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III. Ireland and the Ballot Act of 1872*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 December 2010

Michael Hurst
Michael Hurst
Affiliation:
St John's College, Oxford
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Extract

It is almost a commonplace nowadays that the passing of the Ballot Act of 1872 revolutionized Irish politics. Sir Robert Ensor is quite categorical: ‘But where the act had revolutionary consequences, which its authors had neither foreseen nor intended, was in Ireland.’ The authority quoted is Charles Stewart Parnell, who had insisted: ‘Hitherto the Irish voter, powerless against the intimidation of his social superiors, had returned members to one or other of the two English parliamentary parties’ and now with secret voting ‘need do so no longer’. By way of conclusion Ensor goes so far as to reflect: ‘that but for the undesigned gift of this act, the whole of his meteoric career, with its profound reactions upon English history for half a century, might never have occurred’. Elsewhere he attributed the emergence of the classic Irish party to agricultural depression and Parnell's magnetic leadership, though without in any way specifically retracting the ballot point.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 8 , Issue 3 , 1965 , pp. 326 - 352
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1965

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References

1 Sir Ensor, R. C. K., England, 1870-1914, p. 24Google Scholar.

2 ibid.

3 ibid.

4 Sir Ensor, R. C. K., ‘Some Political and Economic Interactions in Later Victorian England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (1949), pp. 24–5Google Scholar.

5 O'Brien, R. Barry, The Life of Charles Stewart Parnell, I, 5Google Scholar.

6 ibid. pp. 72 and 229.

7 J. L. Hammond ignores the question in Gladstone and the Irish Nation, but see Hammond, J. L. and Foot, M. R. D., Gladstone and Liberalism, pp. 123–4.Google Scholar See also O'Shea, Katherine (Mrs Parnell), Charles Stewart Parnell, 1, 128Google Scholar; Morley, John, Life of Gladstone, 11, 370Google Scholar; and Strauss, E., Irish Nationalism and British Democracy, pp. 184–5Google Scholar.

8 Gwyn, W. B., Democracy and the Cost of Politics, p. 133Google Scholar, assumes Irish nationalism needed the protection of the secret ballot. Hanham, H. J., Elections and Party Management: Politics in the Time of Disraeli and Gladstone, mentions the pre-Ballot Act successes of Home Rule, yet seems to accept Parnel's assessment both in the introduction, at p. xivGoogle Scholar, and in the main text, pp. 182-3. McCaffrey, L. J. in [‘Home Rule and the General Election of 1874 in Ireland’,] I[rish] H[istorical] S[tudies], ixGoogle Scholar, makes no mention of the Ballot Act except in dealing with the actual events of 1874, although the developments in the years from 1870 have been given almost six pages (see pp. 190-6). Again in his [‘Irish Federalism in the 1870's: A Study in Conservative Nationalism’,] T[ransactions of the] A[merican] P[hilo-sophical] S[ociety], new series, LII, part 6, bold claims are made for the effects of the Act on the 1874 election, pp. 17–23. For the period from 1870 to the election there is one casual mention of the secret ballot on p. 12. O'Brien, C. C., Parnell and his Party, 1880-1890, p. 34Google Scholar, places great stress on the importance of secret voting, claiming the nationalist electors had no real confidence in the system in 1874. If this were true the Home Rule success of that year demonstrated the superfluity of the secret ballot. If not, the argument about confidence in it leading to the change in the social complexion of Home Rule members falls to the ground. C. O'Leary, The Elimination of Corrupt Practices in British Elections, 1868-1911, does not discuss the issue. Thornley, D., [‘The Irish Conservatives and Home Rule, 1869-1873’,] I[rish Historical] S[tudies], IIGoogle Scholar, has no mention of the secret ballot except as part of Liberal policy in the Monaghan by-election of 1871 (see p. 213). His new Isaac Butt [and Home Rule] shows scant consistency on the point. On p. 27 he claims the secret ballot helped radically to alter the nature of the Irish representation. Presumably, because numerous electors acquired a new security and felt able to promote and support candidates of less elevated social position and more radical views. Clearly, this is the Parnell interpretation. Later, on p. 133 he expresses no preference between the Parnell view and the one claiming the secrecy would guard against mob rule. Still further on, at p. 205, he appears to come closer than anyone else to the heart of the matter. Commenting on the differing expectations from the Act, he says: ‘Some, perhaps wisest of all, expected matters to remain much as they were before.’ Whyte, J. H., [‘The Influence of the Catholic Clergy on Elections in Nineteenth-Century Ireland’,] E[nglish] H[istorical] R[evievj] (1960), only mentions secret ballot on p. 256Google Scholar in connexion with allegations of feigned illiteracy during the Parnellite versus Anti-Parnellite rows of the 1890's.

9 Sir O'Connor, James, History of Ireland, 1798–1924, 11, 32Google Scholar.

10 O'Donnell, F. H., A History of the Irish Parliamentary Party, I, 92Google Scholar.

11 Daunt, O'Neill, Eighty-Five Years of Irish History, p. 151Google Scholar.

12 ibid. p. 150.

13 ibid. p. 151.

14 ibid.

15 Holland, Bernard, The Life of the Duke of Devonshire, 1833-1908, 1, 84Google Scholar.

16 Annual Register, 1868, p. 3.

17 Though hopes of what might come from Gladstone in the way of educational concessions kept some of the Catholic hierarchy and their priests behind official Liberalism well into 1873, thoughts of attacking the Liberals on educational policy were voiced during the 1868 General Election. The Galway Vindicator (12 08 1868) contended that immediately disestablishment was passed Irish Catholic members ‘would very probably find themselves in opposition to the Liberal party on the subject of education’Google Scholar(, Thornley, Isaac Butt, p. 33).Google Scholar How Gladstone could ever have thought his first Land Act would solve Irish agrarian problems is difficult to understand.

18 Jones, W. Bence in his A Life's Work in Ireland, p. 64Google Scholar, believed the priests had never before had ‘so hard a game to play’.

19 Borrow, George, Wild Wales, p. 293Google Scholar.

20 Sir Robert Lowe, Chancellor of the Exchequer, later 1st Viscount Sherbroke.

21 Annual Register, 1868, p. 51.

22 O'Brien, R. Barry, op. cit. p. 64Google Scholar.

23 Moore, M. G., An Irish Gentleman: George Henry Moore, p. 361Google Scholar.

24 ibid. p. 320.

25 ibid.

26 ibid. p. 334.

27 ibid. p. 323.

28 ibid. p. 325.

29 Grey, Earl, Ireland, p. 41Google Scholar.

30 ibid. p. 38.

31 ibid. p. 82.

32 Whyte, J. H., [‘Select Documents XVIII. Bishop Moriarty on Disestablishment and the Union, 1868’,] I[rish] H[istorical] S[tudies], x, 195.Google Scholar Gladstone Papers. B.M. Add. MS. 44152, fos. 98-113.

33 Hansard, 3rd series, cxc, 1594.

34 ibid.

35 O'Brien, R. Barry, op. cit. p. 64Google Scholar.

36 Whyte, H., I.H.S. p. 198Google Scholar.

37 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 200Google Scholar.

38 Moore, M. G., op. cit. p. 359Google Scholar; The Times, 28 11 1869Google Scholar.

39 Moore, M. G., op. cit. p. 359.Google Scholar

40 ibid. p. 362.

41 Holland, Bernard, op. cit. p. 93Google Scholar.

42 Convincing evidence that a secret ballot was not necessary for a change in the type of parliamentary representative.

43 O'Brien, R. Barry, op. cit. p. 64Google Scholar, n. 1.

44 ibid.

45 Whyte, J. H., E.H.R. p. 253Google Scholar.

46 ibid.

47 ibid.

48 Whyte, J. H., I.H.S. p. 195Google Scholar.

49 O'Brien, R. Barry, op. cit. p. 64Google Scholar, n. 1.

50 Whyte, J. H., E.H.R. p. 253Google Scholar.

51 ibid.

52 O'Brien, R. Barry, op. cit. p. 65Google Scholar, n. 1. For a discussion of an alleged compact between Butt and the Fenians, see , Thornley, Isaac Butt, pp. 87–8.Google Scholar For many Home Rule was Repeal in disguise (Jones, W. Bence, op. cit. p. 61)Google Scholar.

53 Holland, Bernard, op. cit. p. 87Google Scholar.

54 ibid.

55 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 203Google Scholar; Moore, M. G., op. cit. p. 355Google Scholar.

56 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 209Google Scholar; Freeman's Journal, 15 04, 12 05, 1870Google Scholar.

57 ibid.

58 Holland, Bernard, op. cit. p. 84Google Scholar.

59 ibid. p. 88.

60 ibid. p. 89.

61 Sir Lyall, Alfred, The Life of the Marquis of Dufferin and Ava, I, 187Google Scholar.

62 Annual Register, 1871, p. 105.

63 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 211Google Scholar; Freeman's Journal, 2 01 1871Google Scholar.

64 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 211Google Scholar; Freeman's Journal, 6 01 1871Google Scholar.

65 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 211Google Scholar; The Nation, 6 01 1871Google Scholar.

66 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 212Google Scholar; Freeman's Journal, 10 02 1871Google Scholar.

67 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 212Google Scholar; J. A. Dease to W. Monsell, 14 and 15 June 1871, Monsell Prs. Nat. Lib. Ire. MS. 8317.

68 Moore, M. G., op. cit. p. 361Google Scholar.

69 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 213Google Scholar; The Nation, 15 07 1871Google Scholar.

70 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 214Google Scholar; The Irish Times, 5 09 1871Google Scholar.

71 Thornley, D., I.H.S., Dublin Evening Mail, 12 09 1871.Google ScholarJones, W. Bence (op. cit. p. 62)Google Scholar alleges ‘sympathy with Fenianism, and nothing else’ was the ‘true characteristic’ of the Limerick City by-election.

72 Cecil, Lady Gwendolin, Life of Robert, Marquis of Salisbury, II, 38Google Scholar.

73 Paul-Dubois, L., Contemporary Ireland, Introduction by Kettle, T. M., M.P., p. 79Google Scholar.

74 McCarthy, J., M.P., Ireland Since the Union, p. 216Google Scholar.

75 ibid.

76 Annual Register, 1872, p. 11.

77 ibid. p. 80.

78 Thornley, D., I.H.S. p. 216Google Scholar.

79 The words are Cardinal Cullen's. See Whyte, J. H., I.H.S. p. 194Google Scholar.

80 ibid. p. 198.

81 Moore, M. G., op. cit. p. 362.Google Scholar

82 ibid.

83 Lord Kenmare to Lord Hartington, 14 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 483.

84 The Bishop of Kerry (Moriarty) to Lord Hartington, 10 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 482.

85 Whyte, J. H., I.H.S. p. 195Google Scholar.

86 The Bishop of Kerry (Moriarty) to Lord Hartington, 10 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 482.

87 ibid. 19 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 484.

88 ibid.

89 Annual Register, 1872, p. 12.

90 ibid. p. 13.

91 Lord Kenmare to Lord Hartington, 27 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 487.

92 ibid.

93 ibid.

94 Because of the nature of their land tenure. Of course, landlords with long memories might later decline to renew leases. Non-electors also stood to lose if noticed as part of the anti-landlord campaign. The fact of their not having votes would not necessarily mean their contribution to landlords' discomfiture had not been significant.

95 Lord Kenmare to Lord Harrington, 27 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 487.

96 The Whigs hired a special train for the purpose (Annual Register, 1872, p. 14).

97 Gwyn, W. B., op. cit. p. 135Google Scholar.

98 Blennerhassett had money, but others had done as well without it. Nevertheless, Lord Kenmare was right to count the fact a Home Rul e advantage in Kerry, however exaggerated his vie w that it supplied ‘the only thing wanting for the full development of their (i.e. the Home Rulers') mischief’.

99 Annual Register, 1872, p. 14.

100 Lord Kenmare to Lord Harrington, 13 Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 494.

101 Annual Register, 1872, p. 14.

102 ibid. p. 15.

103 Lord Kenmare to Lord Harrington, 13 Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 494.

104 Annual Register, 1872, p. 15.

105 ibid.

106 Lord Kenmar e to Lord Hartington, Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 493.

107 Holland, Bernard, op. cit. p. 92Google Scholar; The Bishop of Kerry (Moriarty) to Lord Hartington, 1 Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 491.

108 ibid.

109 Lord Kenmare to Lord Hartington, 13 Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 494.

110 The Bishop of Kerry (Moriarty) to Lord Hartington, 1 Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 491.

111 Lord Kenmare to Lord Hartington, 13 Feb. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 494.

112 It was to expire on 31 Dec. 1880, unless extende d by Parliament. It was, but remained subject to renewal until 1918, when it acquired permanency.

113 Lord Hartington to Lord Kenmare, 28 Jan. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 488.

114 Frederick Clay to Lord Hartington, 14 Nov. 1872, Devonshire Papers 340. 512.

115 Mathew D'Arcy was not member for County Waterford as stated by McCaffrey, L. J., T.A.P.S. p. 14Google Scholar.

116 For a list of the twenty-five, see L. J. McCaffrey, I.H.S. Appendix A. A list of Irish members of Parliament who contested their seats as Home Rulers in 1874 can be found in Appendix B.

117 The admission of the more dependent labourers to the franchise in 1884 did much to restore Conservative fortunes in the region at the General Election of 1885.

118 See n. 14.

119 In 1828. Thus proving the formidable ‘underswell in the Irish people’ (Lecky, W. E. H., Leaders of Public Opinion in Ireland, 11, 101)Google Scholar.

120 For the activities of the women in the Kerry by-election, see Annual Register, 1872, P. 15.

121 Bernard Holland's claim in his biography of Devonshire (1, 91) that the extension of the urban franchise in 1867 ‘gave birth to a new democratic movement in Ireland’ is palpable nonsense, and, in any case, the Irish Second Reform Act was passed in 1868. Its provisions were scarcely far-reaching. In borough constituencies the new law laid down £4 instead of £8 as the poor rate qualification for the franchise. As under the kindred British legislation, lodgers were given the vote subject to certain time and tenancy conditions. The county qualification remained unchanged. The rating had to be £12 or above.

122 See McCaffrey, L. J., T.A.P.S. p. 13.Google Scholar

123 See the comments on the views of C. C. O'Brien in n. 8.

124 The two main schools of thought on this are well represented by Morley, John, op. cit. III, 254Google Scholar, and The Liberal Unionist, no. 19, where J. Gordon McCullagh had an article called ‘Parnellism and Illiteracy’. Bernard Holland claims: ‘It was, probably, one effect of the substitution of voting by ballot that in Ireland the secret power of the priest and of the masked secular intimidator prevailed over the terrors of the landlord. In any case these elections made it evident that future Irish governments might have to deal with something different either from occasional Fenian risings or from chronic subterranean anarchy’ (op. cit. p. 93). On the other hand, the Committee on the secret ballot was convinced by the Catholic Bishop of Limerick that ‘if secret elections were introduced no priest could bring pressure to bear on a penitent to make him say in the confessional how he voted: and not only that: if a penitent told a priest in confession how he had voted, nothing and nobody could make the priest tell it to anyone else’ (Hyland, Stanley, Curiosities from Parliament, p. 185)Google Scholar.

125 For an interesting corroboration of the main argument of this article, see the new novel Thy Tears Might Cease, by Farrell, M., at pp. 87–8.Google Scholar Whether right or wrong it bears out yet again the truth of Trench's, W. S. assertion in The Realities of Irish Life (at p. 343)Google Scholar that a country election in Ireland was the ‘most odious of all odious calamities’.

126 Home Rule by-election losses during the 1874-80 parliament, like the one in Cork City in 1876, also went to show how unimportant the Ballot Act was. When there was zest Home Rule won. When there was not, it might or might no twin. These criteria applied before and after the Act came into operation.