¹ Ryrie, Alec, ‘The strange death of Lutheran England’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 53 (2002), pp. 64–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² Ryrie, Alec, ‘The afterlife of Lutheran England’, in Wendebourg, Dorothea, ed., Sister Reformations: the Reformation in Germany and in England: Symposium on the Occasion of the 450th anniversary of the Elizabethan Settlement, September 23^rd–26th, 2009 / Schwesterreformationen: Die Reformation in Deutschland und in England: Symposion aus Anlaß des 450. Jahrestages des Elizabethan Settlement, 23.–26. September 2009 (Tübingen, 2010), pp. 213–34Google Scholar. The phrase, ‘Lutheran England’, implies a sense of hegemony or uniformity in the same way ‘Calvinist consensus’ does; both are best jettisoned.

³ Relatively recent discussions include Loades, David, ‘The historiography of the Reformation in Britain’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 100 (2009), pp. 308–25Google Scholar; Marshall, Peter, ‘(Re)defining the English Reformation’, Journal of British Studies, 48 (2009), pp. 564–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Pollard's, A. F.Thomas Cranmer and the English Reformation, 1489–1556 (New York, NY, 1906)Google Scholar, included some discussion of mainland Europe. Dickens, A. G., The English Reformation (London, 1964)Google Scholar; idem, Martin Luther and the Reformation (London, 1967), esp. chapter 6, ‘Lutheranism abroad’, and pp. 130–2. On Dickens's limited but persistent influence among German historians, see Regina Pörtner, ‘A. G. Dickens and the continental Reformation’, and Robert von Friedeburg, ‘Dickens, the German Reformation, and the issue of nation and fatherland in early modern German history’, in Ambler, Rod and Burgess, Glenn, eds., Reformulating the Reformation. A. G. Dickens: his work and influence, Historical Research (special issue), 77, 195 (2004), pp. 59–78Google Scholar, 79–97.

⁵ Haigh, Christopher, ‘The recent historiography of the English Reformation’, Historical Journal, 25 (1982), pp. 995–1007CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ed., The English Reformation revised (Cambridge, 1987); idem, English Reformations: religion, politics, and society under the Tudors (Oxford, 1993). Scarisbrick, J. J., The Reformation and the English people (Oxford, 1984)Google Scholar. Duffy, Eamon, The stripping of the altars (New Haven, CT, 1992)Google Scholar. See also G. W. Bernard's recent contribution, The late medieval English church: vitality and vulnerability before the break with Rome (New Haven, CT, 2012); contrast the firm, consistent hand of reform allocated to Henry VIII (and to Henry alone) in idem, The king's Reformation: Henry VIII and the remaking of the English church (New Haven, CT, 2005), the arguments and significance of which are too considerable to explore here. Additionally and most recently, the degree to which England was ‘Protestant’ in the usual sense has been called into question in Marshall, Peter, ‘The naming of Protestant England’, Past and Present, 214 (2012), pp. 87–128CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ For a discussion of post-revisionism, citing the influential work of Shagan, Ethan, Popular politics and the English Reformation (Cambridge, 2003)Google Scholar, see Marshall, ‘(Re)defining’, pp. 565–6, 574; compare Loades, ‘The historiography’, p. 315.

⁷ On generational change, see esp. Jones, Norman, ‘Living the Reformations: generational experience and political perception in early modern England’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 60 (1997), pp. 273–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, The English Reformation: religion and cultural adaptation (Oxford, 2002); Walsham, Alexandra, ‘The Reformation of the generations: youth, age and religious change in England, c. 1500–1700’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 21 (2011), pp. 93–121CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dickens long ago noted the duration, even calling the mid-seventeenth century ‘a second English Reformation’. The English Reformation, p. 336; compare Anthony Milton's current project on the same period, ‘England's second Reformation’, as noted in Marshall, ‘(Re)defining’, p. 577 n. 57.

⁸ For an overview and qualification of the ‘Calvinist consensus’, see Heal, Felicity, Reformation in Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 2003), pp. 340–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Collinson, Patrick, ‘The politics of religion and the religion of politics in Elizabethan England’, Historical Research, 82 (2009), pp. 74–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Nevertheless, doctrinal positions remain significant. What some have termed ‘post-confessionalism’ has shown that scholars’ confessional allegiances may still affect the stories they tell. Marshall, ‘(Re)defining’, pp. 571–5, noting the persuasions of Duffy, Haigh, Rex, Ryrie, Maltby, and others. Haigh, who is not a Catholic, offers an autobiographical account of his spiritual journey from Methodism to Anglican agnosticism in English Reformations, p. vii. See also MacCulloch, Diarmaid, ‘Putting the English Reformation on the map’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 15 (2005), pp. 75–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 76: ‘It has been one of the exciting experiences of my academic career to see church history become once more a crowded area of exploration, where many young scholars without any confessional axes to grind feel that it is worthwhile to become familiar with the theological jargon and the agonies and ecstasies of early modern religion.’ Compare his stress on the role played by ‘historians from outside the traditions’ in ‘Protestantism in mainland Europe: new directions’, Renaissance Quarterly, 59 (2006), pp. 698–706, at p. 704. Younger scholars are not the only ones without such axes, as Peter Lake has openly stated his membership of a ‘no “faith community”’ in ‘Anti-Puritanism: the structure of a prejudice’, in Fincham, Kenneth and Lake, Peter, eds., Religious politics in post-Reformation England (Woodbridge, 2006), pp. 80–97Google Scholar, at p. 86 n. 16. The current author similarly holds to the tradition of secular humanism, but he also takes religious belief and motivation seriously, and he fully recognizes the tendency among some others to relativize unfairly or reduce religion to mere irrationality. On the dangers of strict secularism, Gregory, Brad S., ‘The other confessional history: on secular bias in the study of religion’, History and Theory, Theme Issue, 45 (2006), pp. 132–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Salvation at stake: Christian martyrdom in early modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1999), esp. pp. 8–15.

¹⁰ MacCulloch, ‘Putting the English Reformation’, pp. 75–95. Ha, Polly and Collinson, Patrick, eds., The reception of the continental Reformation in Britain, Proceedings of the British Academy, 164 (Oxford, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. Collinson's introduction, ‘The fog in the channel clears: the rediscovery of the continental dimension to the British Reformations’, pp. xxvii–xxxvii, and chapters by Trueman and Euler, Kirby, Milton, and Thomson. Milton, Anthony, ‘Puritanism and the continental Reformed churches’, in Coffee, John and Lim, Paul C. H., eds., The Cambridge companion to Puritanism (Cambridge, 2008), pp. 109–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; compare Milton's monumental Catholic and reformed: the Roman and Protestant churches in English Protestant thought, 1600–1640 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 377–528. Euler, Carrie, Couriers of the gospel: England and Zurich, 1531–1558 (Zurich, 2006)Google Scholar. Kirby, Torrance, The Zurich connection and Tudor political theology (Leiden, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Earlier studies include Phillips, Walter, ‘Henry Bullinger and the Elizabethan vestiarian controversy: an analysis of influence’, Journal of Religious History, 11 (1981), pp. 363–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; MacMillan, Ken, ‘Zurich reform and the Elizabethan settlement of 1559’, Anglican and Episcopal History, 68 (1999), pp. 285–311Google Scholar.

¹¹ Collinson, ‘The fog’, p. xxxi. He went on to say that scholars now understand ‘Lutheran’ to mean many things, and that ‘the Palatine Connection’ has not yet received its due.

¹² Modern anti-historicism stems from the Enlightenment and grew significantly during the Industrial Revolution, when novelty constituted improvement, and the past represented obstacles to be overcome. Overviews of German Reformation available in Thomas Kaufmann, ‘Die deutsche Reformationsforschung seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg’, and Brady, Thomas A. Jr, ‘From revolution to the long Reformation: writings in English on the German Reformation, 1970–2005’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 100 (2009), pp. 15–47Google Scholar, 48–64; compare the broad historiographical survey of confessional, regional, social, and cultural trends, Whitford, David M., ed., Reformation and early modern Europe: a guide to research (Kirksville, MO, 2008)Google Scholar, esp. chapter 1, David M. Whitford, ‘Contributors to the Lutheran tradition’, pp. 3–24. Still valuable are Heinrich Heppe, Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus in den Jahren, 1555–1581 (4 vols., Marburg, 1852–9); Ritter, Moriz, Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation und des Dreißigjährigen Krieges (1555–1648) (3 vols., Stuttgart, 1889–1908)Google Scholar. Discussions of the Scandinavian context available in Czaika, Otfried, ‘Entwicklungslinien der Historiographie zu Reformation und Konfessionalisierung in Skandinavien seit 1945’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 100 (2009), pp. 116–37Google Scholar; Grell, Ole Peter, ‘From popular, evangelical movement to Lutheran Reformation in Denmark: a case of two Reformations’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 102 (2011), pp. 33–58Google Scholar.

¹³ Seminal were the observations made regarding the imperial free cities and the differences between northern Germany and southern Germany along with Swiss lands in Bernd Moeller, Reichstadt und Reformation (Gütersloh, 1962), translated by Midelfort, H. C. E. and Edwards, M. U. Jras Imperial cities and the Reformation: three essays (Philadelphia, PA, 1972)Google Scholar. See the comments of a generation later in Susan Karant-Nunn, C., Zwickau in transition, 1500–1547: the Reformation as an agent of change (Columbus, OH, 1987), p. 3Google Scholar. Dickens, A. G., The German nation and Martin Luther (New York, NY, 1974), p. 182Google Scholar; at p. 196 he added ‘a second Reformation’ during the 1520s and 1530s to stabilize the urban movement; see also n. 7.

¹⁴ Kaufmann, ‘Die deutsche Reformationsforschung’, pp. 28–9; Brady, ‘From revolution’, pp. 51–3. For an example of research on pastoral life, see Karant-Nunn, Susan C., ‘Luther's pastors: the Reformation in the Ernestine countryside’, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 69 (1979), pp. 1–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Discussions among historians in Germany were most often divided between those living in the West (the Federal Republic) and those in the East (the Democratic Republic).

¹⁵ Augustinus Oberman, Heiko, The harvest of medieval theology: Gabriel Biel and late medieval nominalism (Cambridge, MA, 1963)Google Scholar, translated by Rumscheid, Martin and Kampen, Henningas Spätscholastik und Reformation, Bd. I Der Herbst der mittelalterlichen Theologie (Zurich, 1965)Google Scholar. Oberman had planned two further volumes eventually never published, Luther und die Theologie des Spätmittelalters and Die Gegenreformation und die Theologie des Spätmittelalters, but his work continued and can be found in, among various works on Luther, The dawn of the Reformation: essays in late medieval and early Reformation thought (Edinburgh, 1986). See also the more recent celebration of Oberman's work, Brady, Thomas A. Jr, Brady, Katherine G., Karant-Nunn, Susan, and Tracy, James D., eds., The work of Heiko A. Oberman: papers from the symposium on his seventieth birthday (Leiden, 2003)Google Scholar, esp. the chapter by William J. Courtenay, ‘Fruits of the Harvest’, pp. 133–45.

¹⁶ Burger, Christoph, ‘Theologiegeschichtliche Darstellungen zur Reformation seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 100 (2009), pp. 326–49Google Scholar; Kaufmann, ‘Die deutsche Reformationsforschung’, pp. 16–7, 21–8.

¹⁷ Central are, in addition to others of Robert W. Scribner's works, his For the sake of simple folk: popular propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge, 1981; 2nd edn Oxford, 1994), and his essays in idem, Popular culture and popular movements in Reformation Germany (London, 1987), and idem, Roper, Lyndal, ed., Religion and culture in Germany (1400–1800) (Leiden, 2001)Google Scholar. See also Hamm, Berndt, Frömmigkeitstheologie am Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts: Studien zu Johannes von Paltz und seinem Umkreis (Tübingen, 1982)Google Scholar; idem, Bast, Robert J., ed., The Reformation of faith in the context of late medieval theology and piety: essays by Berndt Hamm (Leiden, 2004)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Confessionalization's broad significance and refinements are too complex to explore here. The most convenient, if critical, assessments are Brady, Thomas A. Jr. ‘Confessionalization – the career of a concept’, in Headley, John M., Hillerbrand, Hans J., and Papalas, Anthony J., eds., Confessionalization in Europe, 1555–1700 (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 1–20Google Scholar; idem, ‘“We have lost the Reformation” – Heinz Schilling and the rise of the confessionalization thesis’, in Ehrenpreis, Stefan, Lotz-Heumann, Ute, Mörke, Olaf, and Schorn-Schütte, Luise, eds., Wege der Neuzeit: Festschrift für Heinz Schilling zum 65. Geburtstag (Berlin, 2007), pp. 33–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the judicious overview charting the ‘refinement – or redefinition – of the concept’ in Lotz-Heumann, Ute, ‘Confessionalization’, in Whitford, , ed., Reformation and early modern Europe, pp. 136–57Google Scholar. For an international dimension, Schilling, Heinz, ‘Konfessionalisierung und Formierung eines internationalen Systems während der frühen Neuzeit’, in Guggisberg, Hans R. and Krodel, Gottfried, eds., Die Reformation in Deutschland und Europe: Interpretationen und Debatten / Reformation Germany and Europe: interpretations and issues (Gütersloh, 1993), pp. 591–613Google Scholar. Schilling's paradigm has been applied in the English context, but among the common people ‘confessionalization in England cleared the ground and prepared for a general, worshipful acquiescence rather than a doctrinal consensus and consolidation’. Kaufman, Peter Iver, ‘Reconstructing the context for confessionalization in late Tudor England: perceptions of reception, then and now’, in Hillerbrand, Headley, and Papalas, , eds., Confessionalization in Europe, pp. 275–87Google Scholar, at p. 284.

¹⁹ Hamm, Berndt, Moeller, Bernd, and Wendebourg, Dorothea, Reformationstheorien: Ein kirchenhistorischer Disput über Einheit und Vielfalt der Reformation (Göttingen, 1995)Google Scholar; Dingel, Irene, Concordia controversa: die öffentlichen Diskussionen um das lutherische Konkordienwerk am Ende des 16 Jahrhunderts (Gütersloh, 1996)Google Scholar; idem, ‘The culture of conflict in the controversies leading to the Formula of Concord (1548–1580)’, in Kolb, Robert, ed., Lutheran ecclesiastical culture, 1550–1675 (Leiden, 2008), pp. 15–64Google Scholar; idem, www.litdb.evtheol.uni-mainz.de/datenbank/index_front.php. Kolb, Robert, Luther's heirs define his legacy: studies on Lutheran confessionalization (Aldershot, 1996)Google Scholar; idem, Confessing the faith, reformers define the church, 1530–1580 (St Louis, MO, 1991). Kaufmann, Thomas, Konfession und Kultur: Lutherischer Protestantismus in der zweiten Hälfte des Reformationsjahrhunderts (Tübingen, 2006)Google Scholar.

²⁰ Brady, ‘From revolution’, p. 64; compare comments in Scott, Tom, ‘The Reformation between deconstruction and reconstruction: reflections on recent writings on the German Reformation’, German History, 26 (2008), pp. 406–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Nischan, Bodo, Prince, people, and confession: the second reformation in Brandenburg (Philadelphia, PA, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. MacCulloch's, DiarmaidThe later Reformation in England, 1547–1603 (New York, NY, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar became in translation Die zweite Phase der Englischen Reformation (1547–1603) und die Geburt der anglikanischen Via Media (Münster, 1998). Although most treatments of the Reformation(s) in Germany are nationally or regionally focused, some exceptions include works (largely on foreign relations rather than the Reformation sensu stricto) by Gräf, Holger Thomas, Konfession und internationales System: Die Außenpolitik Hessen-Kassels im konfessionellen Zeitalter (Darmstadt, 1993)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Die Kasseler Hofschule als Schnittstelle zwischen Gelehrtenrepublik und internationalem Calvinismus’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, 105 (2000), pp. 17–32; idem, ‘“International Calvinism revisited” oder Europäische Transferleistungen im konfessionellen Zeitalter’, in Fuchs, Thomas and Trakulhun, Sven, eds., Das eine Europa und die Vielfalt der Kulturen: Kulturtransfer in Europa, 1500–1850 (Berlin, 2003), pp. 137–58Google Scholar. See also Menk, Gerhard, ‘Landgraf Wilhelm von Hessen-Kassel, Franz Hotman und die hessisch-französischen Beziehungen vor und nach der Bartholomäusnacht’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für hessische Geschichte und Landeskunde, 88 (1980–1), pp. 55–82Google Scholar.

²¹ von Ranke, Leopold, A history of England principally in the seventeenth century (6 vols., Oxford, 1875)Google Scholar, i, pp. 239, 154 (quotation); Englische Geschichte vornehmlich im sechszehnten und siebzehnten Jahrhundert (7 vols., Berlin, 1859–68), i, pp. 314, 203 (quotation). Long before Ranke, Burnet's and Strype's observations in various works noted similarities, though ‘Lutheran’ was most often used without specificity.

²² Heppe, Heinrich, The reformers of England and Germany in the xixteenth century, trans. Hermann Schmettau and B. Harris Cowper (London, 1859)Google Scholar; Der kirchliche Verkehr Englands mit dem evangelischen Deutschland im sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Marburg, 1859), with the subtitle, ‘ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des evangelischen Bundes’.

²³ The Calendars included research in Spain, Italy, and elsewhere, but no attempt was made to survey the regional archives of Germany. Unrelated publications, however, did shed light on Zurich and Denmark. Still widely used are the Parker Society's Original letters … chiefly from the archives of Zurich, The Zurich letters, and Epistolae tigurinae of the 1840s, though less often are Chr. de Treschow, , Contributions to the history of Queen Elizabeth derived from documents in the Danish state archives (London, 1871)Google Scholar, and Report of the deputy keeper of the records, 45th, Appendix ii (1884); 46th, Appendix ii (1886). In addition to Corpus Reformatorum, German editions include Briefwechsel Landgraf Philipp's des Grossmüthigen von Hessen mit Bucer, ed. Max Lenz (3 vols., Leipzig, 1880–91); Briefwechsel des Herzogs Christoph von Wirtemberg, ed. Viktor Ernst (4 vols., Stuttgart, 1899–1907); Briefe Friedrich des Frommen Kurfürsten von der Pfalz mit verwandten Schriftstücken, ed. A. Kluckhohn (2 vols., Brunswick, 1868–72); Briefe des Pfalzgrafen Johann Casimir mit verwandten Schriftstücken, ed. Friedrich von Bezold (3 vols., Munich, 1882–1903). Editions of university matriculation books yielded results in, for example, Smith, Preserved, ‘Englishmen at Wittenberg in the sixteenth century’, English Historical Review, 36 (1921), pp. 422–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ Ritter, Deutsche Geschichte. Geoffrey Parker's comment holds: ‘None of [the] more modern surveys … matches the superb vintage study of Moriz Ritter … Nowhere else are the international repercussions of each separate event in the Empire so thoroughly and lucidly presented … Ritter remains fundamental and indispensable.’ Parker, Geoffrey, ed., The Thirty Years’ War (2nd edn, London, 1997), p. 249Google Scholar. Jacobs, Henry Eyster, The Lutheran movement in England during the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI., and its literary monuments (Philadelphia, PA, 1890)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Herford, Charles H., Studies in the literary relations of England and Germany in the sixteenth century (Cambridge, 1886)Google Scholar.

²⁶ Walther, Wilhelm, Heinrich VIII. von England und Luther, ein Blatt aus der Reformationsgeschichte (Leipzig, 1908)Google Scholar. Hauck, Albert, Deutschland und England in ihren kirchlichen Beziehungen (Leipzig, 1917)Google Scholar. Prüser, Friedrich, England und die Schmalkaldener, 1535–1540 (Leipzig, 1929)Google Scholar. Lang, Philipp, ‘Die englisch-deutschen Beziehungen 1531 bis 1535 mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Politik Philipps von Hessen’ (Ph.D. thesis, Marburg, 1924)Google Scholar. Bihl, Josef, ‘Württemberg und England im Zeitalter der Königin Elisabeth (1558–1603)’, Württembergische Vierteljahrshefte für Landesgeschichte, 42 (1936), pp. 107–58Google Scholar. Schulze, Johannes, ‘Die politischen Beziehungen des Kurfürsten August von Sachsen zur Königin Elisabeth von England (1559–1586)’ (Ph.D. thesis, Leipzig, 1911)Google Scholar.

²⁷ McEntegart, Rory, Henry VIII, the league of Schmalkalden and the English Reformation (Woodbridge, 2002), p. 3Google Scholar. The political interpretation continued in Rupp, E. G., Studies in the making of the English Protestant tradition (Cambridge, 1947)Google Scholar. See also Smith, Preserved, ‘German opinion of the divorce of Henry VIII’, English Historical Review, 27 (1912), pp. 671–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁸ Doernberg, Erwin, Henry VIII and Luther: an account of their personal relations (Stanford, CA, 1961)Google Scholar. Tjernagel, Neelak Serawlook, Henry VIII and the Lutherans: a study in Anglo-Lutheran relations from 1521 to 1547 (St Louis, MO, 1965), p. 250Google Scholar. Despite strong biases in interpretation, both Jacobs and Tjernagel reproduced, compared, and translated several primary source documents from the English and Lutheran churches. Carl Meyer, whose works are discussed below, sympathized with the arguments of Doernberg and Tjernagel but acknowledged that ‘Trinterud or Clebsch would not agree’ with them, and that ‘[a] whole host of Anglican historians will probably give [Tjernagel's book] short shrift’. Meyer, Carl S., review of Henry VIII and the Lutherans, Church History, 35 (1966), pp. 470–1Google Scholar, at p. 470

²⁹ Trinterud, L. J., ‘A reappraisal of William Tyndale's debt to Martin Luther’, Church History, 31 (1962), pp. 24–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Clebsch, William A., England's earliest Protestants, 1520–1535 (New Haven, CT, 1964)Google Scholar; compare idem, ‘The earliest translations of Luther into English’, Harvard Theological Review, 56 (1963), pp. 75–86. See also Cargill Thompson, W. D. J., ‘The two regiments: the continental setting of William Tyndale's political thought’, in Baker, Derek, ed., Reform and Reformation: England and the continent, c. 1500–c. 1750 (Oxford, 1979), pp. 17–33Google Scholar.

³⁰ Haas, S. W., ‘Martin Luther's “Divine Right” kingship and the royal supremacy: two tracts from the 1531 parliament and convocation of the clergy’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 31 (1980), pp. 317–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Pragman, James H., ‘The Augsburg confession in the English Reformation: Richard Taverner's contribution’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 40 (1980), pp. 75–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; compare Yost, John K., ‘German Protestant humanism and the early English Reformation: Richard Taverner and official translation’, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 32 (1970), pp. 613–25Google Scholar. Hildebrandt, Esther, ‘Christopher Mont, Anglo-German diplomat’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 15 (1984), pp. 281–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³¹ Trueman, Carl R., Luther's legacy: salvation and English reformers, 1525–1556 (Oxford, 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. MacCulloch's observation, ‘[t]his is an important and useful book’, sums up most scholarly opinion. MacCulloch, Diarmaid, review of Luther's legacy, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 46 (1995), pp. 567–8Google Scholar, at p. 567.

³² McEntegart, Henry VIII, pp. 6, 220, 225; compare idem, ‘Towards an ideological foreign policy: Henry VIII and Lutheran Germany, 1531–1547’, in Susan Doran and Glenn Richardson, eds., Tudor England and its neighbours (Basingstoke, 2005), pp. 74–105. See the more recent qualification of Henry's religious sincerity in Beiergrößlein, Katharina, Robert Barnes, England und der Schmalkaldische Bund (1530–1540) (Gütersloh, 2011)Google Scholar. On the revival of diplomatic history since 2002, see Watkins, John, ‘Toward a new diplomatic history of medieval and early modern Europe’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 38 (2008), pp. 1–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lindemann, Mary, ‘The discreet charm of the diplomatic archive’, German History, 29 (2011), pp. 283–304CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³³ D'Alton, Craig W., ‘The suppression of Lutheran heretics in England, 1526–1529’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 54 (2003), pp. 228–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Schofield, John, Philip Melanchthon and the English Reformation (Aldershot, 2006)Google Scholar. Armin Kohnle, ‘Philipp Melanchthon und die Bündnisverhandlungen mit Frankreich und England 1534 bis 1536’, Johannes Wischmeyer, ‘Übersetzung und Kontaktaufnahme: Wissenstransfer und persönliche Kommunikationsbeziehungen zwischen Melanchthon und dem Königreich England’, and Hans-Otto Schneider, ‘Melanchthons Gutachten über das Interim vom 16. Juni 1548 in englischer Übersetzung’, in Dingel, Irene and Kohnle, Armin, eds., Philipp Melanchthon: Lehrer Deutschlands, Reformator Europas (Leipzig, 2011), pp. 43–50Google Scholar, 303–14, 315–34; Irene Dingel, ‘Melanchthon's paraphrases of the Augsburg confession, 1534 and 1536, in the service of the Smalcald league’, in idem, Kolb, Robert, Kuropka, Nicole, and Wengert, Timothy J., Philip Melanchthon: theologian in classroom, confession, and controversy (Göttingen, 2012), pp. 104–22Google Scholar. Trueman, Carl R. and Euler, Carrie, ‘The reception of Martin Luther in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England’, in Ha, and Collinson, , eds., The reception of the continental Reformation, pp. 63–81Google Scholar. Euler, Carrie, ‘Does faith translate? Tudor translations of Martin Luther and the doctrine of justification by faith’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 101 (2010), pp. 80–113Google Scholar. Maas, Korey, The Reformation and Robert Barnes: history, theology and polemic in early modern England (Woodbridge, 2010)Google Scholar. Beiergrößlein, Robert Barnes, England und der Schmalkaldische Bund.

³⁴ Meyer, Carl S., Elizabeth I and the religious settlement of 1559 (St Louis, MO, 1960), pp. 154–5Google Scholar.

³⁵ McConica, James K., English humanists and reformation politics under Henry VIII and Edward VI (Oxford, 1965)Google Scholar. Meyer, Carl S., ‘Melanchthon's influence on English thought in the sixteenth century’, Miscellanea Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 2 (1967), pp. 163–85Google Scholar; compare idem, ‘Melanchthon, theologian of ecumenism’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 17 (1966), pp. 185–207.

³⁶ Clebsch, William A., ‘The Elizabethans on Luther’, in Pelikan, Jaroslav, ed., Interpreters of Luther: essays in honor of Wilhelm Pauck (Philadelphia, 1968), pp. 97–120Google Scholar, at p. 116; Clebsch highlights the central role of John Foxe in English publications of Luther's works. On Foxe and the mainland, see Greengrass, Mark and Freeman, Thomas S., ‘The Acts and Monuments and the Protestant continental martyrologies’, The unabridged Acts and Monuments online (HRI Online Publications, Sheffield, 2011)Google Scholar, available via www.johnfoxe.org (Version 2.0, 2011). See also Haugaard, William P., Elizabeth and the English Reformation: the struggle for a stable settlement of religion (Cambridge, 1968)Google Scholar. For another example of Elizabethan translations of Lutheran works, see Watson, J. Francis, ‘Robert Vaux and Martin Chemnitz: an Anglican-Lutheran encounter’, Anglican Theological Review, 79 (1997), pp. 38–44Google Scholar.

³⁷ Diemer, Kurt, ‘Die Heiratsverhandlungen zwischen Königin Elisabeth I. von England und Erzherzog Karl von Innerösterreich, 1558–1570’ (Ph.D. thesis, Tübingen, 1969)Google Scholar. See also von Klarwill, Victor, ed., Queen Elizabeth and some foreigners: being a series of hitherto unpublished letters from the archives of the Hapsburg family (London, 1928)Google Scholar; Doran, Susan, ‘Religion and politics at the court of Elizabeth I: the Habsburg marriage negotiations of 1559–1567’, English Historical Review, 104 (1989), pp. 908–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Monarchy and matrimony: the courtships of Elizabeth (London, 1996).

³⁸ Patterson, W. Brown, ‘The Anglican reaction’, in Spitz, Lewis W. and Lohff, Wenzel, eds., Discord, dialogue, and concord: studies in the Lutheran Reformation's Formula of Concord (Philadelphia, PA, 1977), pp. 150–65Google Scholar, at p. 164.

³⁹ See also studies on Scottish Lutherans and diplomacy between Denmark and the British Isles: McNeill, John T., ‘Alexander Alesius, Scottish Lutheran (1500–1565)’, Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte, 55 (1964), pp. 161–91Google Scholar; Cameron, James K., ‘John Johnsone's An confortable exhortation of our mooste holy Christen faith and her frutes: an early example of Scots Lutheran piety’, in Baker, , ed., Reform and Reformation, pp. 133–47Google Scholar; Ilsøe, Harald, ‘Gesandtskaber som kulturformidlende faktor: forbindelser mellem Danmark og England-Skotland o. 1580–1607’, Historisk Tidsskrift, 11th ser., 6 (1962), pp. 574–600Google Scholar; Christensen, Thorkild Lyby, ‘Scots in Denmark in the sixteenth century’, Scottish Historical Review, 49 (1970), pp. 125–45Google Scholar; use with caution, Kirchner, Walther, ‘England and Denmark, 1558–1588’, Journal of Modern History, 17 (1945), pp. 1–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁰ See, though, Ryrie, ‘Strange death’, p. 66.

⁴¹ Hall, Basil, ‘The early rise and gradual decline of Lutheranism in England (1520–1600)’, in Baker, , ed., Reform and Reformation, pp. 103–31Google Scholar, at p. 107. Suggestive of historiographical currents at the time (and to come) was Patrick Collinson's essay immediately before Hall's in the same volume, ‘Calvinism with an Anglican face: the stranger churches in early Elizabethan London and their superintendent’, pp. 71–102, esp. 102, ‘the distinctive and coherent body of divinity implied by [Anglicanism] had no apparent existence in the days of the Elizabethan Calvinist consensus’.

⁴² Fritze, Ronald H., ‘Root or link? Luther's position in the historical debate over the legitimacy of the church of England, 1558–1625’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 37 (1986), pp. 288–302CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Baker, J. Wayne, ‘Sola fide, sola gratia: the battle for Luther in seventeenth-century England’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 16 (1985), pp. 115–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On historical links and co-operation, compare Jones, Norman L., ‘Matthew Parker, John Bale, and the Magdeburg Centuriators’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 12 (1981), pp. 35–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁸ Doran, Susan, ‘Elizabeth I's religion: the evidence of her letters’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 51 (2000), pp. 699–720CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 716, 720. The most thorough analysis of the queen's religion will undoubtedly be Simon Adams's forthcoming biography, Elizabeth I, for Yale University Press.

⁴⁹ Trim, David J. B., ‘Seeking a Protestant alliance and liberty of conscience on the continent, 1558–1585’, in Doran, and Richardson, , eds., Tudor England and its neighbours, pp. 139–77Google Scholar.

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⁵³ Gehring, David Scott, Anglo-German relations and the Protestant cause: Elizabethan foreign policy and pan-Protestantism (London, 2013)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁵ Milton, Anthony, ‘The Church of England and the Palatinate, 1566–1642’, in Ha, and Collinson, , eds., The reception of the continental Reformation, pp. 137–65Google Scholar, on Ursinus's commentary at pp. 140–1.

⁵⁶ McCullough, Peter E., ‘Lancelot Andrewes's transforming passions’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 71 (2008), pp. 573–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Stanglin, Keith, ‘“Arminius avant la lettre”: Peter Baro, Jacob Arminius, and the bond of predestinarian polemic’, Westminster Theological Journal, 67 (2005), pp. 51–74Google Scholar. Nicholas Tyacke has repeatedly observed similarly regarding the Danish Lutheran, Niels Hemmingsen, whose works were widely available in England either in English translation or in the Latin original; see, for example, ‘Anglican attitudes: some recent writings on English religious history, from the Reformation to the Civil War’, Journal of British Studies, 35 (1996), pp. 139–67.

⁵⁷ Ryrie, ‘The afterlife’, p. 213. Because Mohr Siebeck, rather than a British press, published the volume in Tübingen, Sister Reformations has not received the attention it deserves from scholars in the UK and USA; likewise underappreciated is Gassmann, Günther and Vajta, Vilmos, eds., Tradition im Luthertum und Anglikanismus (Gütersloh, 1972)Google Scholar. MacCulloch's involvement in Berlin (and elsewhere) is indicative of his reading of a ‘shallow’ Channel, but Patrick Collinson was probably correct when he stated that ‘MacCulloch is not, I think, a member of the Luther fan club’, in his review of MacCulloch's The Reformation: Europe's house divided (London, 2003), ‘Part of the fun of being an English Protestant’, London Review of Books, 22 July 2004, pp. 22–3, at p. 23.

⁵⁸ Dorothea Wendebourg and Alec Ryrie, eds., Sister Reformations II: Reformation and ethics in Germany and in England/Schwesterreformationen II: Reformation und Ethik in Deutschland und in England (Tübingen, 2014).

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⁶¹ Dawn, Russell, ‘The eucharistic theology of Richard Field (1561–1616): confusion, contradiction, or creative synthesis?’, Renaissance and Reformation Review, 8 (2006, published 2008), pp. 147–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; originally presented at the Society for Reformation Studies Conference in Cambridge, Apr. 2007. Benjamin Guyer, ‘Juxta normam Augustanae confessionis: Lutheran theology in Elizabethan England’, paper presented at the Sixteenth Century Society and Conference in Cincinnati, Oct. 2012. I am grateful to Mr Guyer for sharing his paper before its presentation.

⁶² See my Diplomatic intelligence on the Holy Roman Empire and Denmark during the reigns of Elizabeth I and James VI: Three Treatises (Camden Fifth Series, Cambridge, forthcoming).

⁶³ One may point out that ‘Sister Reformations’ overstates the case, and that ‘half-sisters’ (like Mary and Elizabeth) is the better comparison.