¹ In the eighty years from 1580 to 1660 £70,267 was donated to lecturers. Of this £46,253 was donated between 1601 and 1640. Jordan, W. K., Philanthropy in England (1959), pp. 300, 312–13 and 375.Google Scholar

² Curtis, M. H., “Alienated Intellectuals of Early Stuart England”, Past and Present, XXIII (1962), 25 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar suggests that by the 1630s there was a surplus of 100 graduates a year who could become lecturers. S.P. Dom. 16/117, fos. 102–3, 22 September 1628 for Wren's view on the excessive number of graduates.

³ Owen, H. G., “Lectures and Lecturers in Tudor London”, Church Quarterly Review, CLXII (1961), 69, “endowments grew more popular in the Jacobean Age’.Google Scholar

⁴ Hill, C., Economic Problems of the Church… (Oxford, 1956), p. 344.Google Scholar

⁵ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism… (1964), p. 90.Google Scholar

⁶ The regulations are in Rushworth, W., Historical Collections… (1721), II, 7–8.Google Scholar

⁷ Calder, I. M., “A 17th-century Attempt to Purify the Anglican Church”, American Historical Review, LIII (1948), 760 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁸ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism, op. cit. p. 113,Google Scholar “the harrying of lecturers became official policy’.

⁹ Heylyn, P., Cyprianus Anglicus (1668), pp. 342–3, made the claim of complete successGoogle Scholar. Hill, C., The Century of Revolution (Edinburgh, 1961), p. 90 accepts that Laud “very largely succeeded’ in this respect.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ Wren, C., Parentalia or Memoirs of the Family of the Wrens (1750), pp. 93 ff.,Google Scholar answer to Article XIII of the bishop's impeachment in 1641. Wren stressed the size of the diocese and that it was only visited once every seven years instead of the usual triennial visitation, op. cit. Article XXII, pp. 109 ff. Browne, J., History of Congregationalism…in Norfolk and Suffolk (1877), pp. 10 f. refers to the Puritan tradition.Google Scholar

¹¹ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism, op. cit. p. 105.Google Scholar

¹² Scott, W. and Bliss, J. (eds.), The Works of William Laud (Oxford, 1847–1860), v, 334–13Google Scholar

¹³ Cal.S.P.Dom., 1635, introduction pp. xxx-xxxiii, Abstract of the Metropolitical Visitation of Archbishop Laud.

¹⁴ Trevor-Roper, H.R., Archbishop Laud (1962), p. 185.Google Scholar For Corbet's harshness see Browne, J., op. cit. p. 83,Google Scholar and for his dilatoriness Autobiography of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, ed. Halliwell, J. O. (1854), II, 103.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Biographica Britannica (1766), VI, Part 11, pp. 4353 f.Google Scholar Wren was consecrated in November, Wood, A., Athenae Oxienses, ed. Bliss, P. (1813–1920), III, 885–87.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 316,Google Scholar March 1636, Wren explained to Charles the reasons for his delay. Wren's activity as Clerk of the Closet had delayed his appearance in his previous diocese. Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 335.Google Scholar

¹⁷ S.P.Dom., 16/295, fo. 48, 11 September 1635.

¹⁸ Heylyn, P., op. cit. p. 310.Google Scholar

¹⁹ Bosher, R. S., The Making of the Restoration Settlement (1951), p. 19.Google Scholar

²⁰ Trevor-Roper, H. R., op. cit. p. 313.Google Scholar

²¹ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 342.Google Scholar

²² Ibid.; Tanner MSS. 70, fo. 103 (20 August 1636),Google Scholar ‘His Majesty was pleased to tell me not to desist from enforcing all canonical obedience with his gracious promise that he would support me’, wrote Wren to Laud.

²³ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 350 f.Google Scholar

²⁴ Ibid. p. 364.

²⁵ Simpkins, M. E., ‘Ecclesiastical History from 1279’, Victoria County History (Norfolk), II, 284;Google ScholarCal.S.P.Col., 1574–60, p. 174. Henry Dade reported to Laud on the seriously troubled state of the diocese.

²⁶ Trevor-Roper, H. R., op. cit. p. 194.Google Scholar

²⁷ Brinkworth, E. R. C., ‘The Laudian Church in Buckinghamshire’, University of Birmingham Historical Journal, v (1955), 59.Google Scholar

²⁸ The Visitation Articles of Bishop Matthew Wren (1636), Thomason Collection, Brit. Mus., E 238 (1), Section IX, cap. 9.

²⁹ H.M.Comm. Gawdy MSS. p. 158;Google ScholarAnthony Mingay told Framlingham Gawdy that ‘our new visitors are very strict here…and do menace much conformity…’. The Diary of John Rons, ed. Green, M. A. E., Camden Society (1856), v, 80,Google Scholar and Sir Simonds D'Ewes’ Autobiography, op. cit. II, 141 f. for the hostile reaction.Google Scholar

³⁰ Soden, G. I., Godfrey Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester (1953), p. 263.Google Scholar

³¹ Ibid. p. 171.

³² Wren, C., Parentalia, op. cit. p. 109.Google Scholar There was duplication, i.e. Section II, cap. 3 and Section IV, cap. 13; Section IV, cap. 21 and Section v, cap. I; and Section II, cap. 10 and Section VII, cap. 4.

³³ Correspondence of John Cosin, ed. Ornsby, G., Surtees Society (1868), LII, 122–3Google Scholar gives fuller details than Cosin, , Works (Oxford, 1853), IIGoogle Scholar

³⁴ Ibid. Section xv, cap. 8, and Section xv, cap. 10.

³⁵ Visitation Articles, op. cit. Section III, cap. 10 and Section IV, cap. 42.

³⁶ Ibid. Section IV, cap. 43.

³⁷ Ibid. Section VII, cap. 7, Section I, cap. 3, and Section IV, cap. 34.

³⁸ Ibid Section IV, cap. 49.

³⁹ Ibid. Section IV, cap. 44.

⁴⁰ Ibid. Section IV, cap. 45.

⁴¹ Ibid. Section IV, cap. 49.

⁴² Ibid. Section IV, cap. 47.

⁴³ Ibid. Section VII, cap. 8.

⁴⁴ Perry, G. G., History of the Church of England (1861), I,Google Scholar Appendix, there is a printed version of the Injunctions for which no source is given. The quotations from the Injunctions given above are from Lambeth MSS. 943:611.

⁴⁵ Lambeth MSS. 943:611, article 19.

⁴⁶ Ibid, article 21.

⁴⁷ Ibid, article 20.

⁴⁸ Ibid, article 18.

⁴⁹ D. W. Boorman, Oxford B.Litt. 1959: The Administrative and Disciplinary problems of the Church on the eve of the Civil War in the light of the extant records of the Dioceses of Norwich and Ely under Bishop Wren.

⁵⁰ Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 92, 2 May 1636. Notice that Wren felt that negligence made a man ‘unworthy’ of a lectureship. He conceded that there were good lecturers. He told Laud that one lecturer Dr Jones was ‘an eminent man’. Prynne, W., Canterburies Doome (1646), p. 375.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 2, 3 June 1636.

⁵² In at least two cases Wren is found allowing men to resume lecturing after Corbet had stopped them. Wren, C., Parentalia, op. cit. pp. 100 f.Google Scholar, answer to Article XVI of the Impeachment, and Rawl. MSS. C 368, 14 August 1636, 29 September 1636.

⁵³ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 339 f.,Google ScholarTanner MSS, 68, fo. 173.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Prynne, W., Canterburies Doome, op. cit. p. 375;Google Scholar Montague said ‘much good may ensue and be procured if well and discreetly managed’ from the lecturers.

⁵⁵ Trevor-Roper, H. R., Archbishop Laud, op. cit. p. 119,Google Scholar says that Laud himself ‘could not afford to be as rigid as he is sometimes represented to be in his treatment of lecturers’, e.g. S.P.Dom., 16/167 fo. 34 and S.P.Dom., 16/169 fo. 23 cited as examples.

⁵⁶ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 339 f.Google Scholar It was to avoid such troubles as might ensue from completely itinerant and irregular lecturers that Wren insisted on their undertaking a cure, Trevor-Roper, H. R., Archbishop Laud, op. cit. p. 106,Google Scholar ‘when a lecturer was appointed by an independent authority, such as a corporation, he was not to begin his career of preaching till he had undertaken to accept a living’.

⁵⁷ Prynne, W., Canterburies Doome, op. cit. p. 375.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 33.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ Ibid.

⁶⁰ Prynne, W., op. cit. p. 375.Google Scholar

⁶¹ Cal.S.P.Dom. 1635, introduction pp. xxx-xxxiii, comment by Sir Nathaniel Brent.

⁶² Laud, Works, op. cit. v, 339.Google Scholar

⁶³ Wren, C., Parentalia, op. cit. pp. 100 f., answer to Article xvi of the impeachment.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 350.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Ibid.

⁶⁶ Ibid, v, 339.

⁶⁷ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism, op. cit. p. 105.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Prynne, W., Canterburies Doome op. cit. p. 374.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 327, 29 March 1638. H.M.Comm. Ninth Report, appendix, p. 261 for details of the Ipswich troubles.

⁷⁰ Wren, C., Parentalia, op. cit. p. 51.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Much useful information on Wren's activities is to be found in Rawl. MSS. C 368, fos. 2–18, where there are abstracts from his letters. All references to the letters which are dated in chronological order are given by date only. Rawl. MSS. C 368, 22 April 1636; 5 January 1636; and 24 March 1636.

⁷² Rawl. MSS. C 368, 28 February 1635; and 24 September 1636.

⁷³ Ibid. August (undated) 1638; 21 March 1638; Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 61; and provisions in the Visitation Articles, i.e. Section IX, cap. 8 and 9.

⁷⁴ Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 24, 2 March 1636, Corbet's extreme directions to the clergy of Norwich heavily scored by the bishop. Wren clearly disagreed with Corbet's extremism, i.e, Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 39, 31 March 1636, ‘I am sorry that you and I differ so much…I suffer so much by you…It was for your sake that I was induced to act…’. In individual cases Wren was lenient. Tanner MSS. 68, fos. 296 f., Thomas Scot said ‘in most things your lordship's sweet hand hath so mollified my mind…that I have observed sundry of your lordship's directions’. Cf. Rawl. MSS. C 368, 29 September 1636; and 24 March 1636.

⁷⁵ Heylyn, P., op. cit. pp. 300–10.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 86, 8 May 1636. Dean Hassall wrote ‘Good Luck have those with thine honour, ride on … what furtherance your lordship's humble servant … can give to this great work shall never be wanting’. Cf. Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 309, 2 March 1637, letter of Fulke Robartes.

⁷⁷ The Impeachment Articles exhibited against Matthew Wren, Bishop of Ely, xvi, printed in Nalson, J., An Impartial Collection… (1786), I, 398 f.Google Scholar Typical of the accusation that he suppressed preaching were Prynne, W., Newes from Ipswich, London 1641 (reprint), p. 5,Google Scholar E 177 (12), and Wren's Anatomy, anon. 1641, p. 8, E 166 (7), Thomason Collection, Brit. Mus.

⁷⁸ Church Quarterly Review, CLXII (1961), 63 ff.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Tanner MSS. 145, fo. i, Wren's comments on the bill to abolish pluralities in 1641. He said that ‘the 20th part of single benefices are not worth £30 a year’. Since ‘the best wits will ever apply themselves to the best rewards’ Wren realized that there would be a definite loss of talent in the Church.

⁸⁰ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 339 f.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Church Quarterly Review, CLXII (1961), 71.Google Scholar

⁸² Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 127, 7 July 1636. Anne d. of Sir John Glenham (a friend of Lord Holland) and Lady Dorchester complained; Tanner MSS. 68, fo. 248, 21 September 1637, Lord Holland (a friend of Pym) wrote to complain.

⁸³ Bernard, R., The Faithful Shepherd (1605), p. 5:Google Scholar ‘because men of might and the noble hold it derogatory to their dignities’ they would not serve the Church. Wren resisted the idea that the nobles and gentry could do as they pleased; L'Estrange, H., The Reign…of Charles I, 2nd ed. 1656, p. 14;Google Scholar Wren hoped to see the day when the minister ‘shall be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England’. Rawl. MSS. C 368, February 1639, ‘Sir Miles Sandys nor any other lord shall not carry these things’.

⁴ Prynne, W., A Looking Glasse for all Lordly Prelates (1636), pp. 71–5Google Scholar gives an account of the case. Wren told Lord Brooke, ‘No Lord of England should affront him in his diocese in such a manner’. Tanner MSS. 70, fo. 103 (20 August 1636) gives Wren's account of the incident.

⁸⁵ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism, op. cit. p. 92.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Past and Present, XXIII (1962), 25 f.Google Scholar pointed out that of the 70 lecturers in the Diocese of York in 1614 only 2 had no degree; Suffolk Archaeology, VI (1888), and XII (1901) gives the returns for the archdeacon's visitation in 1603. Of the 23 ministers who are listed with degrees, 12 were chaplains.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Cal. Bord. Papers, II, 171.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ For details see Hill, C., ‘Puritans and the Dark Corners of the Land’, T.R.H.S. 5th ser., XIII (1963).Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Tanner MSS. 145, fo. 1.

⁹⁰ Rawl. MSS. C 368, 7 February 1635.

⁹¹ Bishop Redman's Visitation, ed. Williams, J. F., Norfolk Record Society XVIII (1946), p. 17Google Scholar also notes that in the returns for 1603 there were 396 preachers out of c. 1081 clergy.

⁹² Add. MSS. (BM), 4705, fo. 22.Google Scholar

⁹³ Tanner MSS. 145, fo. 1 estimated that out of 10,000 parsonages, 3,500 were impropriations, and 400 were double benefices.

⁹⁴ Hill, C., Economic Problems of the Church, op. cit. pp. 132, 239.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Suffolk Archaeology, op. cit.

⁹⁶ Nalson, , op. cit. pp. 398 f.,Google Scholar Sir Thomas Widdrington said ‘next for preaching. That he is most able in his kind is agreed by all.’

⁹⁷ Prynne, W., A Looking-Glasse, op. cit. p 97.Google Scholar

⁹⁸ D'Ewes, Autobiography, op. cit. II, 143 accused Wren of suspending clergy for preaching, but none for not preaching ‘although many idle drones’.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ The Journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, ed. Coates, W. H. (1942), p. 46.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ The Visitation of 1614, ed. Rev. Precentor Venables. Papers of the Associated Architectural Societies, xvi (1881–1883), 47.Google Scholar

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¹⁰² Hill, C., Society and Puritanism, op. cit. p. 38.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Clarendon, Lord, History of the Rebellion…, ed. Macray, W. D. (Oxford, 1888), iv, 194.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁶ Trans. Bristol and Gloucester Arch. Soc. LXVI (1945), 218.Google Scholar The stress on control of the church is correct, but they were not strict Calvinists, Davies, H., The Worship of the English Puritans (1948), pp. 38, 41 and 48.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁸ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism op. cit. p. 92.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁰ Barnard, J., The Life of Peter Heylyn (Cambridge, 1849), I, lxxix–xci.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁴ Laud, , Works, op. cit. III, 253; iv, 303.Google Scholar Definite clashes of authority between priest and people were leading to ugly scenes, and some sort of regulation was clearly necessary. For a typical case see Renshaw, W. C., ‘Notes from the Act Books of the Archdeaconry Court of Lewes’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, XLIX (1906), 60, giving details of events at Rye.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ Heylyn, P., Cyprianus Anglicus, op. cit. p. 282.Google Scholar

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¹¹⁷ Prynne, W., Canterburies Doome, op. cit. p. 375.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ Prynne, W., A Looking-Glasse, op. cit. p. 71.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Lambeth MSS. 943, fo. 615. Sir John Cutts’ chaplain was chaplain as well to the earl of Suffolk. Wren also found in Norwich Diocese that there were ‘some divines that are beneficed in towns or near but live in gentlemen's houses’. S.P.Dom., 16/337, fos. 36–37, 7 Dec. 1636.

¹²⁰ Selden, J., Table Talk, ed. Pollock, Sir Frederick (1927), p. 105.Google Scholar

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¹²⁴ Ibid. pp. 38, 41, 42, 44 and 47.

¹²⁶ Cardwell, E., Documentary Annals…of the Church of England (Oxford, 1844), II, 191.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Collectanea Curiosa (Oxford, 1781), ed. Gutch, J.; contains Wren, M., Of the Progress of Revolutions in England, I, 231.Google Scholar

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¹²⁹ Rawl. MSS. C 368, 14 September 1637.

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¹³⁵ Laud, , Works, op. cit. v, 340,Google ScholarCal.S.P.Dom. 1635, introduction pp. xxx-xxxiii, Abstract of the Metropolitan Visitation of Archbishop Laud.

¹³⁶ Hill, C., Society and Puritanism, op. cit. pp. 105 ff.Google Scholar for details of various lectures in the diocese and elsewhere. Blomefield, F., op. cit. III, 374;Google ScholarLaud, , Works, op. cit. v, 328 and 340.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁰ Heylyn, P., Cyprianus Anglicus, op. cit. pp. 343–3;Google ScholarWren's Anatomy, anon. (1641), p. 8, E 166 (7);Google Scholar Thomason Tract, Brit. Mus. ‘to hinder all God's preaching…to forbid all lectures’.

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¹⁴³ Nalson, J., op. cit. II, 398 ff., clause xvi of the Impeachment.Google Scholar

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¹⁴⁹ S.P.Dom., 16/337, fo. 36.

¹⁵⁰ Rawl. MSS. C 368, 7 and 14 September 1637.

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¹⁵⁸ A similar policy was pursued by other bishops like Goodman who ‘suppressed some lecturers and put in others’.

¹⁵⁹ Barnes, T. G., ‘County Politics and a Puritan Cause Célèbre: Somerset Church Ales’, T.R.H.S. 5th ser. IX (1959), 122:Google Scholar ‘though there can be no denying the importance of the religious issue in advancing the breach within the Church, yet the destructive force of the local factionalism which dominated the controversy, if multiplied by all the counties of the kingdom, might have been as injurious to the peace as religious issues’.