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French Rhineland Policy at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

Extract

The victory of the Allied powers in November 1918 gave the French a unique opportunity to establish a secure frontier on the Rhine. Throughout the peace conference that followed, the politicians, generals and intellectuals of the right who perceived this opportunity most clearly conducted a vigorous campaign to achieve France's ‘natural frontier.’ The separation of the Rhineland from Germany had three incontestable advantages for France. It would diminish Germany's superiority in population; it would establish a buffer zone between the two countries, and it would render impossible a German concentration of troops west of the Rhine itself. Such a ‘paix française’, however, would have been insensitive to the main consideration of post-war diplomacy: the creation of a lasting European peace that satisfied the conflicting foreign policies of the major allies. Chiefly to preserve the victorious alliance, Clemenceau, who at first had favoured the demands of the right, was forced to abandon the proposed separation and to accept a compromise. The French generals like Foch and Mangin who had worked to ‘deprussify’ the Rhineland did not realize their dream. The disputed territory, though occupied by a temporary, inter-allied force, remained German.

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1978

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References

Abbreviations used in the footnotes. CAB: British cabinet papers, Public Record Office. CMP: Charles Mangin papers, Archives Nationales. CTP: Procès-verbaux de la Commission des Traités de paix, Archives Nationales. FO: Foreign Office papers, Public Record Office. FRPPC: U.S. Department of State, Papers relating to the foreign relations of the United States, Paris Peace Conference, 1919 (Washington, 19421947).Google Scholar LGP: Lloyd George papers, House of Lords Record Office. RSBP: Ray Stannard Baker papers, Princeton University. US Army: Department of the Army, The United States army in the world war (Washington, 1948).Google Scholar

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4 Mermeix (Terrail, Gabriel), Fragments d'histoire 1914–1919 (Paris, 1922), VI, 205–10.Google Scholar

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6 The Rhine was to be the western military frontier of Germany; the left bank was to be permanently occupied by an inter-allied army, and the occupied territory, not being economically self-sufficient, was to have guaranteed outlets through an association of western nations in a customs union. Mermeix, , Fragments, VI, 210–19.Google Scholar

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20 ‘Memorandum on currents of opinion in France’, 16 02 1919, FO 608/124, ref. 448/2/2.Google Scholar

21 Tardieu was ex-high commissioner to the United States, a member of the French delegation to the conference and Clemenceau's closest aide. Tardieu ‘a été un des hommes politiques plus marquants de son époque; il n'a pas été le grand homme d'Etat que ses débuts faisaient pressentir’. Laroche, J., Au quai d'Orsay avec Briand et Poincaré 1913–1926 (Paris, 1957), p. 62.Google Scholar The Tardieu memorandum, Archives du Ministère des affaires étrangères, papiers Tardieu 45: cited in D. Stevenson, ‘French war aims against Germany, 1914–19’ (forthcoming thesis). I am very grateful to Mr Stevenson for allowing me to consult a first draft of his dissertation, now nearing completion at Cambridge University. See also Tardieu, A., La Paix (Paris, 1921), pp. 165–84.Google Scholar

22 Poincaré, to Pichon, , 25 02 1919Google Scholar: ‘le travail de Tardieu s'accorde très heureusement avec ceux de Foch’. Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 182.Google Scholar Tardieu had been instructed by Clemenceau to clarify and reinforce Foch's arguments. His first paper, ‘Note sur le statut politique des pays de la rive gauche du Rhin’, was drafted as early as 15 Dec. 1918. A second set of notes was given to Balfour on 6 Feb., while a ‘note sommaire’ followed on 19 Feb. Tardieu was a tireless advocate. Papiers Tardieu 45, 47 and 49.

23 7 Mar., LGP F/147/1/1.

24 4 Mar., CAB 23/15/ 541A. Cf. Headlam-Morley, J. W., A memoir of the Paris peace conference (London, 1972), p. 44Google Scholar: ‘Nobody seems to know what the French proposals are for dealing with the left bank of the Rhine.’

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37 Fayolle, to Mangin, , 15 12 1918, CMP 149 AP 20.Google Scholar

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42 Ireton, Robert E., ‘The Rhineland commission at work’, The American Journal of International Law, 1923, p. 464.Google Scholar

43 Eltinge, Gen. LeRoy to Pershing, 17 01 1919Google Scholar, US Army, x, 508.Google Scholar See Mangin, C., Comment finit la guerre (Paris, 1920), p. 296.Google Scholar

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46 Miller, D. H., My diary at the conference of Paris (privately printed, 1924), VII, 270.Google Scholar

47 Foch, to Clemenceau, , 8 02 1919Google Scholar, papiers Tardieu 47: cited by Stevenson, ‘French war aims’. Jeanneney (pp. Clemenceau) to Foch, , 15 03 1919Google Scholar, Bariéty, , ‘De l'exécution’, p. 58.Google Scholar See also Bariéty, J., ‘Les réparations allemandes après la première guerre mondiale; objet ou prétexte à une politique rhénane de la France 1919–24’, Bulletin de la Société d'Histoire Moderne, 5e série, no. 6.Google Scholar

48 Mangin, C., ‘Lettres’, p. 502.Google Scholar

49 Clemenceau shared this interest in ‘deprussification’. CTP, 20e séance, 29 July 1919, p. 56. Tirard's plan became the basis of French Rhineland policy July 1919 to 1924. See Tirard, , ‘Rapport sur l'occupation de la rive gauche du Rhin aux points de vue politique et économique’, 31 01 1919Google Scholar, papiers Tardieu 47; cf. Tirard, P., La France, pp. 325–6.Google Scholar

50 Dorten, J. A., La tragédie rhénane (Paris, 1945), p. 50.Google Scholar

51 Clemenceau, to George, Lloyd, 15 11 1918, Archives de la guerre, fonds Clemenceau, 6 N 72.Google Scholar

52 George, Lloyd to Kerr, P. H., 11 11 1919, LGP F/89/2/8.Google Scholar

53 Dorten, , La Tragédie, pp. 35–8Google Scholar provides a full, though partisan, account of these events. See also King, , Foch versus Clemenceau, pp. 2843.Google Scholar

54 The industrialists wanted independant states on both sides of the Rhine, a heresy inimical to French strategic interests and denounced by Fayolle as ‘républiques à cheval’. Fayolle, to Manghi, , 10 03 1919, CMP 149 AP 21.Google Scholar

55 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 112, 2 Feb., and p. 177, 24 Feb.Google Scholar

56 Ibid. p. 283, 27 Mar.

57 Lloyd George to P. H. Kerr, 11 Feb., LGP F/89/2/8.

58 George, D. Lloyd, The truth about the peace treaties (London, 1938), I, 396.Google Scholar The international dimension of this question is discussed at length in the excellent study by Nelson, , Land and power, pp. 192218.Google Scholar

59 28 Feb., CAB 23/15/538A. ‘The idea of maintaining a permanent military force on the Rhine was intolerable’, Lord Curzon in cabinet, 4 Mar. 1919, CAB 23/15/541A.

60 Seymour, , House, IV, 345–7.Google Scholar

61 ‘Notes of a discussion with M. Tardieu and Dr Mezes’ by P. H. Kerr, 11/12 Mar., LGP F/89/2/40. See also papiers Tardieu 45.

62 4 Mar., CAB 23/15/541A.

63 George, Lloyd, The truth, 1, 403.Google Scholar

64 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 245Google Scholar, 14 Mar. Loucheur, L., Carnets secrets 1908–1932 (Paris, 1962), pp. 71–2.Google Scholar ‘Note sur la conversation du 14 mars’, papiers Tardieu 51, cited in Stevenson, ‘French war aims’.

65 ‘Note sur la suggestion presentée le 14 mars 1919’, Tardieu, , La paix, pp. 197201.Google Scholar

66 The Fontainebleau memorandum, 25 Mar., George, Lloyd, The truth, 1, 404–16.Google Scholar

67 Tardieu, , La paix, p. 193.Google Scholar The details of the dispute and the settlement are in Nelson, , Land and power, pp. 219–48.Google Scholar

68 Wilson told his advisers on 28 Mar., ‘I do not know whether the Peace Conference will continue’. Seymour, C. and House, E., What really happened at Paris (New York, 1921), p. 464–5.Google Scholar

69 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 337Google Scholar, 15 Apr. Clemenceau later described the fifteen year occupation as ‘la chose la plus difficile à obtenir’, CTP, 5e séance, 11 July 1919, p. 76.

70 FRPPC v, 113–14 and 357.Google Scholar

71 Mantoux, P., Les délibérations du conseil des quatre (Paris, 1955), II, 410 and 271.Google Scholar

72 Clemenceau: ‘Nous ne pouvons pas vivre isolés; le temps du “splendide isolement” est passé’. CTP, 5e séance, 11 July 1919, p. 8. French dependance on the Anglo-American alliance was not merely strategic. Throughout the conference, British and American subsidies saved France from even higher inflation and from a subsistence crisis.

73 FO 608/142, ref. 477/1/9.

74 CTP, 5e séance, 11 July 1919, p. 55, and aoe séance, 29 July, p. 60.

75 28 Feb., CAB 23/15/538A; 4 Mar., CAB 23/15/54A.

76 See page 664 below.

77 This was the attitude taken by members of the Commission des traités de paix. See séances 5, 11 and 20.

78 Foch ‘is kept in complete ignorance of all that is going on. Clemenceau tells him nothing.’ Callwell, C. E., Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson (London, 1927), II, 185.Google Scholar See Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 414, 6 May.Google Scholar

79 Marshal Joffre remarked that Clemenceau would not ‘brook anyone else's authority or admit of divided authority’. FRPPC, 1, 382.Google Scholar

80 ‘There are considerable rumours of differences of opinion between Foch and Clemenceau, though not on fundamental points.’ British intelligence report, LGP F/389/2/p.

81 Clemenceau alerted Pétain to the possibility of replacing Foch. See Mordacq, , Clemenceau, II, 227–31 and 260.Google Scholar Cf. Callwell, , Wilson, II, 189Google Scholar, ‘The Tiger is watching for an opportunity to remove Foch and put in Pétain’.

82 Mantoux, , Déliberations, II, 215.Google Scholar

83 Weygand, , Mémoires (Paris, 1957), II, 48.Google Scholar

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85 Ibid. pp. 270–1, 20 Mar. Henrietta was his wife.

86 The following paragraph is based on P, Miquel's important study, La paix de Versailles et l'opinion publique française (Paris, 1972).Google Scholar

87 Weygand, , Mémoires, II, 3941.Google Scholar

88 Foch also permitted the rumour of his intended resignation to fly around. ‘The question of the left bank of the Rhine now looms largest in the Paris negotiations and if not solved in a way which gives security to France, may lead to the resignation of Marshal Foch’, Morning Post, 19 04 1919.Google Scholar

89 Miquel, P., ‘Le Journal des Débats et la paix de Versailles’, Revue Historique, 1964, p. 409.Google Scholar

90 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 357, 19 Apr.Google Scholar

91 CTP, IIe séance, 17 07, pp. 118–19.Google Scholar

92 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 338Google Scholar, 16 Apr. This plan was being canvassed widely. Alexandre Ribot noted in his diary ‘Dubost m'a dit que si Clemenceau était renverser, Poincaré ferait un ministère présidé par Foch’. Journal d'Alexandre Ribot et correspondances inédites 1914–22 (Paris, 1936), p. 269.Google Scholar

93 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 348, 18 Apr.Google Scholar

94 Miquel, , La paix, p. 383.Google Scholar

95 CTP, IIe séance, 17 07, p. 118.Google Scholar

96 Poincaré, , A la recherche, pp. 315–16Google Scholar, 6 Apr. Poincaré refused Clemenceau's resignation.

97 Ibid. p. 345, 17 Apr. Cf. Weygand, , Mémoires, II, 41.Google Scholar

98 Mermeix, , Fragments, VI, 223–32Google Scholar; Mordacq, , Clemenceau, III, 243–6.Google Scholar

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100 Poincaré, , A la recherche, p. 290, 2 May.Google Scholar The published transcript omits ‘Mais puis-je faire?’ but it is to be found in the original manuscript at the Bibliothèque Nationale.

101 Poincaré, , A la recherche, pp. 412–14, 6 May.Google Scholar

102 Hankey, M. P., The supreme control at the Paris peace conference 1919 (London, 1963), pp. 146–7.Google Scholar

103 Clemenceau summarized Foch's views succinctly: ‘II déclare “J'aime mieux ne pas avoir l'Angleterre et l'Amérique et avoir le Rhin’”, which he described as ‘une vue de militaire non d'homme politique’. CTP, ne séance, 17 July, p. 161.

104 Nicolson, H., Peacemaking 1919 (London, 1933), p. 268.Google Scholar

105 Mangin, C., ‘Lettres’, p. 511.Google Scholar

106 Mangin wanted two republics: one Rhineland, one Palatine. But though General Gérard did make a similar separatist attempt in the Palatinate, from mutual antagonism the two initiatives were not co-ordinated. Cf. American military government of occupied Germany 1918–1920 (Washington, 1943), I, 291315.Google Scholar

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108 FRPPC, IV, 600, 21 Apr.Google Scholar

109 The Commission met from 31 May to 9 June; its proposals were ratified on 16 June. Cf. FRPPC, VI, 389–93 and 522.Google Scholar

110 Recueil des actes de la conférence, pt IV, D6, Commission interallié de la rive gauche du Rhin, pp. 65–6.Google Scholar Cf. FO 608/142, ref. 477/1/9.

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122 US Army, x, 1129.Google Scholar Mangin's move seemed particularly outrageous because Liggett and Wilson were under the impression that the fifty deputies were French. This misunderstanding, resolved on 27 May, was an added source of embarrassment to Clemenceau, for it appeared that French parliamentarians were actively engaged in trying to sabotage one of the most controversial provisions of the treaty.

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125 CTP IIe séance, 17 07, pp. 113–14.Google Scholar

126 Wormser, G., La république de Clemenceau (Paris, 1961), pp. 504–7.Google Scholar

127 Foch telegrams, 30 and 31 May, CMP 149 AP 20.

128 The Mangin papers contain numerous drafts of proclamations to the Rhinelanders, and a secret document entitled ‘Organisation de la fédération populaire rhénane’. CMP 149 AP 21 and 22. Cf. Mangin, L.-E., La France, p. 53.Google Scholar

129 Unsigned memorandum for Maj.-Gen. McAndrew, 2 June, US Army, x, 1149.Google Scholar

130 Gen. von Hammerstein to Gen. Nudant, 3 June, ibid., p. 1154. If the new republic had been successful, there is some evidence that it would not have been suppressed by the allies. Lord Robert Cecil, while he agreed that ‘we should take no action to encourage its formation’, considered that ‘If and when it has established an independent existance we can consider its recognition’. Winston Churchill supported this view. LGP F/6/6/5O and CAB 23/15/541A.

131 ‘Si les Rhénans veulent se donner à la France, je ne m'y refuserai pas’, Clemenceau. CTP, 5e séance, 11 July, p. 79 and p. 12.

132 Mantoux, , Délibérations, II, 270–2.Google Scholar

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134 Mangin, C., ‘Lettres’, p. 524.Google Scholar