‘The origins and early development of English covenant thought’, The Historian, XXXI (11 1968), 21–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Browne, see de Jong, Covenant idea, pp. 68–71; McKee, ‘Idea of covenant’, pp. 239–45; McGiffert, A. C., Protestant thought before Kant (1911), 136Google Scholar.

59 McKee, ‘Idea of covenant’, p. 144. See also Eusden, John, Puritans, lawyers, and politics in early seventeenth-century England (1958), 22–3Google Scholar.

60 See, for example, Bulkeley, Peter, The Gospel-covenant; or the covenant of grace opened…. (1646), 29–30Google Scholar. See also Miller, New England mind, pp. 405–6.

61 The short description here is based primarily on the works of Perkins, Ames, Sibbes, Ball, Bulkeley, and Preston.

62 See, for example, Taylor, Thomas, Davids learning, or the way to true happinesse… (1618), pp. 163–4Google Scholar.

63 See, for example, Ames, William, The marrow of sacred divinity (1642, English), p. 113Google Scholar; William Perkins, Workes, I, 215; Ball, John, A treatise of the covenant of grace…(1645), pp. 545–64Google Scholar.

64 For an example of this, see Crashawe, William, A sermon preached in London…Febr. 21, 1609 (1610), sig. B 4øGoogle Scholar.

65 Preston, John, The breastplate of faith and love (1630), p. 34Google Scholar.

66 Preston, John, The saints daily exercise… (1629), p. 71Google Scholar. See also McKee, ‘Idea of covenant’, pp. 161–2 for similar contradictions in the thought of William Ames.

67 Preston, Daily exercise, pp. 102 ff.

68 Sibbes, Richard, The excellencie of the Gospell above the law (1639), pp. 58–9, 70 ff., 625–32Google Scholar. Pettit, Heart prepared, pp. 70–1, views Sibbes as ‘by far the most extreme [of the covenanters] in terms of the abilities he assigned to natural man’ in the preparationist debate.

69 Adams, Thomas, The workes… (1630, orig. 1629), pp. 1193–5Google Scholar. See also Downame, John, The Christian warfare… (1612, orig. 1604), p. 340Google Scholar.

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71 See, for example, Harris, Robert, Gods goodnes and mercie…(1626, orig. 1622), pp. 6–7 ffGoogle Scholar.

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73 Quoted in Hill, Christopher, The world turned upside down: radical ideas during the English revolution (1972), p. 128Google Scholar.

74 See Jones, Ancients and moderns, passim.

75 Miller, New England mind, p. 159.

76 Ibid. pp. 155–6.

77 Ibid. pp. 173–80.

78 Ibid. p. 199; the words are Samuel Willard's (1640–1707).

79 Ibid. pp. 202–3.

80 Ibid. p. 303.

81 See the excellent study by Gerrish, B. A., Grace and reason: a study in the theology of Luther (1962), esp. pp. 71 ffGoogle Scholar.

82 Ibid. p. 73.

83 For Zwingli, see Bromiley, G. W. (ed.), Zwingli and Bullinger (1953), pp. 32, 38, 242Google Scholar. For Calvin, see Calvin, J., Institutes of the Christian religion, ed. McNeill, J. T. (1961), 1. ii. 16; 1. v. 9; 1. viii. 2; 11. ii. 12; 11. ii. 18Google Scholar.

84 Quoted in Armstrong, Brian, Calvinism and the Amyraut heresy…(1969), p. 33Google Scholar, note 90, from On secret providence.

85 Sydenham, Humphrey, The Athenian babler… (1627), p. 29Google Scholar. For similar non-puritan cautions, see Sutton, Christopher, Learn to live… (1602)Google Scholar, ‘To the Reader’; Dove, John, An advertisement to the English seminaries, and Jesuites… (1610), p. 2Google Scholar.

86 For an interesting attempt to establish the Lutheran and Reformed positions as part of the ‘counter-Renaissance’ criticism of unbridled reason, see Haydn, Hiram, The Counter-renaissance (1950), esp. pp. xiv–xv, 38, 78–9, 97Google Scholar.

87 Ibid. pp. 79, 91, 101.

88 Nauert, Charles, Agrippa and the crisis of renaissance thought (1965), p. 295Google Scholar.

89 The description is John Chamberlain's. See his letter to Dudley Carleton, dated 4 November 1602, noting Perkins's death: CSPD 1601–1603 and addenda 1547–1565, p. 359.

90 Perkins, Workes, 11, 464. See also ibid. 1, 626–8, and II, 211. For later puritan statements to the same effect, see Hooker, Thomas, The soules vocation or effectuall calling to Christ (1638), pp. 108–9Google Scholar; Rogers, Richard, Seven treatises…(1603), p. 6Google Scholar; Taylor, Thomas, The principles of Christian practice (1635), p. 432Google Scholar.

91 For examples of this extremely common argument, see Goodwin, Thomas, The vanity of thoughts discovered: with their danger and cure (1637), pp. 2–4Google Scholar; Greenham, Workes, p. 299; Rous, Francis, The heavenly academie… (1638), p. 103Google Scholar; Preston, John, Sinnes overthrow… (1635, orig. 1633), pp. 49–50Google Scholar. For a useful introduction to the nature of Renaissance psychology, see Bamborough, J. B., The little world of man (1952)Google Scholar.

92 Hooker, Richard, The laws of ecclesiastical polity, ed. Keble, J. (1888), II. viii. 4Google Scholar.

93 Edward Dering, A briefe and necessarie catechisme or instruction… (1597, orig. 1572), sig. A2. Richard Greenham later expressed the same thought in very similar terms: Workes, p. 646.

94 Downame, John, A guide to Godliness or a treatise of a Christian life… (1629, orig. 1622), p. 38Google Scholar.

95 On this point, see, for example, Taylor, Davids learning, p. 2.

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97 Capel, Richard, Tentations: their nature, danger, cure… (1635, orig. 1633), pp. 269–70Google Scholar.

98 Ibid. pp. 106–7.

99 McNeill, J. T., The history and character of Calvinism (1954), p. 208Google Scholar; Kocher, Science and religion, pp.9, 154.

100 William Fulke, A goodly gallerye with a most pleasaunt prospect, into the garden of naturall contemplation… (1563).

101 Bauckham, R. J., ‘The career and thought of Dr William Fulke (1537–1589)’ (unpublished University of Cambridge Ph.D. thesis, 1973), pp. 8 ffGoogle Scholar.

102 Edward Dering, XXVII Lectures, or readings, upon part of the Epistle written to the Hebrues (1576), sigs. E. vii-E. vii v. For another example, see Greenham, , Workes (1612 edn), PP. 365–6Google Scholar.

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104 John Field, Godly prayers and meditations…. (1601), fo. iv.

105 Hugh Broughton, An epistle to the learned nobilitie of England. Touching translating the Bible… (1597), sig. A.2V. Broughton's delight in learning is revealed by his remark that Joseph Scaliger and Francis Raphelengius had lent him books that were so rare that they were unavailable in England.

106 Ibid. sig. A.2v. For similar passages, see Smith, Samuel, Davids repentance…. (1613), pp. 420ff., esp. p. 423Google Scholar; Dent, Plaine mans path-way, p. 25; Sibbes, Excellencie Of Gospell, p. 297; Downame, Guide to godliness, pp. 54 ff.

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109 Ibid. p. 68.

110 Ibid. pp. 64–5.

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114 Pemble, Salomons recantation, p. 9.

115 See, for example, Mason, ‘Science and religion’, pp. 212–13; Mulligan, ‘;Civil war polities’, pp. 327, 330.

118 Mason, ‘Science and religion’ p. 213.

117 Rogers, Seven treatises, p. 279, also p. 281. For a very similar opinion, see the argument of Thomas Hooker, quoted in Levy, B. M., Preaching in the first half century of New England history (1945), p. 15Google Scholar.

118 Arthur Dent, A pastime for parents… (1606), unpaginated. Samuel Bird used the popular interest in geography to point his readers to the ‘mappe’ which led to true faith: The lectures of Samuel Bird of Ipswidge… (1598), sigs. A2v–A3.

119 Granger, Thomas, The applications of Scripture… (1616), pp. 5 ffGoogle Scholar.

120 Taylor, Davids learning, pp. 257–8.

121 Downame, Guide to godliness, p. 624.

122 Ibid. p. 626. [My italics.]